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NEW SERIES 

PRINTED PRIVATELY FOR THE MEMBERS OF THE 

GYPSY LORE SOCIETY, 6 HOPE PLACE, LIVERPOOL 

BY T. & A. CONSTABLE, PRINTERS TO HIS MAJESTY 

AT THE EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY PRESS 








CONTENTS 

I. DROM^NGRO. By Principal Donald MacAlister, M.A., M.D., 
D.C.L., LL.D 

II. LALERE SINTE. By Bernard Gilliat-Smith 

III. THE TAROT. By D. F. de l'Hoste Rakking, LL.D. 

IV. L'ETUDE ANTHROPOLOGIQUE PES T SIGANES . Par le Dr. 

EtTOfeNl 



V. SOME 

S 

VI. TAW 

VII. WELSb 
LEN 







[Byhan, 
irkunde, 



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PAGE 
1 

2 
14 



PURCHASED FOR THE 

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY 

FROM THE 



CANADA COUNCIL SPECIAL GRANT SOCIETY 




THE 
bes 
of April 
1888 to 
1891, sh 
numbers.' 



FOR 



Lirigxiistics 



1888-1892, 
with that 
ol. L, July 
to April 
1892, four 



The Complete Set is now very scarce, and can only be obtained 
at prices considerably above the original cost of £4. 

Messrs. T. and A. Constable, U Thistle Street, Edinburgh, have 
Btill on sale several copies of Vol. III. at the original cost of £1, | 
and also most of the numbers of Vols. I. and II. at the original cost 
of 5s. for each number. 




JOURNAL OF THE 
GYPSY LORE SOCIETY 



NEW SERIES 



T 



JOURNAL OF THE 



GYPSY LORE 



SOCIETY 



NEW SERIES 



VOLUME II 



{JULY 1908— APRIL 1909) 




PRINTED PRIVATELY FOR THE iMEMBERS OF THE 

GYPSY LORE SOCIETY, 6 HOPE PLACE, LIVERPOOL 

BY T. & A. CONSTABLE, PRINTERS TO HIS MAJESTY 

AT THE EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY PRESS 



Tf 





66 






CONTENTS' 

PAOE 

Lists of Illustrations ....... vii 

List of Members ........ x 

Accounts for the' Year ending June 30, 1909 . . . xvii 

NO. 1.— JULY 1908. 

I. Drom^ngro. By Principal Sir Donald MacAlister, M.A., 

M.D., D.C.L., LL.D 1 

II. Lalere Sinte. By Bernard Gilliat-Smith ... 2 

III. The Tarot. By D. F. de l'Hoste Ranking, LL.D. . . 14 

IV. L'Etude Anthropologique des Tsiganes. Par M. le Dr. 

EugJine Pittard, privat decent a I'lmiversite de Geneve . 37 

V. Some Rumanian Gypsy Words. By Dr. A. Byhan, Assistant- 

Director of the Staatliches Museum fiir Vdlkerkunde, 

Hamburg ....... 45 

VI. Taw and the Gozvalo Gajo. By M. Eileen Lyster . . 50 

VII. Welsh Gypsy Folk-Tales. No. 5. O P'uro PETAL:fiNGERo. 

By John Sampson, D.Litt. ..... 53 

via. Transylvanian Gypsies. Sketches by Joseph Pennell . 61 

Reviews ........ 67 

Notes and Queries ...... 91 

NO. 2.— OCTOBER 1908. 

I. Spanish Gypsy Costume ...... 97 

11. A Gypsy's Letter to George Borrow in 1838. By Professor 

W. I. Knapp, Ph.D., LL.D 98 

III. Transylvanian Gypsies. Sketches by Joseph Pennell . 100 

IV. The Enchanted Man. Folk-Tale recorded by Provost Andrew 

M'Oormick ....... 105 

V. Some Old German-Gypsy Word-Lists. By E. 0. Winstedt, 

M.A., B.Litt ]09 

VI. Poverty AND a Song . , . . . .118 

VII. Der Zigeuner im Sprichwort Russischer Juden. Von Dr. 

Friedrich S. Krauss . . . . .120 

viii. Affairs of Egypt, 1907. By Henry Thomas Crofton . 121 

IX. Welsh Gypsy Folk-Tales. No. 6. Dui Xari t'a Po^ Xara. 

By John Sampson, D.Litt. . . . . .141 

1 Complete Lists of the Reviews and of the Notes and Queries will be found 
in the index under these headings. 



VI 



CONTENTS 



X. The House of the Open Door. By Alice E. Gillington 
XI. Three German Gypsy Melodies. By Bernard Gilliat-Smith 
XII. Whiter's ' Lingua Cingariana.' By Lady Arthur Grosvenor 
Reviews ........ 

Notes and Queries . . . 



PAGE 
150 

156 
161 
180 
184 



NO. 3.— JANUARY 1909. 

T. William Ireland Knapp. By David MacRitchie 
iL Russian Gypsy Songs. By Augustus E. John . 
iiL Drab. By John Myers ...... 

IV. The Former Costume of the Gypsies. By Henry Thomas 
Crofton ....... 

V. Welsh Gypsy Folk-Tales. No. 7. I DeMuto Sosoia. By John 

Sampson, D.Litt. . . 

VL The Secret Languages of Ireland. By Professor Kuno Meyer 
VTi. Some Words on the Dialects of the Transcaucasian Gypsies 
— BoSa and Karaci. By the late Professor K. P. Pat 
kanoff. Translated by D. F. de l'H. Ranking, LL.D 
{contimted) ...... 

Reviews ....... 

Notes and Queries ..... 



193 
197 
199 

207 

231 
241 



246 
267 
271 



NO. 4.— APRIL 1909. 

I. Richard Pischel : Ein Nachruf. Von Professor Dr. F. N. 

Finck ........ 289 

II. The Home of the Gypsies. By the late Geheimrat Professor 

R. Pischel, Tran.slated by Dora E. Yates, M.A. . . 292 

in. Transylvanian Gypsies. Sketches by Joseph Pennell . 320 

IV. Some Words on the Dialects of the Transcaucasian Gypsies 
— BosA and Karaci. By the late Professor K. P. Pat- 
KANOFF. Tran.sliited by D. F. de l'H. Ranking, LL.D. 
(condndcd) ....... 325 

V. English Gypsies in 1596. Communicated by John Sampson, 

D.Litt. ........ 334 

VI. Forms and Ceremonies. By E. 0. Winstedt, M.A., B.Litt. . 338 
VII. Die Zioeunergraber in Yolk:m.\rode. Von Professor Dr. 

Richard Andree ...... 366 

VIII. Gypsies in Baslk. Cnmmuniciited by Professor E. Hoffmann- 

Krayer ....... .368 

IX. Pedigree of Matthew Wood. By John Sampson, D.Litt. . 370 
X. Welsh Gypsy Folk-Tales. No. 8. Ladla. By John 

Sampson, D.Litt. ...... 372 

Notes anu Queries ...... 377 



Index 
Errata 



385 
410 



LIST OF PLATES 



WANDERING SINNTE. By Augustus E. John. Presented by 

the Artist ........ Frontispiece 

MODERN SCHAFFHAUSEN TAROT CARDS. (Facsimile) to face p. 14 

PROFESSOR ANTON HERRMANN EXAMINING A CHILD'S 
EAR-RINGS NEAR MAROS VASARHELY. By Joseph 

Pennell . . . . . , . ■ ), 62 

GITANOS. (Facsimile of Lithograph by J. E. Monfort, 1832) . ,, 97 

MARY STANLEY (IN THE FOREST). By Amelia Goddard . ,, 152 

IN HOLLY SHELTER. By Amelia Goddard . . . „ 154 

GYPSIES HALTING BY THE LING. By Amelia Goddard . „ 156 

WILLIAM IRELAND KNAPP ,,193 

CINGARA ORIENTALE. (Facsimile from Vecellio, Degli Habiti 

antichi et moderni, 1590) ......,, 223 

THE DtllL LAITHNE MS. IN THE LIBRARY OF TRINITY 

COLLEGE, DUBLIN. (Facsimile) . . . . ,, 244 

RICHARD PISCHEL ....,..„ 289 

MATTHEW WOOD ,,376 



CUTS IN THE TEXT 

PAGE 

TAROT ACES— CLUBS AND CUPS 19 

TAROT ACES-SWORDS AND COINS 20 

TAROT KEYS, 1-12 25 

TAROT KEYS, 13 21 AND THE FOOL 26 

DEPOSITORS AT THE MAROS vASARHELY BANK. By Joseph 

Pennell ......... 63 

A TYPE. By Joseph Pennell ...... 64 

A REAL OLD DAI. By Joseph Pennell ..... 65 



Vlll 



ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT 



PAGE 

THE CAMP BY THE RIVERSIDE. By Joseph Pbnnell . . 66 

THE BEAUTY OF A SAVAGE. By Joseph Pennell . . .101 

ON THE RUSSIAN FRONTIER, TRANSYLVANIA. By Joseph 

Pennell .......•• 102 

AN OLD ONE. By Joseph Pennell . . . . .103 

A WANDERING MUSICIAN NEAR ROUMANIAN FRONTIER, 

TRANSYLVANIA. By Joseph Pennell . . . .104 

ILLUSTRATION TO THE SECTION 'DE IMPROBE MENDICANTI- 

BUS.' (From Brandt's Navis Stvitif era, Ba.silee. 1507) . . 212 

ENGLISH GYPSIES. (From 'The brave English Jipsie') . . . 213 

ENGLISH GYPSIES. (From ' The brave English Jipsie,' Second Part) . 214 

ENGLISH GYPSIES. (Woodcut of unknown origin) . . .215 

BOHEMIENS EN MARCHE (quinzi^me sifecle). (From Lacroix, Moeurs, 

etc., ail Moyen Age,Ya.vm,\^1\). ..... 218 

ZUGINER. (From Munsteb, Co8mogra2)hia universalis, Basileae, 1554) . 220 

TITLE PAGE. (Tosi, Vaghi e diletteuoU Oiardini di Cingaresche, 

Bologna, 1611) ........ 225 

AT NADGY BANYA. By Joseph Pennell . . . .321 

A WOMAN AT D^ES. By Joseph Pennell . . . .322 

TWO OLD PALS. By Joseph Pennell ..... 323 

A CAMP. By Joseph Pennell ...... 324 



The Gypsy Lore Society 

6 HOPE PLACE, LIVERPOOL 

Year ending 30th June 1909 



President — Henry Thomas Crofton, 
p f j>. -1 i /Charles Godfrey Leland, 1888-92. 
IDavid MacRitchie, 1907-8. 



LIST OF MEMBEHS^ 

LIBRARIES AND SOCIETIES 

[219] AlDerdeen, Scotland, The University Library. 

[148] Berlin, Germany, Anthropologische Gesellschaft, Koniggratzer- 

strasse 120. 
[18] Berlin, Germany, Konigliche Bibliothek, Behrenstrasse 40, W. 64. 
[254] Birmingham, England, The Birmingham Book Club, care of 

C. Combridge, 4 and 5 New Street. 
[26] Birmingham, England, Free Reference Library, Ratcliffe Place. 
[162] Boston, Mass., U.S.A., The Athenaeum, care of Kegan Paul, Trench, 

Triibner & Co., Ltd., Dryden House, 43 Gerrard Street, 

Soho, London, W. 
[39] Boston, Mass., U.S.A., The Public Library, care of G. E. Stechert 

& Co., 2 Star Yard, Carey Street, Chancery Lane, London, 

W.C. 
[200] Brooklyn, N.Y., U.S.A., The Public Library, Montague Street. 
[260] Budapest, Hungary, Magyar Nemzeti Muzeum, Szechenyi orsz. 

Konyvtdra, care of Ranschburg Gusztav, Budapest iv, Feren- 

cziek-tere 2 szam (Kiraly-Bazar). 
[181] Calcutta, India, The Asiatic Society of Bengal (57 Park Street), 

care of Bernard Quaritch, 11 Grafton Street, New Bond Street, 

London, W. 
[239] Cambridge, England, The Union Society, care of W. H, Smith 

& Son, 7 Rose Crescent, Cambridge. 
[251] Cambridge, England, The University Library, 

^ The numbers printed in brackets before the names indicate the order in which 
members joined the Society, as determined by the dates of the receipts for their 
first subscriptions. The iirst new member M'ho joined after the revival of the 
Gypsy Lore Society in the spring of 1907 was No. 92, and lower numbers, of which 
there are thirt3'-three, distinguish those who were members during the first period 
of the Society's activity, which ended on June 30, 1892. 

ix 



X LIST OF MEMBERS 

[27] Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A., Harvard University Library, care of 

Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., Ltd., Dryden House, 

43 Gerrard Street, Soho, London, W. 
[151] Cardiff, South Wales, Central Public Library. 
[161] Chicago, 111., U.S.A., The Newberry Library, care of B. F. 

Stevens & Brown, 4 Trafalgar Square, Charing Cross, London, 

W.C. 
[145] Chicago, 111., U.S.A., The University Library, care of B. F. Stevens 

& Brown, 4 Trafalgar Square, Charing Cross, London, W.C. 
[265] Christiania, Norway, Universitets-Bibliotheket, care of Cammer- 

meyers Boghandel (Sigurd Pedersen og Eistein Raabe), Karl 

Johans Gade, 41 og 43, Kristiania, Norway. 
[163] Copenhagen, Denmark, The Royal Library, care of Francis 

Edwards, 83 High Street, Marylebone, London, W. 
[205] Detroit, Michigan, U.S.A., The Public Library, care of B. F. Stevens 

& Brown, 4 Trafalgar Square, Charing Cross, London, W.C. 
[261] Dresden, Germany, Konigliche Offentliche Bibliothek, Kaiser 

Wilhelm Platz 11. 
[252] Dublin, Ireland, The Library of Trinity College. 
[268] Dublin, Ireland, The National Library of Ireland, care of Hodges, 

Figgis & Co., Ltd., 104 Grafton Street, Dublin. 
[256] Durham, England, The University Lilirary, Palace Green. 
[203] Edinburgh, Scotland, The Advocates' Library. 
[204] Edinburgh, Scotland, The Philosophical Institution, 4 Queen Street. 

[89] Edinburgh, Scotland, The Public Library, George iv. Bridge. 
[156] Edinburgh, Scotland, The Royal Scottish Museum, care of James 

Thin, 54 South Bridge, Edinburgh. 
[49] Edinburgh, Scotland, The Signet Library, care of George P. 

Johnston, 37 George Street, Edinburgh. 
[141] Frankfurt am Main, Germany, Freihcrrlich Carl von Roth- 

schild'sche offentliche Bibliothek, Untcrmainkai 15. 
[212] Glasgow, Scotland, The Mitchell Library, 21 Miller Street. 
[255] Glasgow, Scotland, The University Library, care of James 

MacLehose & Sons, 61 St. Vincent Street. 
[236] Hamburg, Germany, Museum fiir Volkerkunde. 
[146] Ithaca, N.Y., U.S.A., Cornell University Library, care of Edward 

G. Allen & Son, Ltd., 14 Grape Street, Shaftesbury Avenue, 

London, W.C. 
[269] Leeds, England, The Central Free Public Library. 
[43] Leiden, The Netherlands, The University Library (Legaat Warner), 

care of S. C. van Doesburgh, Breetstraat 14, Leiden. 
[214] Liverpool, England, The Public Library, William Brown Street. 
[243] London, England, The British Museum, Department of Printed 

Books. 
[232] London, England, The London Library, St. James's Square, S.W. 

[28] Manchester, England, Public Free Reference Library, King Street. 
[216] Milan, Italy, Reale Biblioteca Nazionale di Brera, care of Asher 

iK: Co., 1 1 Bedford Street, Covent (iarden, London, W.C. 
[59] Miinchen, Bavaria, Kiinigl. Bayer, liof- und Staats-Bibliothek. 



LIST OF MEMBERS XI 

[147] New Haven, Conn., U.S.A., Yale University Library, care of 

Edward G. Allen & Son, Ltd., 14 Grape Street, Shaftesbury 

Avenue, London, W.C. 
[275] New York, U.S.A., Columbia University Library, care of G. E. 

Stechert & Co., 2 Star Yard, Carey Street, Chancery Lane, 

London, W.C. 
[135] New York, U.S.A., The Public Library, care of B. F. Stevens & 

Brown, 4 Trafalgar Square, Charing Cross, London, W.C- 
[244] Newcastle-upon-Tyne, England, The Public Library, New Bridge 

Street. 
[143] Northampton, Mass., U.S.A., The Forbes Library, care of Henry 

Sotheran & Co., 140 Strand, London, W.C. 
[13] Oxford, England, The Bodleian liibrary. 
[171] Oxford, England, The Meyrick Library, Jesus College. 
[218] Paris, France, Bibliotheque Nationale, care of Simpkin, Marshall, 

Hamilton, Kent & Co., Ltd., 2, 4, 6, 8 Orange Street, Hay- 
market, London, W.C. 
[277] Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A., The Free Library, 1217-1221 Chestnut 

Street. 
[133] St. Louis, Mo., U.S.A., The Mercantile Library, care of G. E. 

Stechert & Co., 2 Star Yard, Carey Street, Chancery Lane, 

London, W.C. 
[209] Stockholm, Sweden, The Royal Library, care of William Wesley 

& Son, 28 Essex Street, Strand, London, W.C. 
[266] Strassburg, Germany, Kaiserliche Universitats- und Landesbiblio- 

thek. 
[270] Vienna, Austria, K. K. Hofbibliothek, Josef splatz 1, care of Asher 

& Co., 14 Bedford Street, Covent Garden, London, W.C. 
[155] Washington, U.S.A., The Public Library of the Distinct of Columbia. 
[273] Weimar, Germany, Grossherzogliche Bibliothek. 
[46] Worcester, Mass., U.S.A., The Free Public Library, care of Kegan 

Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., Ltd., Dryden House, 43 Gerrard 

Street, Soho, London, W. 

INDIVIDUALS 

[119] Ackerley, The Rev. Frederick George, Grindleton Vicarage, near 

Clitheroe, Lancashire. 
[157] Adams, Alfred, 493 and 495 Collins Street, Melbourne, Victoria, 

Australia. 
[115] Aldersey, Hugh, of Aldersfey, near Chester. 
[259] Atkinson, Frank Stanley, Queen's Colk-ge, Oxford. 
[272] Baer, Joseph & Co. (Hochstrasse 6, Frankfurt am Main, Germany) 

care of Asher & Co., 14 Bedford Street, Covent Garden, 

London, W.C. 
[234] Bartlett, The Rev. Donald Mackenzie Maynard, St. Mark's 

Vicarage, Woodhouse, Leeds. 
[190] Bathgate, Herbert J., Industrial School, Burnham, Christchurch, 

New Zealand. 



xii LIST OF MEMBERS 

[210] Bax, Clifford, Ivy Bank, Hampstead, London, N.W. 

[263] Behrens, Walter L., The Acorns, Fallowfield, Manchester. 

[167] Bilgrami, Syed Hossain, Nawab Imad-ul-Mulk Bahadur, Hyderabad, 

Deccan, India. 
[110] Black, George F., Ph.D., New York Public Library, Lenox Library 

Building, New York, U.S.A. 
[139] Blaikie, Walter Biggar, F.R.S.E., 11 Thistle Street, Edinburgh. 
[129] Bonnier, Professor Charles, Ph.D., The University, Liverpool. 
[224] Borenius, C. Einar, Ph.D., Agence consulaire de France, Wiborg, 

Finland. 
[276] Borthwick, the Honble. Miss Gabrielle Margaret Ariana, Eaven- 

stone, Whithorn, Wigtown.shire, Scotland. 
[274] Bramley-Moore, Miss Eva, May Bank, 5 Bark Hill Road, Aigburth, 

Liverpool. 
[271] Brew, Miss Frances Violet, 12 Amberley Street, Liverpool. 
[175] Broadwood, Miss Lucy Etheldred, 84 Carlisle Mansions, Victoria 

Street, London, S.W. 
[154] Bulwer, Sir Henry Ernest Gascoyne, G.C.M.G., 17a South Audley 

Street, London, W. 
[222] Burr, Malcolm, D.Sc, Eastry, S.O., Kent. 
[185] Butterworth, Charles F., Waterloo, Poynton, Cheshire. 
[132] Carlheim-Gyllenskold, Dr. V., 4 Villagatan, Stockholm, Sweden. 
[196] Chorley, Herbert E., J.P., The Pyghtle, East Bergholt, Suffolk. 
[215] Clugnet, Leon, Licencie es lettres, Le Belvedere, Fresnes-les- 

Rungis, Seine, France. 
[248] Cole, Francis Joseph, University College, Reading. 
[23] Colocci, The Marquis Adriano, Catania, Sicily. 
[17] Constable, Archibald, LL.D., F.R.S.E., Berwick Lodge, Clevedon, 

Somerset. 
[7] Crofton, Henry Thomas (President), Oldfield, Maidenhead, Berks. 
[100] Dalglish, Miss J. Dorothy, B.Sc, Dunrowan, Meols Drive, West 

Kirby, Cheshire. 
[221] Dawkins, Richard M'^Gillivray, M.A., British Archaeological School, 

Athens, Greece. 
[245] Dickson, Mrs. J. Geale, Hollybrook House, Shirley, Southampton. 
[104] Dinwiddle, Robert, Overton, Moffat Road, Dumfries. 
[177] Dunn, James, 64 Victoria Street, Newton-Stewart, Wigtownshire. 
[101] Ehrenborg, Harald, 1 Domkyrkogatan, Linkoping, Sweden. 
[118] Eve, The Honourable Mr. Justice Harry Trelawney, Yarner, 

Bovey Tracey, R.S.O., S. Devon. 
[207] Farrell, Frank James, M.Sc, Lakenheath, 54 Wellesley Road, 

Great Yarmouth. 
[44] Ferguson, Professor John, LL.D., The University, Glasgow. 
[176] Ferguson, William, Manor House, Tytherington, near Macclesfield. 
[102] Finck, Professor Franz Nikolaus, Ph.D., Bahnstrasse 8, Siidende 

bei Berlin, Germany. 
[226] Fisher, Charles Dennis, M.A., Christ Church, Oxford. 
[152] Fletcher, H. G., 90 Holland Street, West Somerville, Mass., 

U.S.A. 



LIST OF MEMBERS xm 

[195] Forbes, Henry Ogg, LL.D., F.RG.S., The Museums, William 

Brown Street, Liverpool. 
[191] Foster, Thomas S., M.A., Cashei Street, Christchurch, New 

Zealand. 
[235] Fraser, Thomas, J.P., Maxwellknowe, Dalbeattie, Scotland. 
[231] Fyflfe, Colin C. H., 1406 New York Life Building, Chicago, 111., 

U.S.A. 
[137] Gilliat-Smith, Bernard Joseph, His Britannic Majesty's Legation, 

Sofia, Bulgaria. 
[197] Gillington, Miss Alice E., Wykeham, 29 Blenheim Park Road, 

S. Croydon, Surrey. 
[250] Goddard, Miss Amelia, Lark's Gate, Thorney Hill, Bransgore, 

Hants. 
[116] Gray, The Rev. John, St. Peter's, Falcon Avenue, Morningside, 
Edinburgh. 
[15] Greene, Herbert Wilson, M.A., B.C.L., Magdalen College, Oxford. 
[92] Grosvenor, Lady Arthur, Broxton Lower Hall, Handley, near 

Chester. 
[98] Hall, The Rev. George, Ruckland Rectory, Louth, Lincolnshire. 
[168] Hewlett, John H., Parkside, Harrow-on-the-Hill. 
[202] Hinuber, Miss Etheldred T., 34 Linden Road, Bedford. 
[233] Homan, Ernest von, 19 Davigdor Road, Brighton, Sussex, 
[213] Humphreys, A. L., York Lodge, Baker Street, Reading. 
[90] Huth, Captain Frederick H., Beckford House, 20 Lansdown 
Crescent, Bath. 
[169] Huth, Sydney Francis, 144 Sinclair Road, Kensington, London, W. 
[144] Imlach, Miss G. M., B.A., care of Miss M. Eileen Lyster, 8 Grove 

Park, Liverpool. 
[165] Jackson, Miss Enid, 12 Forest Road, Birkenhead. 
[193] John, Augustus E., 153 Church Street, Chelsea, London, S.W. 
[178] Kershaw, Philip, 6 North Street, Smith Square, Westminster. 
[45] Knapp, The late Professor William Ireland, Ph.D., LL.D., 191 

rue de I'Universite, Paris, France. 
[51] Kuhn, Geheimrat Professor Ernst, Ph.D., Hess-Strasse 5, Munich, 

Germany. 
[96] Lothian, Maurice John, Redwood, 16 Spy law Road, Edinburgh. 
[130] Lovell, Miss Fenella, 203 Boulevard Raspail, Paris, France. 
[106] Lyster, Miss M. Eileen, 8 Grove Park, Liverpool. 
[75] MacAlister, Principal Sir Donald, K.C.B.,M.A.,M.D.,D.C.L., LL.D., 
The University, Glasgow. 
[220] Macalister, Robert Alexander Stewart, Torrisdale, Cambridge. 
[41] M'^Carthy, Justin Huntly, 67 Cheriton Road, Folkestone. 
[93] M'^Cormick, Provost Andrew, 60 Victoria Street, Newton-Stewart, 
Wigtownshire. 
[138] Macdonald, The Honble. Mrs. Godfrey, Portree House, Portree, 

Isle of Skye. 
[183] M<=Evoy, Charles Alfred, Westcott, Sparsholt, Wantage, Berks. 
[223] Macfie, Miss Alison Bland Scott, Rowton Hall, Chester. 
[158] Macfie, Charles Wahab Scott, 5 Hunter Street, Chester. 



XIV LIST OF MEMBERS 

[112J Macfie, John William Scott, B.A., B.Sc, M.B., Ch.B., Eowton 

Hall, Chester. 
[108] Macfie, Robert Andrew Scott, M.A., B.Sc. {Hon. Secretary), 

6 Hope Place, Liverpool. 
[262] MacGrilp, The Rev. John D., M.A., The Crown Manse, Inverness, 

Scotland. 
[125] M'^Kie, Norman James, M.D., 14 Arthur Street, Newton-Stewart, 

AVigtownshire. 
[206] Maclaren, J. Stewart, Hartfell House, Moffat, Scotland. 
[240] MacLeod, William, 10 Rhode Island Avenue, Newport, Rhode 
Island, U.S.A. 
[1] MacRitchie, David, F.S.A.Scot., 4 Archibald Place, Edinburgh. 
[136] M<=Whir, James, M.B., Ch.B., Swinton, Duns, Berwickshire. 
[95] Maitland, Mrs. Ella Fuller, 131 Sloane Street, London, S.W. 
[97] Malleson, The Rev. Herbert Harry, Manston Vicarage, Crossgates, 
near Leeds. 
[153] Marston, Miss Agnes, B.A., 13 Denman Drive, Newsham Park, 

Liverpool. 
[123] Marston, Miss F., M.A., 4 Bathurst Park Road, Lydney, Gloucester- 
shire. 
[113] Merrick, William Percy, Elvetham, Shepperton, Middlesex. 
[188] Mitchell, William, 14 Forbesfield Road, Aberdeen. 
[120] Moon, Mrs. Richard, Peuyvoel House, Llanymynech, Mont., 

S.O. 
[172] Moreton, The Lord, Sarsden House, Chipping Norton, Oxon. 
[247] Moriarty, J. R., 119 Mecklenburg Street, St. John, New Bruns- 

Avick, Canada. 
[217] Muir, Professor John Ramsay Bryce, M.A., The University, Liver- 
pool. 
[105] Myers, John, 24 Coldra Road, Newport, Monmouth. 
[179] Myres, Professor John Linton, M.A., F.S.A., The University, 

Liverpool. 
[278] Nutt, David, 57-9 Long Acre, London, W.C. 
[134] Oliphant, Stuart, 24 Castle Street, Edinburgh. 
[211] Owen, David Charles Lloyd, M.D., Vrondeg, Four Oaks, Sutton 
Coldfield, Warwickshire. 
[76] Owen, Miss Mary Alicia, 306 North 9th Street, St. Joseph, Mo 
U.S.A. 
[150] Parker, The Rev. John, 11 Monteith Row, Glasgow. 
[11] Ponnell, Mrs. Elizabeth Robins, 3 Adelphi Terrace House, Robert 
Street, Strand, London, W.C. 
[238] Perkins, Mrs. K, Tomchaldon, Aberfeldy, Perthshire. 

[94] Perkins, Sidney W., Tomchaldon, Aberfeldy, Perthshire. 
[180] Pischel, The late Geheimrat Professor R., Ph.D., Joachim 

Friedrichstrasse 47, Berlin-Halensec, Germany. 
[241] Plowdon, Colonel W., Hopesay, Astoii-on-Clun, Salop. 

[80J Prideaux, Colonel W. F., 1 West Cliff Terrace, Ramsgate. 
[201] Prince, Professor John Dyneley, 15 Lexington Avenue, New York 
City, U.S.A. 



LIST OF MEMBERS XV 

[227] Quevedo, Senor Professor Don Samuel A. Lafone (391 San Martin, 

Argentine Kepublic), care of Henry Young & Sons, 12 South 

Castle Street, Liverpool. 
[88] Rae, Mrs. John, Glenelly, Chislehurst, Kent. 
[114] Raffalovich, Marc Andre, 9 Whitehouse Terrace, Edinburgh. 
[56] Ranking, David Fearon de I'Hoste, LL.D., 9 Overstrand Mansions, 

Battersea Park, London, S.W. 
[103] Reynolds, Llywarch, B.A., Old Church Place, Merthyr Tydfil, 

Wales. 
[107] Robertson, Donald Struan, Trinity College, Cambridge. 
[164] Rothenstein, William, 11 Oak Hill Park, Hampstead, London, 

N.W. 
[184] Roxby, Percy Maude, The University, Liverpool. 
[126] Russell, Alexander, M.A., Dundas Street, Stromness, Orkney. 
[87] Saltus, J. Sanford, Salmagundi Club, 14 West 12th Street, New 

York, U.S.A. 
[16] Sampson, John, D.Litt., M.A., Caergwyn, Bettws-Gwerfil-Goch, 

Merionethshire. 
[140] Sandeman, Fleetwood, 80 Albert Hall Mansions, Kensington Gore, 

London, S.W. 
[159] Sandy, Fred. J., 18 Terrace Road, Mount Pleasant, Swansea. 
[267] Scarre, Miss Annie M., 6 Summerhill East, Sunderland. 
[264] Scott, Charles Payson Gurley, 150 Woodworth Avenue, Yonkers, 

New Y^ork, U.S.A. 
[249] Sharman, Mrs. E. A., 30 Hailsham Avenue, Streatham Hill, 

London, S.W. 
[253] Shaw, Fred., The Bank House, Friern Barnet, London, N. 
[182] Sheppard, C. W., Dennis, Redcar. 
[Ill] Sinclair, Albert Thomas, 37 North Beacon Street, Allston (Boston), 

Mass., U.S.A. 
[128] Slade, C. F., The Rookery, Briston, Melton Constable, Norfolk. 
[122] Slade, Edgar A., 132 Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, London, S.W. 
[124] Smith, Andrew, 28 India Street, Edinburgh. 
[20] Smith-Stanier, Hubert, Brooklynne, Willes Road, Leamington 

Spa, Warwickshire. 
[187] Spalding, Dr. James A., 627 Congress Street, Portland, Maine, 

U.S.A. 
[127] Stewart, Ian Lindsay, W.S., 28 India Street, Edinburgh. 

[83] Strachey, Charles, 33 Carlyle Square, Chelsea, London, S.W. 
[246] Sykes, Major P. Molesworth, C.M.G., His Britannic Majesty's 

Consulate-General, Meshed, Persia, n'a Berlin and Askhabad. 
[199] Symons, Arthur, 10 Clifton Hill, St. John's Wood, London, 

N.W. 
[257] Thesleff, Arthur, Administracion, Colonia Finlandesa, Territorio 

de Misiones, Bompland, Argentine Republic. 
[258] Thompson, T. W., The Grammar School, Faversham, Kent. 
[208] Torr, Miss Dona Ruth, Carlett Park, Eastham, Cheshire. 
[242] Tyler, Royall, 55 rue de Verneuil, Paris. 

[9] Valentine, Milward, 9 Mannering Road, Sefton Park, Liverpool. 



XVI LIST OF MEMBERS 

[142] Wackernagel, Professor Jakob, Ph.D., Hoher Weg 12, Grottingen, 

Germany. 
[229] Walling, R. A. J., 9 Brunswick Terrace, Plymouth. 
[160] Ward, Lauriston, 1346 First National Bank Building, Chicago, 

III, U.S.A. 
[33] Watts-Dunton, Walter Theodore, The Pines, 11 Putney Hill, London, 

S.W. 
[225] Wellstood, Frederick Christian, 45 Marston Street, Oxford. 
[230] White, John G. (Williamson Building, Cleveland, Ohio, U.S.A.), 

care of Bernard Quaritch, 11 Grafton Street, New Bond Street, 

London, W. 
[121] Winstedt, Eric Otto, M.A., B.Litt., 230 Abingdon Road, Oxford. 
[149] Woolner, Professor Alfred C, M.A., Principal of the Oriental 

College, Lahore, Lidia. 
[117] Yates, Miss Dora Esther, M.A., 9 Belvidere Road, Princes Park, 

Liverpool. 
[109] Yoxall, Sir James Henry, M.P., Springfield, 20 Kew Gardens Road, 

Kew. 



Honorary Secretary : R. A. Scott Macfie, 
6 Hope Place, Liverpool. 



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I 



JOURJfAL OF THE 

GYPSY LORE 

SOCIETY 



NEW SERIES 



Vol. II 



JULY 1908 



No. 1 



I.—O DROMEXGRO 

'Rdl tern ta gav shukdr ptrdv', 
Sdr huti me rhoddva / 

'Kai man shokhdri pesseren, 
'Doi chikli kJidra lava. 

Akyd t' okyd me bikind — 
Vang ushtrid cJiaieng i, 

Sar lenge dudene yakd, 
Ta valin I mursltengi. 

Rasheske muri me chord, 
Gard rnan 're veslttendi, 

Raieske raklid siJcavd 
T'anden romd ke lendi. 

R'i rat hut vasaves kedom, 
Ta tug 'vas man 'doleste : 

Bikom 'rdl starimdski khev, 
Chinddm Izd trupdste. 

Beshtom tugnu, kho'ind dikom 

I chirikle te 'venas 
Aral khestydr, ta bakhtales 

'Pre nashto-ruk kelenas. 




VOL. II. — NO. L 



LALERE SINTE 

Mukena man tejdv avrl, 

Mi cha'Di nandi lajda : 
Vavrengi huti 'vel tajal, 

Mi bUti nai nashela. 

[By Donald MacAlister, after C. S. Calverley's ' Vagabond.'] 



IL— LALERE SINTE 
By Bernard Gilliat-Smith 



WHEN writing my article on the Gypsies of the Rhine I 
was conscious of feeling something akin to home-sickness. 
I had not known the race before, and have never since been on 
such intimate terms with the Kale of any of the countries where I 
have met them. Living a gddsikano dsiben, in the midst of a 
gddsikani family who spoilt me ' right gorgiously,' and feeling 
sore oppressed by the humdrum peace of my respectable sur- 
roundings, I had thrown myself, body and soul, into the arms of 
my dunlde Freunde, with such fervour as to cause them consider- 
able surprise, being, as they are, accustomed to every conceivable 
kind of petty persecution and to open contempt on the part of 
the dumme Bauern, who, however, appear humane when compared 
with that most odious of atrocities, Prussian officialdom. Thus I 
became virtually one of them. It Avas not so, however, in the case 
of the Latere Sinte, whom I met but three times during my 
fourteen months' stay at Sponheim. What I am about to write 
will therefore, I fear, be of little value, except in so far that per- 
sonal experiences among the Tsel are always of some interest. As 
will be gathered from the Romanes text, there is good reason for 
believing the Latere Sinte to be at least closely connected with 
those so-called German Gypsies who recently visited our country, 
and whom Mr. Sampson described in the October number of this 
Journal. 

The term Latere Sinte, when used by the Gypsies of the Rhine, 
means all those Gypsies who are not of the category of those 
whom I described in the October number of the Journal. If, for 
instance, they were to come upon a band of English Gypsies Avan- 
dering over their province, they Avould probably, at least at first 
sight, call them Latere Sinte. The term appears to be used also 
to denote the Bohemian Gypsies in particular. The Avord Ldtoro 



LALERE SINTE 3 

is said to mean 'dumb': cf. Hindustani Idl. The Gypsies of Spain 
call the Portuguese Lalore, Lale. The termination -oro is probably 
the usual Romani diminutive. Many nations call foreigners 
dumb, because they cannot understand them. The Norwegian 
Gypsies call the Laplanders lallaro ; the Russians call the Germans 
niemtsy, which word is generally held to be a substantive derived 
in the usual way from the adjective niemoi : cf. also oniemietj, ' to 
become dumb.' 

I mentioned these Latere Shite in my last article : they were 
the first I ever met, and in many ways the most interesting. But 
I left out several details in connection with this, my first 
encounter, and they may be more appropriate here, since I am 
avowedly writing of the Latere Sinte. The beautiful woman's 
name was Zofi. After having duly gone through the ceremony 
(me adjuvante) of which I spoke before, she left the church and 
came round to the front door and stood on the doorstep, which 
Linda was destined to hallow for ever by beshing pre teste, and 
began to beg. I was much struck with her quaint Tyrolese 
accent, and persuaded the Frau Mutter {te del late mro bdro 
Level tatse divesa !) to fetch her some bread and cold meat 
steeped in artificial vinegar, economy being a great gorgio virtue ; 
but the rasdi was fast losing his gcidsikano temper, and had 
barred and bolted the door when we returned from the kitchen 
laden with good cheer. He allowed us to have our own way, 
though, when his mother, the very dearest of kind-hearted old 
ladies, of whom I cannot speak too highly, brushed him aside and 
unbarred the door while muttering : ' Lass docli die ai^ie Frau 
was zum Essen hekommen.'' But Zofi was not satisfied. She 
barely thanked us. It may be that I never got to know these 
Latere Sinte as well as the German Gypsies, or it may be that the 
former preserve their traditional ' qualities' more intact than the 
more civilised gddsikane Sinte; be that as it may, certain it is 
that I have never met a Gypsy who appeared to possess that 
gorgio-hatred described by Borrow to a higher degree than did 
this woman. Nor have I ever seen such persistent begging. 
When the raSdi was already at fuming point she changed her 
tone. Turning to me with a familiarity which delighted me, and 
caused the rami to call her a freches Weib, she said, ' Bu, Junge, 
run and fetch me some holy water for the love of God.' I rushed 
into my bedroom, emptied a medicine bottle, bounded into the 
church (the buildings joined, as the whole place was once a 



4 LALERE SINTE 

monastery, now over a thousand years old), and filled the bottle 
from the private family holy-water stoup. I returned to the door- 
step in time to witness the rasdi driving her away for good this 
time, and somehow got through the doorway, passed him, and 
made for Zofi, flourishing the bottle wildl3^ She snatched it from 
me, and with a hurried ' God bless thee,' made off, a beautiful, tall 
figure, almost too thin, a long thin face and rather too aquiline 
nose, bare feet, and the gait of a hurrying queen. I fidgeted and 
fussed and fretted during tea-time, and the rami prophesied that 
I should die young, as I was too excitable. At five o'clock I ran 
down into the village and found there great excitement : two vans 
opposite the schoolhouse, the dark and tattered figures of boys 
and girls begging in couples, little children sitting almost naked 
in the middle of the road and playing with mud, a tall dark man 
in leggings and with a long black beard busying himself apparently 
with the horse's harness, and Zofi, tall, and with head bowed, 
leaning up against the first van. Then she introduced me, in- 
formally, as der Junge, to her husband, and with many shouts and 
cracking of whips we started along the road to Kreuznach, I 
walking with Zofi abreast with the fi.rst van, and her rom, leading 
the horses. As we walked I must have jingled some money in 
my pocket, for she heard it, and asked how much I had got. I 
drew out a few silver pieces, to count them ; but she was too 
quick for me. She seized and hid away heaven knows where a 
two-mark piece that was sticking upright between my fingers in 
the open palm of my hand, drawing it through from underneath, 
thus avoiding the appearance of grabbing. I felt a dreadful dillo, 
as she would have said in her pretty dialect, and complained to 
her husband about her. He argued that he had no authority over 
her, admitted that I had not been properly treated, and offered me 
one mark to make up for the loss of two. I accepted. From that time 
onward all went well. As I mentioned in my former article, they 
appeared not to know the country and were glad of my services. 
It was a dark stormy night, with a strong west wind, but no rain, 
when I made my way to the camp, accompanied by a young 
friend who was afterwards my constant companion in my dealings 
with the German Gypsies, and found Zofi and the rest comfortably 
seated before a roaring fire in a platsa which I had chosen for 
them, and at the entrance to a tserxa or tent in which I spied 
comfortable beds of hay, which I had myself provided from a 
neighbouring Kaseskri. 



LALERE SINTE 5 

I foresee that I shall have to quote their language, and must 
therefore trouble the reader with a word or two about the spelling. 
It is essentially the same as that which I used in writing of the 
gddsikane Sinte, but I have decided not to Avrite the accent over 
any word when the accentuation is regular, i.e. when it falls on the 
penultimate. I am further obliged to use the j (with the sound 
of the German j in Jungfrau) in order to best render the sounds 
of certain words in this dialect — such as papiUsj, parastiij, 
etc., but shall otherwise use the y in words like yag. The latter 
word is, in the case of the Latere Sinte, best spelt with a ^ as 
opposed to the gddsikane Sinte's word ydJc, and, generally speaking, 
the non-explosive consonants tend to be much softer in this dialect 
than in that of the Rhine Province Kale. 

I sat, then, by the fire, on a pail turned upside down, and 
asked them the word for fire. They answered yag, and this was 
the first word I learned in Romani tsib. Zofi's rovi's brother then 
made me say to a girl sitting hard by, Tsumide ma, sukdr sei, 
where the German Gypsy would have said, De mande tsum, 
suker tsai. She answered, Tsi dap! (German Gypsy, me davo 
gar), whereupon Zofi's rom's brother laughingly told me her name 
was Detsa, a word which I subsequently found to mean ' Fish 
Hook,' and referred to her aquiline nose. She instantly made for 
him, crying out Malavo tii, ' I will strike or kill you ' (German 
Gypsy, me marava tut). Av-tdr^, zas-tdr^} said Zofi's husband, 
' Come, let 's set to,' and we then compiled a list of words, some of 
which I shall discuss later. After the lesson I dangled a white 
rosary I had with me before Detsa's eyes, and it certainly made 
the required impression ; so much so that when I met her again, 
half a year later, the first words she uttered were De man i tsikni 
Rosenkranz. 

During the lesson the children were very trying, and my 
teacher continually admonished them with za-tdr mandar and 
zan-te vurdonande, ' begone from me,' and ' begone into the van.' 
One little rascal, bare save for a large and greenish greatcoat, 
danced round us screaming Tsi zap, ' I won't go.' 

For ' What time is it ? ' they said Ketsi sddzura-i ? ' One 
o'clock ' was ek sadzo, ' two o'clock ' due sddzura. ' To-day,' 
'to-morrow,' and 'yesterday' were respectively rtrZjefs, tehara, and 
eiz, the last of the three, of true Sanskrit origin, being quite 

^ ^ pronounced like final e in German Gaie. 



6 LALERE SINTE 

unknown to my German Gypsies: cf. Greek Romani iU, Hun- 
garian Roraani iz, Sanskrit hjas. 

They had of course preserved the .s which has so largely 
changed into h in Germany, e.g. they said, Az Deblesa ! — IceUi puro 
sal ? — Ka zas ? — so kerddl ? When I was leaving them that night 
they taught me to say, Akdni zav-tar Jceri (German Gypsy Akana 
dsdu-mange Icere). ' Good-night ' was Del tide laE rat, i.e. ' May 
He (God) give you a good night.' Notice nasid djes, 'bad weather '; 
kai ml o droin, ' here goes the road ' ; mukdb kado tern erekre, 
' I leave this country for good ' ; and avena-ba ? ' are they 
coming ? ' ' 

From the above examples alone it will be seen how similar 
this dialect appears to be to that spoken by the Gypsies of 
Rumania. I do not propose to analyse each of the above expres- 
sions, but to leave this to the reader. Indeed, to any one at all 
acquainted with the Rumanian dialect, the similarity becomes at 
once apparent, and need only be mentioned here. 

In support of my contention that these Ldlere Sinte originally, 
and at no very distant date, left Rumania, I might further quote 
dillo for dinelo, del for devel, Ueri for holepen, and the days of 
the week, not counting Kurko, which is common to all dialects, 
namely, Luza, Marts, Tetradj, Zoya, Parastuj, Sdhato. But it 
will at once be noticed that this dialect has lost to a large extent 
the so-called Oxitonierung or accentuation of nouns and adjec- 
tives on the last syllable. In fact the accentuation is Hungarian, 
They even said kangBri for Greek Gypsy kangeri, German Gypsy 
kdngri, and teliri and dengiri for Ein Thaler and the • sea,' 
mor)iili for momeli, momeli, and so on. Further, the names of the 
seasons are of the Hungarian dialect, and where not of Romani 
origin, are derived from the Hungarian language, to wit, tawasi, 
mllai, eso, yivend, respectively 'spring, summer, autumn, and 
winter.' The following words are derived from the Hungarian, and 
are not, I believe, used by Rumanian Gypsies living in Rumania : — 
horiuko, a calf; hintoha, a pony chaise ; tisto, a policeman (or is 
it from klisto ?) ; kenjva, a book ; ziihuno, a coat ; sipka, a cap ; 
ketska, a goat ; gidumho, a dove ; kera, a boot. 

On the other hand, the following forms are only in common 
use among the Rumanian Gypsies : krdi, kaiser, emperor ; else- 
where kral, kralis, etc.; j)cipiUsj, shoe; ktdsu-lantsu, watch and 
chain ; katana, a soldier ; nasal, bad ; elsewhere the word is 
nasvalo, naselo, etc. ; herand, berand, a tent-pole. 



LALERE SINTE 7 

The following are common to both Rumanian and Hungarian 
dialects : kopdtsj, a tree ; kolopo, a hat ; solum, straw ; luzava, a 
pipe ; lampasj, a lamp ; ratjea, ratsia, rakia, is Servian Gypsy for 
brandy, gin, etc. 

Finally, words which I have been unable to classify, and some 
of which have to the present time refused to give up the secret of 
their origin, though I have pondered and gloated over them and 
searched and waited with more than Job's patience, I here give 
en hloc, hoping that some kind reader will know more about 
them than myself : dunjha, a bed ; geha, a cough ; Itanio, 
harness ; hungordje, Runkelriibe, beetroot ; Jiaristnj, baristnj, a 
stocking; horezo, wina, and kropatsa, all three without a trans- 
lation ; hera, clover ; lagato, a lock ; liorko, a hook ; seza, sedza, a 
cup ; erekre, off, away, for ever. 

Before leaving Zofi and her band, I must mention that I met 
them again in the early autumn of the same year. They were in 
the company of another family with but one van, who had been 

V 

travelling about the country alone, and had just rejoined Zofi when 
I met them. From the chief of this new family I learned the 
following lines : — 

Muri tsikni gadzi, 
Ker mange yag, 
Ke naste dzap ¥eri 
Du¥ala imiro §ero, 

from which I infer that he had been longer in Western Germany 
than the others. He himself told me that he had been ' doing ' 
Bavaria, only the place was getting too hot for him, so that he was 
now on his way to Elsass Lothringen. He said that he found the 
police in these parts (Kreis Kreuznach) much too clever, quite 
different from the Bavarian ones, who were all young men and 
easily befooled by the Gypsy lasses, and cajoled into conniving at 
Uorihe {sic), since they preferred flirtations along the roadside to 
the fulfilling of their gddzikani amta. He it was whom I first 
heard use the term gruUikane Sinte in connection with the 
Gypsies of the Rhine. He offered to tell me a long ^?(xrwism, in 
which figured a ' rakli le 'inperatosko,' but only on condition that 
I should give him the pair of shoes that I was wearing ; the 
bargain came to nothing, because neither of us could trust the 
other, each insisting that the other's share in the transaction 
should be completed first. This all happened at Waldbockelheim 
station, on the Nahe. Three days later the whole lot of them 



8 LALERE SINTE 

turned up at the Pfarrhaus, Sponlieim. The raSdi said they looked 
disgusting, because they were darker than in the previous March, 
owing to the hot summer. My new friend again claimed the 
shoes, and I the parinisin. I have never seen them since. 

I must now speak of the most typical Gypsies I ever met. 
They did not possess vans, but large, light carts, three in number, 
with arched canvas roofs. Their horses were good, and the pace 
they travelled at was almost uncanny, every jolt of the rickety 
vehicles threatening to hurl them to destruction. These Gypsies, 
too, are best defined as Ldlere Sinte. Their language was, if any- 
thing, more of the Rumanian Romani type than that hitherto 
quoted. 

At a quarter past six in the evening of the 28th of October 
1903, over a year after my last encounter with Ldlere Sinte, I was 
going down to Ackermann's Miihle with a letter in order that it 
might catch the evening train to Kreuznach. I was in the com- 
pany of my brother, and we were both on bicycles. It was a 
typical calm autumn evening, and as we had both been studying 
the whole afternoon we resolved to ride up to the wood called the 
Hahn, and to have a spin in the twilight along the great high- 
road to Treves. As we approached Branch's Miihle I felt sure that 
we were in the neighbourhood of Gypsies, but I had so often 
imagined the same thing under similar circumstances, under the 
stimulus of the twilight and the keen, penetrating damp of the 
evening air, that I merely turned to my brother with the word 
' supposing . . .,■' and onward we sped. Another two hundred 
yards and we were compelled to use all breaks in order not to run 
down a regular giant of a man wearing a huge sugar-loaf hat and 
leather leggings, and possessing a wonderfully long black beard, 
and by his side a slim young girl of about seventeen years of age, 
whose head reached to the rom's shoulder. She was his daughter. 
We dismounted, and greeted them in German. From the first 
we were pleasantly conscious of an atmosphere of joviality and 
merriment and excitability. We discussed the fine night. The 
young girl echoed all her father said, only in more gushing terms. 
We fairly shouted at one another, this being the normal way of 
conversing among the Ldlere Sinte, for such were these two, I now 
felt convinced. And when the talk turned upon money matters I 
felt that the time had come, and said, Drobdl-tu, onora, kai hi i 
pldtsa, feeling sure he would understand the first part, and hoping 
that the second part would also be intelligible, as I did not know 



LALERE SIXTE 9 

the Latere Sinte equivalent. The effect was instantaneous ; the 
girl peered into my face in the orthodox way, just as BorroAv would 
have had it, and the man, seizing me by the wrist in his excite- 
ment, asked sharply, 'Ral tu rom ? ' I felt a glow of satisfaction. 
At least he used the to me familiar //, and would doubtless under- 
stand pretty well my Romanes. They took us up the long sloping 
hill to their camp, I walking in front discussing money matters in 
Romanes with the sukdr sei, and the rom behind explaining to 
my brother, with shouts and gesticulations, the wickedness of the 
Hungarian government, using German and French and English 
to convey his meaning. 

I feel I must cut short these reminiscences, for time, space, and 
the patience of the reader will assuredly run out. We dined that 
night with the Sinte ; we were afraid of depriving them of their 
frugal meal, and took little, but the chief told us that no meal was 
so small that it could not be shared among friends. On the 
morrow, early in the morning, I witnessed a never to be forgotten 
scene, when some young Gypsy lads made a raid on Branch's 
Muhle, the miller himself being out ; Draga, the giant Gypsy's 
rami, firmly held the miller's fat and screaming wife, while the lads 
chased and caught and throttled and made off with a couple 
of splendid young turkeys. The whole encampment swore it 
would not leave until the following morning, but the counsel 
of the giant chief, whom they called the Bdro-ddr, prevailed, and 
they realised that it behoved them to fly and travel at a break- 
neck speed. At four o'clock in the afternoon we decided to follow 
them on bicycles, inquiring in every village as to the direction 
they had taken. The villagers thought we were afraid of the 
Zigeuner, and explained how we could best avoid them. When 
they learned that we were pursuing them, they would have it that 
we had been robbed, and one village offered its policeman and a 
contingent of ploughboys. They obviously did not believe us when 
we assured them that we merely desired the Gypsies' company 
above all things in this world. Thus we sped on, stopping 
once for half an hour, at the invitation of some peasants who 
were picking grapes on a Weinberg, and towards sunset we 
came upon our friends on the outskirts of a village between fifteen 
and twenty miles from Sponheim. We found the doors of all the 
houses barred, and were ourselves taken for Gypsies Avhen we 
banged at the closed shutters of a katsima in order to get some 
drink ; and still more so when, in our hurry to find our friends, we 



10 LALERE SIXTE 

rushed from the tavern forgetting to pay for our beer, and were 
recalled by the irate katsimdro. They evinced no surprise at 
seeing us, beyond their usual excitability. We advanced a mile 
out of the village, a halt was called, and, sitting in a ditch, we had 
a weird wild lesson in the romano kova. As the dictation pro- 
ceeded the Baro-ddr grew more and more excited. His wife, 
Draga, sat opposite me on the road side of the ditch, which was 
dry, my brother on my right, and the rom on the left. Swarms of 
children buzzed around, snatching our caps from our heads. Upon 
our pretending not to know the meaning of the word Uiim, the 
Bdro-ddr explained by kissing me on the left ear. His beard 
smelt of beer, burnt wood, pine trees, and the indescribable some- 
thing, — in fact, again the romano kova. His mind ran on horse- 
dealing, in the various meanings of the phrase, upon the events of 
the day, the long flight across country, the miller's fat wife, 
America, children born in ditches, great gatherings of the Roma, 
conjugal disturbances, and the affairs of everyday life. 

Zd, ta rode te 2')aruvds, Go, and seek that we may 

grastenser. Te bikines, bikin do some bartering, with horses. 
2)6 trin, pe Star mdrkuri seta ; ^ If you sell, sell for three or 
o gras panz berSengro, terno, four hundred marks apiece ; 
2)anzengro, asavo laso: zlpe the horse is five years old, 
sov kurke, ke laso, tai zilralo. young, a five-year-old one, I 

swear it — {lit. I remain good, 

true) — [its] life six weeks, and 

good, and strong. 

Zd ! trade, tra lokes I Zd- Go ! away you go ! now 

tuke sikrdr, und srito, o paso. slowly, now faster, now slow 

Za ano katsima, mange zob te down to a walking pace. Go 

XoX o gras. Me zavo dilr. into the tavern, beg oats, that 

Muro gras hunde ')(al zib ^ und the horse may eat. I am going 

kas 2)CiSo i pdni ; o klaino, te far. My horse must eat corn 

vet o gras perdo. Hunde zab and hay together with water ; 

kai rat dur : des-u-panz Sdd- and chaff and water, that the 

zuri. Besavo kote trin bis §tdr horse may become full. I must 

dives. go far to-night : fifteen hours. 

I shall remain there three or 
four days. 

' Notice the order of the words and the plural of .•<("/ ; also the pure Runianiau 
plural of certain neuter nouna, uri ; cf. below, mdzuri and the kicLura of Zofi's band. 
'^ Rumanian tJypsy for glr. 



LALERE SINTE 11 

Droboi-tu ! Nais, mora} Greetings ! Thanks, friend. 

KasaraJden?^ AraJdem muro Whom have you found? I have 

dddes tai Tniiro prdles. Koi found my father and my brother. 

hido ? Andjur hi §un tern, kai Where is he ? Both are still 

dS9 ^ muro dad. young, and [here] is my father. 

Muro pe hida^ ano Amerika ; My sister is in America; she 

Soji alkirela muro pen. Hai is called Sofi. And have you 

sundenkaipuro^ pe7ihi? Pari- heard how old my sister is? I 

kerao mange tuke, in Jiavo tern beg your pardon, in what country 

hi ? Me zava teli und zavo ano is she ? I am going down into 

nerntsu. Avela o pilro dumi- Germany. The old policeman 

tra^ko,^ baro sorenser. Leskr is coming, with a great beard 

romi hi t'uli. . . . (lit. beards). His wife is fat. . . . 

Ek set ta panz onurs. . . . One hundred and live men. 

Kova hi maro rod ! Kana zas . . . That is our master ! Now 

amenge ano gdv te las ameng'o let us go into the village to get 

nnas : haide '' te kinds o mas, ta the meat : come, let us buy the 

manro, tai paprika, tai ^nperi, meat, and bread, and Spanish 

tai zerelo, tai purri ; te kind- pepper, and pepper, and green 

menge matreli, ta o tsikan, te stutt", and onions ; let us buy 

aro, te yaro, te kaini ; te '^as potatoes, and the fat, and flour, 

tsales. Sik kjerao la. Kjerevds and eggs, and a chicken ; let us 

i hdri papin, i hidepaka ; eat our fill. I will cook it 

kjerevd la menge sik. Hundc quickly. Let us cook the large 

zao apo parupaskro, te kjeravo goose, the hulepaka ; we will 

les tsi pali %a^e kokres. cook it quickly. I must go to 

the market, and if I do not 
cook it he will eat it afterwards 
alone. 

Kano muro sukdr rai^ man- Now, my fine gentleman, I 

gavo til, hdri dehleskri,^ ma le beg you, [by] the Great Mother 

^ These greetings are well known to Rumanian Gypsies. Drohoi may be tlie 
Slavonic root dohr, good ; nais is of unknown origin ; mora is from the Servian. 

2 For arakldn, cf. below, Jctrden for htrddn. 

^ 989 is the Rumanian form of Greek Romani isi, Srd pers. sing. pres. of ' to be.' 
The vowels have the sound of u in Engl. _/'««. 

■* I cannot understand this la for the usual li. 

^ muro pen and kai 'puro 2)(:n hi are instances of the interchangeability common, 
among these Ldlere Sin/e, of the masculine and feminine genders. 

^ They gave klisto as an alternative to this word. 

"^ Haide, a Turkish word, common in the Rumanian dialect, meaning ' come now.' 

* muro sukdr rai. This expression was constantly used, reminding one of 
English Gypsies. 

* hdri debleskri, scil. debhskri dai. 



12 LALERE SINTE 

7}ia pral ; ^ me penavo tsatsipe, of God, do not be offended ; I 

sar moro hCiro del pendds. am speaking the truth, as my 

great God spoke. 

Trade teste ander roma, he Bring hira before the roina, 

7)iai hut zao me, . . . o rasdi, for I am going further, . . . the 

zavo, te sold^ao. priest, I will go and take an 

oath. 

Lem tnuro romni palepdli, I have taken my wife back 

he nasles^ star tsavenser, hai again, for she had run away 

rodeni la, tai raklem la ; lem with four children, and I sought 

la Jdistensr pali. Hunde Idvola, her, and found her ; I took her 

liiman tkdsipen ; sola')(a,rde back by the aid of the police. 

hate hdro sovil. I must have her, it is my right ; 

they swore there a great oath. 

' Romni, sar kerddn hoi ' Wife, how did you bring 

tsdves,lohes,tai sukdr,taiparno, forth the child yonder, gentlj'', 

Jiai tsatso leskr dad ? Kerdo and a fine child, and white, and 

kihdr o t^avo ando santsu ? ' its father genuine ? Was the 

child born well in a ditch ? ' 

' Hiles hango.' ^ ' It is deformed.' 

' Muro romni, har zal tuhe 'My wife, how are you get- 

le tsavesa ? ' ting on with the child ? ' 

'3Iisto!' 'Quite well.' 

Tsibax, silto,^ hai djas ^ po 111 luck, and she took to the 

drom, avela latM bax vai tHlatsi. road, come good luck or bad. 

Me 'navo^ tuhe tsatses, hai djas I am telling you the truth, that 

po drom fiir yek, te dui marho. she took to the road for one or 

two marks. 

' Ahana te sunes, tH som ba^- (N.B. — The wife is now sup- 

tali. Tehara laittr"^ biz marhe;^ posed to be speaking.) ' Now 

Tnuro lath rom., muh ma ba^- you must listen, I am not happy. 

asa ; te vel men paSd ^ latHrat, To-morrow a whole twenty 

te vel muro ba^ paso mande. marks; my good husband, let 

' ma le ma, pral, lit. ' do not take me over.' Tliey assured me this meant 'do 
not be offended.' 

- nasUs for nasljds. ^ Cf. above, la for li. 

* siito. I cannot understand this word. The li has the sound of the German ii. 

'' djas for dviid.s, irom dava. "^ forpcHciro. 

^ This word is exceedingly common among the German Gj'psies, and must be 
considered as a Gypsy word on a par with yur, as it is used in Romanes where it 
wouUl not be admissible in German. 

" Romanes plural instead of the usual Rumanian mdrhiri. 

" probably for palidL 



LALERE SINTE 13 

Lavo tulce dosta love ; taisa me be with happiness ; let there 
sovoo tusa, tai piavo tusa, tai be to us together a good night, 
;j^ao, tai keravo kibuki.' let my happiness come to me. 

I am bringing you enough 
money; to-morrow I will sleej) 
with you, and drink with you, 
and eat, and I will do work.' 

From these jottings, which, if they appear somewhat discon- 
nected, do nevertheless represent the unstabiHty (I use the word 
in a good sense), the untutored freedom of what might be called 
higdcUihanipen — namely of all that which, in its essence, is 
fundamentally opposed to soul-killing gorgio respectability, of 
which the ' gentility ' decried by Borrow is only one of the 
numerous phases — from these jottings, I say, it seems evident 
to me that the Wanderungen der Zigeuner on a large scale 
have not yet become a thing of the past, that the westward 
flight has not entirely ceased. The man of the parmisin and 
the shoes said his destination was Elsass-Lothringen ; Zofi's hus- 
band said he hailed from thence; the great Bdro-ddr gave his 
name as Philipp Jacobi, aus Bliesbrlickenheim, Lothringen; all 
these Gypsies showed in their speech unmistakable signs of 
Rumanian influence, one of the most striking being the use of 
le in the oblique cases, of which I have but two examples, raJdi 
le 'mperatosho and . . .le tsavesa ; on the other hand, Hungarian 
has left its mark upon their dialect in more than one way, notably 
in the accentuation and in the large influx of Hungarian words 
unknown to most Rumanian Gypsies, while the Lalere Sinte 
proved their acquaintance with the dialect of the Gypsies of the 
Rhine by mixing such forms as .si, ds<), and hi in one sentence. 
If we turn now to the text above, with a view to examining the 
Lalere Sinte ' Weltanschauung ' in so far as it is manifested in so 
short an extract, we find the difference most striking between 
it and the cast of mind which produced such modes of thought as 
are given in my extracts in the article on gddsihane Sinte. The 
language is less subjected to alien forms of grammar and arrange- 
ment of words, which have done so much to spoil the German 
Romanes. In pure Romanes the words may be placed almost in 
any order the speaker chooses, and this system may be appro- 
priately compared to the ringing of changes on a peal of English 
church-bells. The stress on any particular word is of course the 



14 THE TAROT 

predominant factor which must be taken into consideration, but 
there are no laws which it is possible to lay down with any exacti- 
tude, and in this, as in all other matters, the Gypsy is a confirmed 
opportunist : he will scarcely ever repeat the same sentence in 
the same way, and each individual way will be the correct one, 
most suited to the time at which it was spoken. This can be felt, 
as it were, by intuition, but the why and the wherefore cannot be 
tabulated : — naikek liri paso mende. 

The Tomano kova flourishes among the wild Ldlere as perhaps 
nowhere else, not even among the Turkish Gypsies, whose sphere 
of wandering is more restricted. But they are thinking of settling: 
Elsass-Lothringen, a centre of gddzikano kova, is becoming their 
centre. 

The gorgio spirit too is rife, equally rife on the banks of the 
Rhine and on the banks of the Cam. The rasdi concluded every 
argument, every heated discussion wherein the two ideals clashed, 
by quoting a pet proverb of his : Serva Tnores et mores servahunt 
te. He did not see — he would not see — that all depended on the 
meaninsf sriven to the word mores. The dwellers on the banks of 
the Cam are too prosy to appreciate the poetry of the Zigeuner- 
tuesen, and join cordially with their brethren, the Continental 
Philistines, in wishing for their speedy removal from the hospitable 
soil of Europe. 

In their one-sidedness they extol their own inherited ideals 
and see nought but evil elsewhere. The Gypsy may often be 
a thief: he is something else over and above and beyond that. 
And the gorgios, in their rage and bitterness, have not the charity 
to understand that there is after all some truth in the Rumanian 
Gypsies' proverb that kali gurumni del parno tud. 



III.— THE TAROT 
By D. F. DE l'Hoste Ranking 

WERE we to hear that there exists in our day a work of 
the Ancient Egyptians, one of their books which has 
escaped the flames which devoured their superb libraries, and 
which contains their purest doctrine on interesting subjects, every 
one would, without doubt, be anxious to know a book so precious, 
and so extraordinary. Were we to add that this book is widely 
spread through a large part of Europe, and that for several 




MODERN SCHAFFHAUSEN TAROT CARDS 



THE TAROT 15 

centuries it has been in the hands of every one, surprise would 
certainly be increased. Would not this surprise be at its height if it 
were asserted that no one has ever suspected that it was Egyptian, 
that people possess it as if they did not possess it, that no one 
has ever sought to decipher a page of it, and that the fruit of a 
subtle wisdom is looked upon as a collection of extravagant designs 
having no meaning in themselves ? Would not people think that 
one was trying to amuse oneself with, and to play upon, the 
credulity of one's hearers ? 

' Yet the fact is perfectly true : this Egyptian book, the sole 
remnant of their superb libraries, exists in our days. It is even 
so common that no savant has thought it Avorthy of his attention ; 
no one before ourselves having suspected its illustrious origin. 
This book is composed of seventy-seven leaves or pictures, or rather 
of seventy- eight, divided into five classes, which each offer objects as 
varied as they are amusing and instructive : this book is in a word 
the pack of tarot cards, a pack unknown, it is true, in Paris, but 
well known in Italy, in Germany, and even in Provence, and as 
extraordinary from the designs shown by each of its cards, as 
from the number of the cards themselves.' 

So, in Le Monde Prionitif (vol. viii. p. 365), writes M. Court de 
Gebelin, the first, so far as I have been able to ascertain, to give 
any description of the curious pack of cards known as Tarots, or 
to attempt to explain the mysterious symbols known as the keys of 
the tarot. Le Monde Priniitif was published in 1781, and since 
that time some ten or a dozen writers have dealt with the subject, 
but, so far as my reading has extended, no one of these has given 
us any new facts with regard to these mysterious cards. Theories 
there are in abundance, as I shall show later, but there is still a 
wide field of investigation which, I venture to think, may prove 
worthy of the attention of some of the members of the Gypsy Lore 
Society. The points which seem to me to require elucidation are, 
first, why an Egyptian origin should have been ascribed to these 
cards; and, second, why they should have been connected with 
the Bohemians, or Gypsies. As some slight contribution to the 
subject, I venture to offer to the members of the Society the 
following resionS of materials collected from different sources, 
some not too easily accessible ; while at the end of this article I 
append a list of those books treating on the matter which I have 
consulted, 

I propose, in the first place, to describe the tarots themselves ; 



16 THE TAROT 

then to set out the theories propounded by various Avriters as to 
their origin and meaning ; and lastly, to indicate some of the 
modes in which they can be used for the purpose of divination. 

We used to be told that playing-cards were first invented by 
the astrologer, Jacques Gringonneur, in 1392, to amuse the mad 
King Charles vi. of France. The ground for this supposition was 
that, in the accounts of Poupard, the king's jeweller, there appears 
a sum of fifty-six sous parisis paid 'pour prix des trois jeux a or 
et a diverses devises, fournis au seigneur roy pour son esbatement, 
par Jacquemin Gringonneur.' This idea is now abandoned ; there is 
ample evidence that cards, in some form, were known and used in 
Spain, Italy, and Provence, long before they reached northern 
France. As early as 1332, the initiates of a Spanish order of 
chivalry, L'Ordre de la Bande, founded by Alfonso xi. of Castile, 
were by the statutes of the order forbidden to play at cards. Le 
Sage says that, in the time of Charles v. of France, St. Bernard of 
Sienna ordered packs of cards, called Triomphcdes, to be burned.^ 
Charles v. himself proscribed them by an edict of 1369. The 
chronicle of Giovanni Morelli speaks of them as being used at 
Milan, by one of the Visconti, in 1392, under the name of naihes 
or naipes.^ Some think that cards were first brought to Florence 
and Venice by emigrant Greeks from Constantinople ; that they 
passed thence into Spain, and so to France. Court de Gebelin 
suggests that the book of the tarot was communicated by the 
Arabs to the Spaniards, and carried by the soldiers of Cha^rles v. 
into Germany. 

Nothing in this gives us any clue so far to the secret of the 
origin and meaning of the tarots. Were these cards the origin 

' Because they were used for divination? This would appear to be the only 
good ground for St. Bernard ordering their destruction. It seems almost certain 
that cards, like knuckle bones, were used for divination befoi'c becoming playthings. 
Merlin {Origines des Cartes a Jouer) has disputed the accuracy of many of these early 
references ; but his grounds for objection seem insufficient. As a means of divina- 
tion the cards would be kept strictly secret to avoid the spiritual arm of the 
Church : this would account for the lack of earlier reference to them. 

- By this last name cards are still known in Spain ; in England they were also 
at one time called najitn, and from this arises our word jack-a-napes. The origin 
and meaning of this word naibes, or naipes, has been explained in various ways. 
Antonio Magus, in UArt de Tirer les Cartes, says that it means simply 'the 
children's game ' ; Court de Gebelin gives the word as a proof of their Oriental 
origin, saying that it conies from tlie Oriental word (he does not say what language) 
nap, 'to take,' 'to hold' ; Vaillant, in Les Homes, says that the 7iaib{ are 'sibyls,' 
or 'pythonesses,' and that the cards are the prophetic signs and revealing words of 
the naih'i, or 'devil,' wlio for the Koms is the greatest of the 7iabi or 'prophets.' 
The Castilian dictionary of 1734 says that the naipes were invented by one Nicolao 
Pepin. The most probable derivation will be found later. 



THE TAROT 17 

of the modern playing-cards ? or are the}" a later development of 
the simpler packs ? As regards this point, I think that an 
examination of the tarot pack itself must leave the conviction 
that the symbols on the cards themselves show them to be the 
earlier in date. What is the meaning of the name ' Tarot ' ? 
Every authority seems to give a different interpretation. Court 
de Gebelin (vol, viii. p. 880) says that it is pure Egyptian, composed 
of the words tar, signifying ' road,' and ro, ros, or rog, signifying 
' royal,' since it shows the royal road of life. I leave it to Egypto- 
logists to examine into the correctness of this explanation. On 
page 395, in a dissertation on Le Livre de Thot (a name also given 
to the tarot pack by those who uphold its Egyptian origin) by 

M. le C. de M , it is said: 'This book seems to have been 

named A-Rosh: from A, "learning," "knowledge," and Rosch (the 
Egyptian name of Mercury), which joined to the article T, means 
" pictures of the doctrine of Mercury " ; but since Rosh means also 
"beginning," this word Ta-rosli was specially consecrated to the 
cosmogony of Thot.' 

J. A. Vaillant {Les Romes, p. 412) says that it is a deduction 
from the starry book of Enoch ; that it is modelled on the astral 
wheel of Athor, who is As-tarotli: that, like the ot-tara or arc- 
tiira, it is the central support of all earth and sky. Previously, 
on page 279, he has said : ' The reason the}^ respect this sign [that 
of the cross] so much is that for them it is the expression of the 
four luminous rays {i.e. the solstices and the equinoxes) of that 
celestial wheel, the rota or taro of Athor, about which turn the 
twelve months of the moon and of the sun, whose zodiacal houses 
measure the years of centuries and the centuries of eternity.' It 
should be noted that all the leading exponents of the tarot assert 
that it must be considered as a mode of applied astrology, as well 
as of the applied Qabala. On page 110, Vaillant says: ' As-taroth 
is nothing else than the Indo-Tartar tan-tara, the tarot of the 
Roms, the zodiac' 

S, L. Macgregor Mathers, in his little book The Tarot, says: 
' My derivation of the word, which I have never found given in 
any author, is from the ancient hieroglyphical Egyptian word tdru, 
" to require an answer," " to consult," hence, " that which is con- 
sulted," or " from which an answer is required." This appears to me 
to be the correct origin of the word, while the second t is an Egyptian 
hierogl3'phic final, Avhich is added to denote the feminine gender. 
The following are interesting raetatheses of the letters of Taro : 

VOL. II. — NO. I. B 



18 THE TAROT 

Tora (Hebrew) = " law " ; Troa (Hebrew) = " gate " ; Rota (Latin) = 
" wheel " ; Orat (Latin) = " it speaks," " argues," or " entreats " ; Taor 
(Egyptian) = "Taur, the goddess of darkness"; ^fo?- (Egyptian) = 
" Athor, the Egyptian Venus." ' In this he follows Eliphas Levi.^ 

How these cards, if really of Eastern origin, came into Europe 
is a great source of speculation. One theory is that they were 
brought by the Arabs to Sicily, and thus passed into Italy ; the 
Arabs again may have brought them to Spain. Antonio Magus, 
in his Art de Tirer les Cartes, mentioning the theory that they 
were brought to Florence and Venice by emigrant Greeks from 
Constantinople, says that, if this were so, the Greeks apparently 
lost some on the way, ' since the Italian pack consisted of only 
fifty cards divided into five series.' Here he is in error. Merlin 
{Origines des Cartes a Jouer. Paris, 1869) has shown that there 
are three so-called tarot packs, the earliest known, called the 
Minchiate pack, consisting of ninety cards (forty of which are 
tarots); the others consisting of seventy-eight and fifty cards 
respectively. 

Who first ascribed the introduction of tarots into Europe to 
the Gypsies I do not know. One finds the fact constantly asserted 
by various writers, but Avith no hints for the grounds for such a 
belief. Merlin quotes Breitkopf (Versuch den Urspi'^ing der 
Spielkarten zu Erfrischen, 1784) as stating that the Gypsies 
got them from the Arabs. He scouts this idea simply on the 
ground that cards were known long before 1417, the accepted date 
for the first appearance of Gypsies in Europe. It being now well 
established that this date can only apply to the first appearance of 
wandering bands in Central Europe, and that the Gypsies were 
established in South-eastern Europe long before this date, his 
objection to the theory falls to the ground. Many writers state that 
G. Postel, author of Absconditorum Clavis and many other works,, 
who wrote during the sixteenth century, refers to the tarots as 
having been found in use during his journeys in the East. I have 
carefully searched a number of his works, but can find no such 
reference. On page 113 of his book Des Histoires Orientales 
(1575) he says that dice and cards are forbidden by the Koran ; 
and perhaps cap. xv. of Absconditoruvi Clavis may be twisted 
into a veiled allusion to the tarots. Colocci (Gli Zingari, p. 72 
note) says that the Gypsies claim a very ancient acquaintance 

' All these derivations seem to me forced and improbable. The true derivation, 
in my opinion, is as given later. 



THE TAROT 



19 



with playing-cards, and gives the names of the suits as rwp, 
2Johara, spathis, and ^^a^. In this he follows Vaillant, who first 
gives these names. Court de Gebelin (p. 366) speaks of the 
Gypsies as being really Egyptians, and as having retained the 
Egyptian mode of divination by cards. Vaillant is the first writer 
I can find who definitely connects them with the Gypsies. In 
LesBomes (p. 412) he speaks of seeing a pack in the hands of some 
wandering Gypsies near Rustschuk. His explanation of them, 
which is thoroughly in accordance with, and based upon, his 
curious theory of the origin of the Gypsies, would be unintelHgible 
without some knowledge of the cards themselves; and the same may 
be said of the other explanations which will be given hereafter. 

The tarot pack most in use consists of seventy-eight cards, of 
which twenty-two are more properly known as the tarots, and are 
considered as the ' keys ' of the tarot ; these correspond with the 
twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet, or, according to Fal- 
connier and to Margiotta, with the ' alphabet of the Magi/ of which 
the letters will be given hereafter. 

The suits are four : wands, sceptres, or clubs, answering to 
diamonds ; citjys, chalices, or goblets, answering to hearts ; swords, 
answering to spades ; money, circles, or j)entacles, answering to 
clubs. Each suit consists of fourteen cards, the ace, and nine 
others, and four court cards, king, queen, knight, and knave. The 
four aces form the keys of their respective suits, and are repre- 
sented as follows : — 

The ace of sceptres, or clubs, recalls the club of Hercules, or Aaron's rod that 
budded. It is a knotted club, surrounded by detached leaves, shaped like the 
Hebrew letter yod. It rei^resents, say the Qabalist interpreters, almighty strength 
within the cube of the universe ; active force. 





Ace Clubs 



Ace Cups 



The ace of cujjs, which in the illustration given by Court de Gebelin is shaped 
like a castle, a form often given to large silver vessels, is the symbol of passive 
power which receives and modifies. 



20 



THE TAROT 



The ace of swords is a sword surmounted by a crown, from which depend on 
either side an olive and a palm branch, symbolic of mercy and severity, and sur- 
rounded by yods. It represents that justice which maintains the world in order, 
the equilibrium of mercy and severity.^ 





Ace Swords 



Ace Coins 



The ace of coins is shown in Court de Gebelin as a coin charged with a flower, 
having behind it four curved branches somewhat of a lotus pattern. As the ace 
of pentacles it has, of course, that shape. It represents the great whole of the 
visible universe, the realisation of counterbalanced power. 

Court de Gebelin states that names were, in his time, given by 
Spaniards to certain other of the cards, which names he takes 
as strongly confirming the theory of their Egyptian origin : The 
three of coins, called the Lord, or Osiris. The three of cups, called 
the Queen, or Isis. The two of cups, the Cow, or Apis. The nine 
of coins, Mercury. The ace of clubs, tJte Serpent. The ace of 
coins, the One-eyed, or Apollo. 

The following description of the deuce of each suit is taken 
from Mathers' book on the tarot; it must be noted that it will 
not apply to all tarot packs, since they vary very much in design : 
' We shall also notice that the deuces have peculiarities of their 
own, which distinguish them from the rest of the suit. The deuce 
of sceptres forms a cross with two roses and two lilies in the oppo- 
site angles ; the cross between the Rose of Sharon and the Lily of 
the Valley. The deuce of cups shows a tessellated pavement or 
cloth whereon the cups stand ; betAveen them is a species of cadu- 
ceus, whose serpents are replaced by lion-headed foliations, which 
recall the chnuphis serpent of the Gnostics. . . . The deuce of 

' This symbol is obviously phallic ; it is the Ungam, tlie point in the circle. 
Here it is wortli noting that the sword and cup, the weapon that wounds and the 
cup that heals, appear in the mysteries of all nations, and are perpetuated in the 
Graal story. The Ark of Isis, and the Ark of the Israelites enclosed the same 
symbols, the rod or creative power, and the basket or pot of manna, the receptive 
and reproductive power. In this key, as in the Ungam, they are united. 



THE TAROT 21 

swords forms a species of Vesica Piscis enclosing a mystic rose of 
the primary colours. The deuce of pentacles or coins is bound 
together by a continuous band in such a manner as to form a 
figure eight, and represents the one as being the reflection of the 
other, as the universe is that of the Divine Idea.' 

The twenty-two keys consist of various emblematic figures 
asserted by Qabalistic writers to be hieroglyphic symbols of the 
occult meanings of the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet. 
Some modern interpreters refer them, however, not to the Hebrew 
alphabet, but to the Qabalistic ' Alphabet des Mages,' of which 
the names are given below. Immense antiquity is claimed for 
these symbols. Alliette or Etteilla, a French mystic of the be- 
ginning of the nineteenth century, ascribed their origin to Hermes 
Trismegistus, under the name of The Book of Thoth, or Tlie Golden 
Book of Hermes. In one of his tracts on the tarot he gives a 
representation of the mystical arrangement of these cards in the 
Temple of Ptah at Memphis, and says, ' upon a table or altar, at 
the height of the breast of the Egyptian magus (or hierophant) 
were on one side a book or assemblage of cards or plates of gold, 
the Tarot.' R. Falconnier {Les XXII. Lames Hermetiqiies du Tarot. 
Paris, 1896) says : ' On voit encore en partie des figures du tarot 
dans les mines des temples de Thebes, notamment sur un plafond 
astronomique d'une des salles hypostyles soutenue par 22 colonnes 
du palais de Medinet-Abou, et dans un calendrier sacre qui se trouve 
sculpte sur le parol sud de ce monument sous Thot-Mosis iii. de la 
xxiii. dynastie.' Court de Gebelin (p. 387) compares the pack as a 
whole with a Chinese monument, which they regard as an inscrip- 
tion bearing on the drying up of the waters of the deluge by Yao. 
It is composed of characters divided into compartments all of equal 
size, and exactly the same size as the tarot cards. These compart- 
ments are arranged in six perpendicular columns, the first five of 
fourteen compartments each, the sixth consisting of seven. These 
columns thus consist of seventy-seven figures, like the tarot, the 
first four representing the four suits of fourteen cards each, the 
other twenty-one compartments corresponding with the keys. It 
will be noticed that the numbers are given as seventy-seven and 
twenty-one, instead of seventy-eight and twenty-two : this is ex- 
plained by the fact that ' the fool,' one of the keys, represents zero, 
and is not counted. Vaillant (p. 423) enlarges on this. Others 
have sought to identify the tarot with the sibylline leaves. 

Authorities differ as to the names, figures, and meanings of the 



oo 



THE TAROT 



keys : I give them for purposes of comparison in tabular form, as 
stated by Court de Gebelin, Vaillant, Margiotta, Mathers, and 
Falconnier. 

Keys of the Tarot^ 



1 

1 

2 
3 


C. tie G. 


Vaillant. 

1 


Margiotta. 


Mathers. 


Falconnier. 


Hebrew 
Alphabet. 


Alphabet 
des Mages. 


Numeri- 
cal 

Value. 

1 

2 

3 


Bateleur, or 

Pagad 
High-Priestess 

Queen 


Pagad, or 

Juggler 
Priestess 

Woman 


Initiate 

High-Priestess 

Empress 


Juggler 

High-Priestess, 
Female Pope 
Empress 


Magician 

Sanctuary 
Nature 


Aleph 

Beth 

Gimel 


Athoim 

Beinthin 

Gonior 


4 


King 


Man 


Emperor 


Emperor 


Conqueror 


Daleth 


Dinai'n 


4 


5 
6 


High-Priest 
Marriage 


Pries 
Marriage 


Hierophant 
Lovers 


Hierophant, 

or Pope 
Lovers 


Hierophant 
Trial 


He 

Van 


Eni 
Ur 


5 
6 


" 


Osiris trium- 
phant 
Justice 


— 


Chariot 


Chariot 


Victory 


Zain 


Zaiu 


7 


S 


— 


Justice 


Justice 


Justice 


Cheth 


Heleta 


S 


9 


Wise Man 


Philosopher 


Wisdom 


Hermit 


Sage 


Teth 


Thela 


9 


10 
11 


Wheel of For- 
tune 
Strength 


— 


Wheel of For- 
tune 
Force 


Wheel of For- 
tune 
Strength 


Sphinx 
Strength 


Yod 
Kaph 


Joithi 
Caita 


10 
20 


12 


Prudence 


— 


Duty, Sacrifice 


Hanged Man 


Sacrifice 


Lamed 


Luzarn 


30 


13 


Death 


Death 


Death 


Death 


Death 


Mem 


Mataloth 


40 


14 
15 
16 
17 


Temperance 
Typhon 
Maison Dieu 
Dog Star 


Typhon 
Ahriman 

Ruined 
Tower 

Star 


Principle of 

Life 
Typhon 

Punishment 
of Pride 

Star 


Temperance 

Devil 

Lightning- 
struck Tower 
Star 


Sua 

Typhon 

Pyramid 

Star 


Nun 
Samech 
Ayin 
Pe 


Nain 
Xirou 
Olelath 
Pilon 


50 
60 
70 
80 


18 


Moon 


Moon 


Moon 


Moon 


Love 


Tzaddi 


Tsadi 


100 


19 


Sun 


Sun 


Sun 


San 


Awakening 


Qoph 


Quitolath 


200 


20 


Last Judgment 


Angel 


End of all things 


Last Judgment 


Crown 


Resh 


Rosith 


300 


21 


(o) Fool, or Mat 


Fool 


Blind Man 


Fool 


Atheist 


Shin 


Sicbeu 


400 


22 


World 


World 


Supernatural 
Power 


Universe 


Night 


Tau 


Toth 






It will be noticed that these lists do not altogether agree, either 
as to the names and meanings of the keys, or as to their numerical 
values. Vaillant does not give the figures or names of certain 
keys, and apparently had not seen them. In most of the series 
the mat or ' fool ' is reckoned as zero ; but Falconnier gives No. 22, 
or as he names it, ' night,' the zero value. Falconnier again 

^ The order given in the table and list does not correspond altogether with the 
numbering of the keys in the plate of reproductions fi'om C. de G. He, rightly, as I 
tliink, gives no number to ' The Fool,' its numerical value being 0, and thus reduces 
the numbered keys to 21, finishing with 'The Universe.' I also believe that the 
numerical values (taken from Falconnier) which are given in the table are incorrect, 
owing to his having altered the order of some of the keys: 'The Fool' sliould be 
and ' The Universe' 400. Margiotta numbers them Tsadi^dO, and so on, giving 
Skben, ' The Fool,' the value 300 instead of 0. 



THE TAROT 23 

seems to have arbitrarily interchanged Nos. 19, 20, 22, so that it 
is difficult to see how they correspond. Falconnier is one of the 
modern French school of mystics, who, like their forerunner 
Cagliostro, refer everything to an Egyptian source : the tarots 
published by him are so altered, perhaps under the influence of 
the foreign rite of Mizraim and Memphis, as to have a distinctly 
Egyptian appearance. 

Colocci (Gli Zingari, p. 72 note) mentions only sixteen keys : ' il 
Hondo, Y Angelo, il Sole, la Luna, la Stella, la Casa Divina, Tifone, 
la Morte, il Filosofo, il Matrimonio, il Papa, la Papessa, VUomo, la 
Donna, il Mago, e il Pazzo che conta zero.' This list corre- 
sponds almost exactly with that of Vaillant, but the latter gives 
in addition No. 16, ' The Lightning-struck Tower.' ^ 

Every writer gives a symbolical interpretation to these keys ; but 
there is no unanimity as to the meaning, nor even as to the figures 
themselves. The illustrations given are a reproduction of the 
plates in Court de Gebelin's book. In the original two of them 
are wrongly numbered: -The Wise Man' should be No. 9 instead 
ofNo. 8, and 'Temperance' should be No. 14 instead of No, 13. 
The description of the plates which follows is given with the 
variations made by different w^riters. 

1. — The Juggler. 

C. de G. Can be recognised by his table covered -with dice, cups, knives, etc. ; 

by his Jacob's staff, or magician's wand. 
Vaillant. The conjurer or mat^ician, the source whence fortune springs. 
Margiotta. An initiate standing robed in Avhite, girt with a serpent which bites 

its own tail. He is crowned ; his right hand bears a sceptre and is raised to 

heaven ; the forefinger of the left hand points to earth. 
Mathers describes it almost as C. de G. He says it means Will. 
Falconnier has in this, as in all the other keys, given a pseudo-Egyptian air to 

the figures. His descriptions may be neglected. 

2. — The Female Pope. 

C. de G. The high-priestess is seated in a stall. She is robed in a lung habit 
with a species of veil behind the head, which is brought in front and crossed. 
She has a double crown with two horns, like Isis ; a book is open on her 
knees ; two scarves, ornamented with crosses, are folded over her breast and 
form an X. 



1 A Turin pack sent to me by the Marquis Colocci has the full complement of 
twenty-two keys ; it is also interesting as retaining the name // buyatto (pagad) 
for the Juggler (No. 1). It is, like most modern tarrocchi packs, double-headed; 
much of the symbolism is thus lost. Tiirough the kindness of my friend, Mr. E. 
Macbean, of Glasgow, I have been fortunate enough to obtain a single-headed 
French pack of the last century, printed at Schaffhausen. Twenty cards from this 
pack are reproduced in the frontispiece. The figures of the keys are practically 
identical with the forms given by Court de Gebelin. 



24 THE TAROT 

Vaillaut. The same, ^description again identifies the figure with Isis. 
Margiotta. A woman seated on the threshold of the temple of Isis between 

two columns, a red to the right, and a black to the left. Otherwise the 

description is the same. 
Mathers. Description the same. Meaning : Science, Knoxoledge. 

This figure is specially Avorthy of attention, since some have seen! in it 

a reference to the legendary Pope Joan. (One would like to know ^the 

origin of the now obsolete game of that name, and whether it was originally 

a tarot game.) 

Merlin ingeniously suggests that this figure really represents the Western 

beardless pope, while No 5 represents the bearded Eastern patriarch. If 

this be so, it would point to the cards having originated in Eastern Europe ; 

certainly No. 5 bears the trijile patriarchal cross. 

3. — The Queex, or Empress. 

G. de G. A woman with a pointed crown seated in a high-backed throne ; an 
orbed sceptre in her right hand ; her left arm clasps a shield charged with 
an eagle. 

Vaillaut. The same. 

Margiotta. A woman seated in the centre of a radiant sun ; she is crowned 
with twelve stars ; her feet rest on the moon. In her right hand she bears 
a sceptre surmounted by an orb ; an eagle is borne on her left hand. 

Mathers. Description as by C. de G., but he says that the breast of the eagle 
is charged with a cross. Meaning : Action, the result of science and will. 

4. — The King, or Emperor. 

G. de G. A man with crossed legs in a shell-shaped chair ; crowned with a 
circlet surmounted by a cross ; he bears a sceptre surmounted by an oib. 
Against the chair leans a shield charged with an eagle. 

Vaillant. The same. 

Margiotta. A man with a helmet surmounted by a crown ; seated with crossed 
legs on a cubical stone ; a sceptre in his right hand. 

Mathers. Much the same as C. de G., save that he speaks of the man as 
leaning against the throne. Meaning : Eealisation. 

My friend, Mr. R. Nisbet Bain, of the British Museum, a leading 
authority on all matters relating to the history of Russia, has pointed out 
to me the curious fact that in the illustration given by C. de G, the crown 
is the ancient head-dress borne by the Czars befoi-e they adopted the 
imperial insignia of Byzantium ; while the eagle with which the shields are 
charged, both in No. 3 and No. 4, is the white eagle of Poland. This 
seems to lend support to the suggestion of Merlin on No. 2. 

5. — The Hierophant, or Pope. 

G. de G. The high-priest is in a long robe with a great mantle fastened by a 
clasp ; he has the triple tiara. One hand rests on a sceptre with a triple 
cross ; with the other he gives with two outstretched fingers the benediction 
to two kneeling persons. 

Vaillant. The priest is crowned with the triple tiara, symbol of the three 
eternal tot of Moses. He leans on a sceptre with the triple ta}i ; and, three 
fingers closed, he blesses with the two others two kneeling children. 

Margiotta. Tlie grand-master seated between the two columns of the temple ; 
he leans on a triple cross. Two men are kneeling at his feet. On his breast 
he makes with his forefinger the mysterious sign of silence. 

Mathers follows Margiotta. Meaning : Mercy and Bcnvjicence. 



TAROT KEYS 






1. The Juggler 



2. The Female Pope 



3. The Queen 






4. The King 



5. The Pope 



6. Marriage 






7. Osiris Triumphant 



8. Justice 



9. The Philosopher 






10. The Wheel of Fortune 



11. Strength 



12. Prudence 








jjff^i;r^^»t. 





/^^^^^ 


K 




l^-^^ 


y^ 


V 


yfMf 







^^\ 


)^ 




/r/ \ 


^ 


->. 


j\ ^'*'; 


^ 


%i^ 


^m^:^.-- 


7^^v_ 




13. Death 



14. Temperance 



15. The Devil 










16. Lightning-struck Tower 



17. The Star 



18. The Moon 




.^ 










n! 





19. The Sun 



20. Last Juilgnieut 



21. The Universe 




The Fool 1 



llcduccd from plates in Court de Gcbelin's Monde Primitif, Huitieme 

Livraison, Paris, 1781, 4to. 

1 See footnote on order of Keys, p. 22. 



the tarot 27 

6. — Marriage, or the Lovers. 

C. (le G. A young man and a young -woman are plighting their troth ; a priest 
blesses them, Love pierces them \nth his darts. 

Vaillarit. The same. 

Margiotta. A man motionless at cross-roads ; he gazes at the earth, his arms 
crossed. A woman on each side of him, each with a hand on one of his 
shoulders ; each woman points to one of the two roads. The woman on the 
right has a crown of gold ; she on the left a crown of reeds. Above, the 
genius of justice menaces with his dart the woman on the left. 

Mathers. As Margiotta. Meaning : Proof or Trial. 

7. — The Chariot, or Osiris Triumphant 

C. de G. Osiris advances like a triumphant king, sceptre in hand, crown on 
head ; he is in his war-chariot, drawn by two white horses. 

Vaillant. Not described. 

Margiotta. A war-chariot surmounted by a dais supported by four columns. 
In the car a conqueror, armed with a sword, bearing a sceptre ; he wears a 
gold crown with three stars of five points. Above the car, a globe sustained 
by two spread wings. The car is drawn by two sphinxes, one black, one 
white. 

Mathers. As Margiotta. Meaning : Victory. 

8. — Justice. 

C'. de G. The Queen, Astrea, seated on a throne, bearing in one Land a balance, 

in the other a dagger. 
Vaillant. Not described. 
Margiotta. As C. de G. 
Mathers. As above, but the woman seated between two columns. Meaning : 

Eqtiilibrium. 

9.— The Hermit, or Philosopher. 

C. de G. An aged philosopher, in long-hooded mantle, leaning on a stick and 

bearing a lantern. 
Vaillant. The same. 
Margiotta. The same. 
Mathers. The same. Meaning : Prudence. 

10.— The Wheel of Fortune. 

C. de G. Human beings under the form of apes, dogs, rabbits, etc., are raised 

in turn on the wheel. 
Vaillant. Not described. 
Margiotta. A wheel between two columns. A sphinx in equilibrium on the 

wheel holds in its lion's claws a sword. On the right Hermanubis, genius 

of good, strives to mount on the wheel ; on the left Typhon, genius of ill, is 

cast headlong from it. 
Mathers. Much as ^largiotta. Meaning : Fortune. 

11. — Strength — Force. 

C. de G. A woman overcoming a lion and forcing open its mouth. 

Vaillant. Not described. 

Margiotta and Mathers. As C. de G. IMeaning : Strength. 



28 the tarot 

12. — The Hanged Man. 

C. de G., noting that the oi'dinary representation is that of a man hanged by 
one foot, but maintaining that this card ought to represent Prudence, inverts 
the usual design, and describes it as a man who, having one foot phiced 
securely, advances the other in search of a firm footing. 

Vaillant. Not described. 

Margiotta. A man hung by one foot to a beam supported by two trees, each 
with six lopi^ed branches. The arms of the hanged man are bound behind 
his back, and the bend of his arms forms the base of an inverted triangle of 
which his head is the apex. 

Mathers. As Margiotta, but the legs of the hanged man form a cross above the 
triangle. Meaning : Sacrifice.^ 

13.— Death. 

C. de G. Death with his scythe mows down humanity, kings and queens, great 
and small ; nothing resists his murderous scythe. 

Vaillant. Death, the end of the days of annual time, and the end of the days of 
the life of man. This numberis unlucky because, being that of the thirteen 
revolutions of the moon, necessary to the solar year of 365 days, it 
announces that the year is dead. 

Margiotta. A skeleton in a held, from which on every side protrude hands 
and feet. Everything dies, everything is reborn. 

Mathers. The same. Meaning : Transformation or Change. 

Here we see the idea of fatality, or misfortune, marked by the number 
thirteen. Is the idea earlier than the tarots, or is it derived from them 1 
Court de Gebelin suggests that in very ancient times some great misfor- 
tune must have happened on this day, and that its memory has influenced 
all ancient nations. 

14. — Temperance — The Principle of Life. 

G. de G. A winged female pouring water from one vase to another. 

Vaillant. No description. 

Margiotta. The genius of the sun pouring the principle of life from one urn 

to another. 
Mathers. An angel with the sign of the sun on her brow pouring liquid from 

one vessel to another. Meaning : Combination. 

1.5. — TvpHON — The Devil. 

C. de G. Typhon, brother of Osiris and Isis, the evil principle. He has bat's 
wings ; the feet and hands of a harpy ; on his head the horns of a stag. At 
his feet are two imps, with long ears and tails. Their hands are tied behind 
their backs ; cords are round their necks, by which they are bound to the 
jiedestal on which stands Typhon. 

Vaillant. Ahriman or Typhon, the evil principle, nmrderer of Osiris or Ormuzd. 
Description as given by C. de G. 

Margiotta. Typhon, genius of catastrophes, who rises from an abyss shaking 
blazing torches over two men kneeling chained at his feet. Elsewhere he 
identifies this with the Baphomet of the Templars, which he says is an 
anagram of the Qabalistic Tern oph ab. 

Mathers describes as C. de G. Meaning : Fatality. 



^ The Paris pack, now unobtainable, preserves this form ; in the Schafifhausen 
pack, from which the frontispiece la taken, the pendii is suspended by both feet. 



the tarot 29 

16. — The Lightning-struck Tower. 

C. de G. A tower, called Maison-Dieti ; that is, the house. It is a tower filled 
with gold ; the castle of Plutus. It falls in ruins, and its worshippers are 
crushed under the fragments. 

Vaillant. The same. 

Margiotta. A lightning-struck tower, from which are hurled two men, one 
crowned, one without a crown. 

Mathers. As JNIargiotta. Meaning : Euin, Disruption. 

17.— The Star. 

C. de G. A blazing star, round which are seven smaller ones. In the lower 
part of the picture is a woman kneeling on one knee, who holds two 
upturned vases from which flow two rivers. By her side is a butterfly on a 
flower. This is Sirius, the dog-star, at whose rising begins the Nile 
inundation. 

Vaillant describes and explains it much as C. de G. 

Margiotta and Mathers. The same. Meaning : no2)e. 

18.— The Moon. 

C. de G. In the lowest part of the picture is a crab, either to show the retro- 
grade motion of the moon, or to show that it is at the moment when the sun 
and the moon leave the sign Cancer that the Nile inundation begins. The 
centre is occupied by two towers, one on each side, to denote the pillars of 
Hercules, beyond which these two great luminaries never pass. Between 
the towers are two dogs which seem to bay the moon. Above all, the 
moon, from which fall drops (the Tears of Isis, which cause the rise of the 
Nile). 

Vaillant. As C. de G. 

Margiotta. A field. On high, the moon, half- veiled. A path flanked by two 
towers and two dogs, one of which bays the moon. 

Mathers. Almost as Margiotta. Meaning : Ttcilight, Deception, Error. 

Falconnier arbitrarily changes the order of this card, and makes it No. 22 
of his set, giving it the value zero. 

19.— The Sun. 

C. de G. The sun in splendour shining on two children ; from it fall tears of 

gold and pearls. 
Vaillant. The same. 

Margiotta and Mathers. The same. Meaning : Earthly happiness. 
Falconnier makes this No. 18 of his series. 

20. — The Last Judgment. 

G. de G. An angel sounding a trumpet. From the earth rise naked an old 

man, a woman, and a child. 
Vaillant. The same. He says that the angel is the sun reviving nature. 
Margiotta and Mathers. The same. Meaning : Reneival, Result. 
Falconnier makes this No. 19 of his series. 

21.— The Fool— The Blind Man. 

C. de G. calls this zero, it being so counted in the tarot. A fool with his bauble 
and hood hung with bells and cockle-shells. He is walking very fast to 
escape a tiger which gnaws him. He bears behind him a little sack. 

Vaillant. The same. 



30 THE TAROT 

Margiotta. A blind man, laden with a heavy wallet, stumbles against a broken 

obelisk wliich awaits him with ojjen jaws. 
Mathers. As C. de G. iSIeaning : Follij, Exination. 

This card has always been called the Mat (Imato, 'drunk'), a name 

which is taken as one proof of the Oriental origin of these cards. 

22. — The Universe — Supernatural Power. 

C. de G. calls this ' le tenis.' A female figure, girt with a ijeplum which flies 
in the wind, is in the centre of a circle which represents the revolution of 
the seasons. She is fleeing like time. On the circle are four heads, repre- 
senting the four seasons, the same which formed the heads of the cherubim : 
the eagle, representing spring ; the lion, summer ; the ox, autumn ; the 
young man, winter. 

Vaillant gives a representation of this, and gives the garland an oval shape : 
the world egg. The female bears in her hands two equal wands, symbols of 
the balance and equilibrium of time. 

Margiotta, instead of the female figure, gives a star. 

Mathers follows Vaillant. Meaning : Completion, Reivard. 

The illustrations of these figures are reproduced from Court de 
Gebelin, as also those of the four aces on pp. 19, 20. 

Symbolism of the Tarot 

What is the symbolism of these cards, and in what order 
should they be read ? Court de Gebelin and Falconnier, on the 
supposition that they are of Egyptian origin, would read them in 
the reverse way from that in which they are numbered, beginning 
with the Universe, No. 22. Margiotta and Mathers, on the other 
hand, read them in the order in which they are numbered. Court 
de Gebelin says that the tarot pack represents human society as a 
whole, while the twenty-two keys represent the ages of gold, silver, 
and iron. The four suits are the four classes into which society Avas 
divided among the Egyptians : swords, the sovereign and nobles ; 
cu2)s, the priests ; clubs, the husbandmen ; coins, commerce. As 
proof of its Eastern origin he cites the names tarot, mat, ^xxr/acZ, 
na'ihis. 

On pp. 391, 392, he quotes M. I'Abb^ Rive as the authority for 
saying that in Provence the knaves were formerly called Tuchitn : 
' Ce mot designait une race de voleurs qui, en 1361, avaient cause 
dans ce pays et dans le comtat venaissin, un ravage si horrible que 
les Papes furent obliges de faire precher une croisade pour les 
exterminer.' Vaillant (Les Roines, p. 426), commenting on this 
passage, says : ' Cos tuchim n'^taient assur^ment autres que des 
Romes, qui bateleurs et filous s'en allaient par le pays, tirant les 
sorts (tuchai), . . . car c'est encore de ce nom qu'ils appellent la 



THE TAROT 31 

misere (tucJia) dont le sort les a frappes et qui en fait des tuchali, 
des miserables.' 

The division of the keys is given thus : — 

Golden Age (keys 22-15). The Universe; the Creation of Man (wrongly named 
the Judgment) ; the Creation of the Sun ; the Creation of the Moon ; the 
Creation of the Stars ; the Overthrow of the ]Maison-Dieu, representing the 
Fall ; the Devil or Typhon, ending the Age of Gold. 

Silver Age (keys 14-8). Temperance ; Death ; Accidents of Life ; Strength ; 
Fortune ; the Searcher for Justice ; Justice. 

Iron Age (keys 7-1). War ; Desire ; Jove threatening the earth ; the King ; the 
Queen ; Pride ; Deception. 

It will be noticed that the Fool is omitted from this list : since 
the value of this is zero it is neglected, thus reducing the number 
of cards to seventy-seven. 

Court de Gebelin pursues this line of explanation by referring 
to the Spanish game of Hoinhre or Ombre, ' the game of man,' and 
Quadrille, a modification of Hombre. In these games the suits 
are named as in the tarot pack, Spadille, Baste, Copa, Dinero. 

Vaillant looks on the tarots as being astronomical, or rather 
astrological. His theory of their origin is very curious. As I 
have before said, he is the first author I have found who gives 
definite reasons for associating these cards with the Gypsies. His 
theory, shortly, is as follows : — 

The Gypsies spring from three original stems, Zath, Bodhas 
and Meydes (pronounced also Mend, Mekd, and Megd). The 
Bodhas or jBouiams, worshippers and cultivators of the earth (Bhu 
or Ehliu), were the first labourers and soon became the first 
Puthi, ' thinkers,' ' calculators of time,' the first astronomers. The 
Meydes, adorers of the magician Medea, the Triple Hecate, who is 
the moon, were the first to dig mines, and were the first whose 
intelligence penetrated even to the bowels of the earth. These 
afterwards became the first physicians. The Zath, worshippers of 
the sun under his name of Pal or Bal, and the first-born of the 
sons of men, fed the flocks which they had tamed. 

He identifies these three races with Shem, Ham, and Japhet, and 
continues : ' Being unable to find the origin of the birth of man, after 
it had slept through an incalculable lapse of time, and perceiving 
the necessity of a first cause, the Zath, the Meydes, and the Bodhas 
sought it from their own intelligence ; and their intelligence rising to 
the Arc of the sky, abode of the arcana or arcs of the zodiacal ring, 
since become the mysteries, they erected this into a First Cause, 
composed of it their arches, made of it a ship, an argo.' Proceeding 



32 THE TAROT 

ill this strain Yaillant refers all early myths to natural phenomena. 
The first ten kings or patriarchs are the elements of the world : 
night and day, fire and light, the moon and the sun, the sky and 
air, water and the sea. ' For them the moon and the sun were turn 
by turn the raven and the dove, the vulture and the eagle, the 
king and the prophet, who in turns rise and fall, disappear and 
die in the sea of the skies, to rise and live again there, to sink and 
die again there. 

' The four points of the solstices and of the equinoxes were the 
four principal heavenly messengers, the four great arms of the 
luminous cross of the sky, which the sun bears eternally on his 
back around the earth. The four seasons were the four great 
books of Brahma and of Hermes, the four great voices or oracles 
of God, the four great angels or messengers, the four great prophets 
or evangelists. The tAvelve months which by sets of three fill 
these four great times were the twelve lesser books of God, the 
twelve oxen or bulls of the night and the day, which upbear alike 
the ocean of time and the brazen sea of Solomon's Temple ; the 
twelve tables of the law of Moses and of Romulus, wherein are 
written the ten commandments of Manu, god of Buddha, or of 
Manoel, god of David ; the twelve sons of Jacob, and the twelve 
apostles. 

' When, by the aid of Rama, the sun, and of Candra, the moon, 
they Avere assured of the correctness of their observations, they 
made of it a science, astronomy, which they named from these 
two stars Rama-C'andra or Candrama, prepared its Mantara or 
formulae, which they engraved upon a table of squared stone, the 
Rasa'i-sita, and, the Mandala or circle being traced, and the Tan- 
tara or zodiac being composed, the world was completed, and the 
ages began.' 

Vaillant pursues this same strain through the whole of his 
work, referring the religions of all nations to the primitive worship 
of physical phenomena originating with the Romes, this mixture 
of Zath, Bodha, and Meyde. On page 113 he begins to ex- 
pound his theory of the tarots which he had seen in the hands of 
the wife of Stancio, one of a band of Gypsies whom he had met 
near Rustschuk. He says : ' From all that has gone before, we 
have sufficiently shown that it is a deduction from the sidereal 
book of Hcnocli (ursa major); that it is modelled upon the astral 
wheel of Atkor, who is Ai^-tarotk; that, like the Indian ot-tara, 
bear of the pole or arc-tura of the north, it is the supreme force 



THE TAROT 33 

(tarie) upon which are supported the mass of the world and the 
sidereal firmament of the earth,' etc., etc. 

' It is, in fact, founded upon the numbers 1 to 70, and upon 
the three principal numbers 3, 4, and 7. It has four colours 
equivalent to the four aspects of the seasons ; each colour has 
twice seven cards equivalent to the days and nights of the week. It 
has nine cards oi iiohara or cups plus one ace ; nine cards of spathis 
or swords plus one ace ; nine cards of clubs, pal or spikes, plus one 
ace ; nine cards of coins plus one ace. The nine cards and the nine 
of each colour represent the nine months of gestation, astral and 
human. The nine cards plus the ace of each colour represent the 
decan or decade of the month, and these nine cards multiplied by 
the four aces equal the thirty-six decades of the year. 

' The cups represent the arcs or arches of time, the vases or 
vessels of the sk}^ The coins represent the stars. The swords 
represent fire, flames, rays. The clubs represent shadows, stones, 
trees, plants. The ace of cups is the vase of the universe, the arch 
of truth in the sky, the source of knowledge of the earth. The 
ace of coins is the sun, the single eye of the world, nourishment 
and element of life. The ace of swords is the lance of Mars, source 
of wars, of misfortunes, of victories. The ace of clubs is the eye of 
the serpent, the crook of the shepherd, the goad of the oxherd, the 
club of Hercules, the emblem of agriculture. The two of cups is 
the cow lo or Isis, and the bull Ajns or Mnevis. The three of cups 
is Isis, the moon. The three of coins is Osiris, the sun. The nine 
of coins is the messenger Mercury or Gabriel. The nine of cups is 
the gestation of human life, and of fortune. There are four kings, 
the suns of the four seasons ; four queens, the moons of the four 
seasons; four messengers, or footmen, the four points of the 
horizon ; four knights, ambassadors, or archangels, the four winds.' 

The explanations given above have been based on the idea that 
the tarots are emblematic of social order, or of the plan of the 
universe. Later commentators have given them a more mystic 
tendency. J. G. Bourgeat {Ma<jie. Paris, 1895) says that in it are 
found the symbolic forms of the sphinx. Clubs, the claws, signify- 
ing Fire. Cups, the breasts. Water. Swords, the body of a bull, 
Earth. Coins, the wings, Air.'^ There is also found the mysterious 
name Yod-h4-vau-he. The king, the active principle, Yod. The 
queen, the passive principle. He. The knight, neuter principle, 
Vau. The knave, principle of transition. He. 

^ See also the symbol of the Sphinx on Key 22 — The Universe. 
VOL. II. — NO. I. C 



34 THE TAROT 

Margiotta (Ze Palladisme. Grenoble, 1895), in a violent attack 
on Freemasonry, especially on the Memphis-Mizraim rite, gives to 
these keys the most sinister significations in connection with 
devil-worship and black magic. Curiously enough, he does not 
mention the cards themselves, but gives the figure of the keys as 
being those of the Alphabet des Mages. His reading runs as 
follows : ' Human Will enlightened by Science and manifested by 
Action creates Realisation, with a power which it uses or abuses 
according to its Inspiration. The Trial surmounted, it carries off 
Victory, establishing its Eqiiilihriuin on the basis of Prudence, 
and mastering the vagaries of Fortune. The Strength of man, 
purified by Sacrifice and by its Mortal Transformation, opposes 
the reality of immortal Initiative to the deceptions of J'ai^a^'is'm,. 
Be3^ond all Destruction or Decep>tion, Hope reappears. The Su.n 
of Happiness rises for man after the Renewed of his Existence. 
Those who wish to escape from Expiation ought to rise above 
their lower instincts, and will receive as their reward a share of 
Divine Power! 

Mathers gives much the same reading, but in no way identifies 
the cards with black magic. 

Jules Bois {Le Satanisme et la Magie) gives a theory with which 
I have not met elsewhere. Starting with the belief, which is no 
doubt well based, that at least some portion of the sect of the 
Albigenses held the doctrines of the most extreme of the early 
Gnostic heretics, the Nicolaitans, the Carpocrates, the Cainists, 
the Adamists, the Manicha3ans, etc., and were allied to the Bogomiles, 
the Kathari, and the Paterini, he looks upon these cards as being 
a sort of secret tokens, brought to the Western Gnostics from their 
Eastern allies, and brought by Gyp)sies. He may have been led 
to this belief by the long-standing confusion between the 'Ato-lj- 
KavoL and the 'Adlyyavot (see Groome's GyjJsy Folk-Tales, xxii, 
xxiii), but it is curious that many of the Gypsy legends show that 
they must have been in contact with people among whom the 
Gnostic apocryphal gospels and other Gnostic traditions were 
current. I have been examining the drawings given at the end 
of ElysseefFs description of Kounavinc's alleged discoveries ; these 
are called ' Kabalistic signs of the Gypsies.' "Without any great 
stretch of imagination one may see in them distortions of some of 
the keys of the tarot. 

The sect, under its secret name of' Beatrice ' or ' La Bice,' had 
its paissword Atri {' lettres combinees, initiales d'une formule 



THE TAROT 85 

demeuree encore dans les traditions populaires dii Midi dont la clef 
reste k decouvrir : Arrego Lucembourg, Templaro, Romaiui, /m- 
peraton. J'y distingue, mais bien faiblement, le navire Argo, le 
Temple, et peiit-etre Henri vii., mais qui exactement saura ? ' — Jules 
Bois, p. 17). He continues: 'Ne reconnaissez-vous pas dans le 
Chariot le char des Bohemiens, dans I'Ermite le vieux de la 
Montague, dans le Diable le Baphomet, dans I'Amoureux le charme 
aveugle que sait diriger le sorcier vers le coeur rebelle, dans le 
Feu du Ciel la fatalite frappant le Temple qui se venge en 
ecrasant sous ses ruines le Pape et le Roi ? Henri vii., le patron de 
la secte, celui qui assiegea Rome et q'une hostie orthodoxe em- 
poisonna, c'est I'Empereur du tarot ayant a ses pieds I'aigle,^ 
attribut heraldique, oiseau de Saint Jean, le patron des Templiers. 
L'Imperatrice c'est la Secte elle-meme, La Bice, I'epouse mystique 
de I'empereur Henri vii. Qui ne decouvrirait dans la Papesse la 
Sublime Maitresse du Feu et du Metal, la Duchesse d'Egypte ? 
Le Pape, c'est le pape d'Avignon, le bon pontife Albigeois, 
peut-etre I'anti-pape Cadulus, I'auteur du celebre grimoire signe 
Honorius. Quant a la lame, le Bateleur, mais il faudrait etre 
aveugle pour ne pas y voir le Bohemien, lui-meme,' 

Here are a variety of theories which each one may consider, 
and adopt that which pleases him best. For the explanation of 
the meanings of the ordinary cards, when used for the purposes 
of divination, I must refer inquirers to Mathers' little book on the 
subject.- 

DlVIXATION BY THE TaROT 

Court de Gebelin (pp. 405-7) gives us an instance of the mode 
in which he assumes that the dream of Pharaoh was explained by 
means of the tarot. He also gives the mode of arranging an 
ordinary piquet pack for fortune-telling. The following method of 
using a full tarot pack is taken from Mathers : ' The full pack of 
78 cards having been first duly shufHed and cut, deal the top 
card on a part of the table which we will call B, the second card on 
another place which we will call A. Then deal the third and fourth 
cards on B, and the fifth on A, and so on, dealing two cards to B 
and one to A till the pack is tinished. A will then consist of 26 
cards, and B of 52. Now take the B pack. Deal the top card on 
a fresh place D, and the second on another place C, third and 

^ The eagle represented in Court de Gebelin is not, however, heraldically a 
German, but a Polish eagle. 

2 To be obtained from Mr. Wooderson, 23 Oxford Street, London. 



36 THE TAROT 

fourth on D, and fifth on C, and so on. There will now be three 
heaps — A, 26 cards ; C, 17 ; D, 85. 

' Take up the heap D and deal the top card on a fresh spot F, 
second card on another spot E, and proceed as before. There 
will now be four heaps— A, 26 cards; C, 17 ; E, 11 ; F, 24 

' Put F on one side altogether ; it is not used in the reading. 
Take A and arrange the 26 cards face upwards from right to left, 
so that they come in the form of a horseshoe, the top card being at 
the lowest right-hand corner. Read their meaning from right to 
left. When this is done so as to make a connected answer, take 
the first and twenty-sixth and read their combined meaning, then 
the second and twenty-fifth, and so on. When finished put A on 
one side and take C, and read it exactly the same way ; then E 
last.' 

Modern tarot cards are very difficult to obtain, and the 
majority of them are so altered as to be unrecognisable. The 
German, Austrian, and Hungarian Taroch have substituted for 
the keys illustrations of everyday life. 

At the Guildhall, in the library, are some very fine packs 
which, through the courtesy of the librarian, I have been able to 
examine. The Company of Card-makers, whose headquarters are 
at the Guildhall, have also recently had a valuable collection of 
playing-cards left to them, which will shortly be on exhibition. 
This collection contains some fine examples of tarots.^ 

I have mentioned several times the words naihi, mat, 'pagad ; 
as also the names of the suits, ru'p, pohara, spathis, p)al. The 
derivation of some of these words has been much disputed. For 
the following attempts at elucidating this point I am indebted 
to my brother, Colonel Ranking, now Professor of Persian at 
Oxford:— 

Naihi. Sanskrit 'Jiai/a, ' a race,' 'family' (suits?); or Arabic 
naih, ' taking turns ' ; or ndibat, ' calamity.' In old Persian of 
cuneiform time (say 500 B.C.) there is a word which may be the 
origin. It is naiba, meaning ' pretty,' ' beautiful.' 

Mat. Sanskrit mad or inadi, ' to be a fool.' 

Pagad or Bagad. Hindi hagdd, ' deceit.' ^ 

Rujj explains itself 'silver,' 'money.' 

Bpathi. Sanskrit, sa-2')atri, ' with a leaf ' (blade). 

^ The pack from which twenty examples are given here is a SchaflFhausen pack 
in my posseasiun. The keys are much finer specimens than those of the Paris pack. 
This latter, however, retained for the ace of cups the form given by C. de G. 

- 'J'he Turin pack retains this word Bagalto. 



l'etude anthropologique des tsiganes 37 

Pal. Sanskrit pallav, 'a twig bearing leaves.' The Spanish 
pack shows the ace of clubs as having leaves on it. 

Fohara, Mr. Nisbet Bain tells me, is Hungarian for ' cups.' 

As regards the word tarot itself, the derivations of Court de 
Gebelin, Vaillant, and Mathers are obviously worthless. In the 
Czigdny Nyelvtan of the Archduke Josef I find Tar, as 
Hungarian Romani for torok, 'a pack of cards,' with derivation 
from Hindustani tarn. This seems to settle the point. 

In conclusion, I would submit that from internal evidence we 
may deduce that the tarots were introduced by a race speaking an 
Indian dialect ; that the form of the Pope shows they had been 
long in a country where the orthodox Eastern Church pre- 
dominated; and the form of head-dress of the king, together 
with the shape of the eagle on the shield, shows that this was 
governed by Russian Grand Dukes, who had not yet assumed the 
Imperial insignia. This seems to me confirmatory of the wide- 
spread belief that it is to the Gypsies we are indebted for our 
knowledge of playing-cards. 

Llst of Books refep.red to 

Court de Gebelin. Monde Primitif, vol. viii. Paris 1781. 

Vaillant. ies Romes. Paris, 1857. 

Margiotta. La Palladisme. Grenoble, 1895. 

Mathers. The Tarot. London, 1888. 

Merlin. Origines des Cartes a Jouer. Paris, 1869. 

Jules Bois. Le Satanisme et la Magie. Paris, n.d. 

Falconnier. Les XXII. Lames Hermetiques dti Tarot. Paris, 1896. 

De Vinne. The Invention of Printing. 

Magus. L'Art de Tirer les Cartes. Paris, 1895. 

Bourgeat. Magie. Paris, 1895. 

Decrespe. La Main et ses Mysteres. Paris, n.d. 

W. W. Westcott. The Magical Ritual of the Sanctum Regnum. Translated 

from the French of Eliphas Levi. London, 1896. 
The Marquis Colocci has also referred me to the work of Rene d'AUemagne, 

Les Cartes a Jouer du XIV. au XX. Siecle. This I have not been able 

to consult. 



IV.— L'ETUDE ANTHROPOLOGIQUE DES TSIGANES 

Par le Dr. Eug^^ne Pittard, privat decent a I'universite de Geneve, 

etc. etc. 

L'ORIGINE des Tsiganes n'est pas encore connue d'une maniere 
definitive. Plusieurs voies se presentent pour atteindre 
cette connaissance ; en particulier les recherches linguistiques et les 



38 l'etude anthropologique des tsiganes 

reclierches anthropologiques proprement dites. Sans connaitre spe- 
cialement les premieres de ces recherches, il semble apparaitre, des 
nombreuses discussions et publications qui ont eu lieu, que les 
linquistes sont generalement d'accord pour accorder aux Tsiganes 
une origine indoue. Dans un des derniers travaux parus a ce sujet, 
uu membre de cette Association meme, M. le marquis Colocci, 
s'exprime ainsi : ' Done, sans nous perdre dans des subtilites qui 
ne peuvent etre discutees que par les orientalistes, ces etudes nous 
permettent de repondre a la question si difficile de I'origine des 
Bohemiens en prenant comme base certaine ce fait : que les 
Boliemiens ou Tsiganes sont venus de l'Inde.' Ces conclusions 
sont formulees apres une longue analyse des recherches faites en 
divers pays par un grand nombre d'auteurs. Nous renvoyons les 
lecteurs a cette analyse.^ 

Si les decouvertes linguistiques aboutissent a ce resultat, 
en est-il de meme des observations anthropologiques — nous en- 
tendons d'anthropologie physique ? Sans ambages, il faut repondre 
negativement. 

Si le bilan des recherches historiques et linguistiques relatives 
aux Tsiganes est tres considerable, il est loin d'en etre de meme 
pour les recherches d'anthropologie physique. Les documents 
somatiques sur les Tsiganes sont rares. Et ils sont imparfaits. lis 
ont ete obtenus a I'aide de series trop petites : une vingtaine de 
cranes pour celles etudiee par Kopernicki ; ^ une cinquantaine 
d'hommes pour celle de Weisbach ; ^ une soixantaine pour la serie 
de Gliick.* Et seules la Roumanie, la Hongrie et la Bosnie-Herze- 
govine sont representees. Quand on pense a I'aire de dispersion 
des Tsiganes, on avouera que ces documents ne sont pas conside- 
rables. Pour les Bohemiens vivant en dehors d'Europe, il faut 
citer surtout le travail de Petersen et Von Luschan sur les Tsiganes 
de Lycie.^ 

* Marquis Adrien Colocci, V origine ties Bohemiens, 1905, p. 22. 

2 Kopernicki, Ueber den Bau der Zigeimerschadel {Arch, fur Anthropologie, 
1872). Voir Revue d'Anthrop., Paris, 1873. 

^ Weisbach, Die Zigeuner {Mitth., Soc. Anthrop., Vienne, 1889). 

* Gliick, Zur physinchen Anthropologic der Zigeuner in Bosnien und der Herce- 
govina {Wins. Mitth. aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina, 1897). 

On pent ajouter a ces travaux une etude de Abel Hovelacque sur quelques 
cranes de Tsij^anes ; une de Von Steinberg sur 25 Tsiganes des Siebenbiirgen ; 
I'exanien par Blasio de queh^ues cranes de Tsiganes napolitains. 

^ Eugen Petersen und Felix von Luschan, Reisen in Lykien und Kibyratis, 
Vienne, 1889. 



l'etude anthropologique des tsiganes 39 

A ces documents restreints nous ajoutons ceux que nous avons 
reunis au cours de quatre campagnes scientifiques dans la Penin- 
snle des Balkans, principalement dans la Dobrodja, ce territoire si 
interessant au point de vue etlinique. Ces documents se com- 
posent de I'examen somatologique de 1300 Tsiganes des deux 
sexes. (Tsiganes roumains, Tsiganes turcs, Tsiganes bulgares, 
Tsiganes tatars, etc.) Malheureusement ces documents ne sont 
publies qu'en tres petite partie.^ 

Que savons-nous encore aujourd'hui de la somatique des 
Tsiganes ? Peu de choses. Nous possedons les chifFres de la 
taille et de I'indice cephalique de quelques petites series. Les 
autres caracteres nous sont a peu pres inconnus. II nous sera 
permis de dire que les deux ou trois publications que nous avons 
faites jusqu'a present depassent de beaucoup la somme des docu- 
ments amasses par nos predecesseurs, soit par le nombre des 
individus examines, soit par le nombre des caracteres somatolo- 
giques etudies. Mais il nous faut aussi exprimer le regret d'avoir, 
malgre 9a, si peu fait progresser la question des origines. C'est 
que nous n' avons pas encore eu le temps de mettre en oeuvre la 
masse considerable de materiaux rassembles. Esperons que nous 
pourrons le faire un jour. 

Actuellement nous ne connaissons guere que la taille, quelques 
rapports de la longueur des membres, entre eux et compares aux 

1 Eugene Pittard, Contribution a l'etude anthrojwlogique des Tsiganes dits 
roumains {Bull, de la Soc. des Sc, Bucarest, et I'Anthrojyologie, Paris, 1902). 

Oontrihition a V4tude anthropologique des Tsiganes turcomans {Bull. Soc. 

des Sc., Bucarest, et VAnthropologie, Paris, 1902). 

Contribution a l'etude anthropologique des Tsiganes dits Bulgares de Dob- 
rodja {Bull. Soc. des Sc, Bucarest, 1904). 

Contribution a l'etude anthropologique des Tsiganes tatars {VAnthropologie, 

Paris, 1904). 

L'indice cephalique chez 837 Tsiganes masculins de la Peninsule des 

Balkans {V Anthropologie, Paris, 1904). 

Ethnologie de la Peninsule des Balkans, l^'^ partie : Eoumains, Tatars, 

Tsiganes {Mem. Soc. de Geogr., Geneve, 1904). 

L'indice ayhalique chez les Tsiganes de la Peninsule des Balkans (1261 

individus des deux sexes) {Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Lyon, 1904). 

Influence de la taille sur I'indice cephalique dans un groupe ethiique 

relativement pur {Bidl. et Mem. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris, 1905). 

La couleur des yeux et di's cheveux et la forme du nez chez 1270 Tsiganes de 

la Peninsule des Balkans {Rev. Ecole d'Anthrop., Paris, 1905). 

Analyse de quelques grandeurs du corps chz Vhomme ct chez la femme 

{Tsiganes) {G. R. Acad, des Sc, Paris, 1905 ; Arch. sc. phys. et nat., Geneve, 1906 ; 
et Bull. Soc. des Sc, Bucarest, 1906). 



40 l'^tude axthropologique des tsiganes 

deux segments principaux du corps (buste et jambes), I'mdice 
cephalique, I'indice nasal. 

Examinons rapidement quelques-uns de ces carac teres : 

Let taille. La taille moyenne d'un groiipe compose de 783 
Tsiganes du sexe masculin est 1 m. 649. Ce chiffre est un peu 
moins eleve que celui indique pour quelques petites series prece- 
dentes (1 m. 654 pour 61 Tsiganes de Hongrie ; 1 m. 657 pour 
31 Tsiganes de Crimee, et 1 m. 695 pour 41 Tsiganes de Bosnie). 

Nous laissons ici de cote deux ou trois chiffres relatifs a la taille 
de quelques Tsiganes de I'Asie ; ces series sont trop peu nombreuses 
pour que ces chiffres aient une valeur suffisante. 

Le seul chiffre que nous connaissons relatant la taille moyenne 
des femmes est celui que nous avons publie apres la mensuration 
de 430 femmes. 

La taille moyenne de celles-ci est 1 m. 532. 

II existe done, a cet egard, une difference sexuelle de 0"11 cen- 
timetres au profit des hommes. C'est a peu pres la difference 
sexuelle ordinaire pour les groupes humains de moyenne taille. 

Indice cephalique. — Les chiffres publics jusqu'a ce jour ne sont 
pas nombreux. Nous les resumons ici en un petit tableau : 

D'apres Crania ethnica, . 
35 Tsiganes de Hongrie, . 
19 Tsiganes de Lycie, 

7 Cranes (Hovelacque), . 
52 Tsiganes de Hongrie, . 
25 „ des Siebenburgen, 
28 „ noirs de Bosnie, . 
13 „ blancs de Bosnie, 
5 Cranes de Naples, 
837 Tsiganes (hommes) de Dobrodjal 7S-9''' 

(Pittard), j "* 

424 Tsiganes (femmes) de Dobrodja") ^Q-C7 

(Pittard), j *" 

Sans entrer dans plus de details on s'aper9oit tout de suite que 
ce sont les formes dolichocephales qui sont I'apanage de la ' race ' 
tsigane. Dans la grande serie dont I'etude nous est personnelle, 
la proportion des dolichocephales represente 71-19% tandis que 
celle des brachycephales n'est que de 11-94%. 

Les autres caracteres somatologiques sont trop peu connus, non 



Crane. 


Vivant 


77-90 


79-90 


• • • 


79-9 


• • • 


78-84 


77-76 


79-7 


• • • 


79-7 


• • • 


80-1 


• • ■ 


76-9 


• • • 


8212 


80-32 


82-32 



l'etude anthropologique des tsiganes 41 

plus d'ailleurs que les caracteres simplement descriptifs, pour qu'il 
soit possible d'insister. 

L'indice nasal des Tsiganes examines par Glilck en Bosnie- 
Herzegovine lui a donne comme cbiffre mo3'en 64-6 pour les 
hommes. 

La grande serie que nous avons etudiee nous a fourni les pro- 
portions suivantes : 

Leptorhiniens, .... 52 '06% 
Mesorhiniens, .... 44'31% 
Platyrhiniens, .... 3-48% 

La couleur des yeux et des cheveux, la forme du nez, sont 
parmi les renseignements descriptifs, de bonnes indications. Les 
Tsiganes sont des individus fortement pigmentes. Dans la serie 
provenant de la Bosnie-Herzegovine, etudiee par Gliick, on ne 
trouve pas de cheveux de couleur claire, Le noir et le brun fonce 
dominent dans des proportions considerables, 97"5^ chez les 
hommes et 96% chez les femmes. 

La couleur des yeux presente deja plus de variations. Les 
couleurs foncees (brun fonce ; brun clair et brun) ne representent 
plus que le 75% de la serie pour les hommes. Les femmes ont les 
yeux generalement plus fortement pigmentes. Les couleurs foncees 
chez elles sont dans la proportion de 96%. 

Notre grande serie qui compte ici 1270 individus des deux sexes 
— (840 hommes et 430 femmes) — a fourni les renseignements 
— suivants (nous simplifions) : 

Couleur des cheveux : 

Hoinmes. Femmes. 

{noirs \ 
et ^94% 88% 

bruns ' 

Les hommes ont une proportion de cheveux noirs tres re- 
marquable. Cette couleur est tellement intense chez beaucoup 
de sujets que les cheveux, pris en masse, ont des reflets bleuatres 
comme en presentent les plumes des corbeaux et des pies. L'ex- 
pression ' noir de corbeau ' qu'on leur donne populairement est 
parfaitement juste. Les cheveux clairs sont tres rares. 

Comme forme, les cheveux des Tsiganes sont generalement 
droits. 

Couleur des yeux : 

Ici, egalement, la pigmentation foncee domine largement. 



42 l'etude anthropologique des tsiganes 

Hommes. Femmes. 
Iris, de couleur foncee, . . 86-6% 87-9% 

On voit combien est faible le noiubre des yeux gris et bleus. 
Forme du nez : 

Le nez des Tsiganes (nous parlons toujours des Tsiganes de la 
Peninsule des Balkans) est ordinairement droit — et droit avec 
tendance a la forme aquiline. 

Voici approximativement a quoi se bornent les documents que 
nous possedons sur les Tsiganes. C'est deja quelque cliose, mais 
on voit que le bilan est encore bien incomplet. 

Ces documents sont insuffisants a deux points de vue : 

1. Leur quantite n'est pas assez considerable. 

2. lis ne sont obtenus que sur un trop 'p&i'^t nomhre de 

groupements tsiganes. 

Les linguistes et les bistoriens admettent volontiers que si les 
Tsiganes sont arrives de I'lndoustan, ils n'ont pas tous suivi le 
meme chemin de migration. II faudrait done pouvoir etudier les 
Tsiganes dans tous ies lieux ou ils existent; puis comparer les 
caracteres anthropologiques de ces divers groupes. Ce serait la 
premiere partie du travail. 

Or, nous venons de voir que les documents somatologiques que 
nous possedons concernent les Tsiganes de la Peninsule de Balkans, 
ceux de Hongrie, de Bosnie-Herzegovine, de Crimee — les autres 
series d'Europe sont trop petites pour pouvoir etre comptees — et 
d'une ou deux localites en dehors de I'Europe. 

Nous pensons que c'est seulement lorsque nous aurons par 
devers nous ces documents provenant de tous les lieux, ou de 
presque tous les lieux oil existent de forts groupements de Tsiganes 
que la question de la parente de cette ' race ' bohemienne avec les 
Indous ou avec tel ou tel groupe hindou — (ce sera la seconde partie 
du travail) pourra etre serieusement discutee et definitivement 
resolue. 

L'anthropologie de I'lndoustan commence k etre esquissee. 
De nombreux documents ont ete rassembles notamment sur les 
populations qui nous interessent le plus ici, a savoir celles du 
nord-ouest de ce vaste pays. Les travaux de Risley, Crooke, 
Drake-Brock, nous mettent en mains deja des materiaux somato- 
logiques. Mais leur comparaison avec ceux obtenus sur les 
Tsiganes n'a pas encore ete faite — au moins d'une maniere suffi- 
sante. 



l'^tude anthropologique des tsiganes 43 

On a vu ci-dessus que les caracteres somatologiques releves sur 
les Tsiganes sont fort pen nombreux. lis se bornent presque a la 
taille, a I'indice cephalique, a I'indice nasal. 

Dans la grande etude que nous avons entreprise, nous avons 
pris sur chaque individu une trentaine de mesures et notations 
descriptives. II est evident qu'on pent en prendre davantage, 
mais ceux qui ont voyage dans les pa3's incivilises ou peu civilises 
savent que ce n'est pas toujours facile d'avoir des individus mesu- 
rables a sa disposition. 

Et parmi ceux qui veulent bien se laisser mesurer, beaucoup 
n'ont aucune patience. Au bout de quelques minutes, ils s'esquivent, 
et il est impossible de les retrouver. C'est pourquoi il est difficile 
de multiplier les mensurations de meme qu'il est difficile d'eft'ectuer 
certaines mensurations. Nous pensons en ce moment-ci a la 
mesure de la taille preconisee par M. Papillault. Get auteur prend 
la lonsfueur de la taille des individus couches. C'est sans doute 
meilleur au point de vue morphologique que de prendre la taille 
debout. Mais j'affirme que beaucoup d'individus n'accepteront 
jamais de se coucher pour etre mesures. 

A propos de Tsiganes il y a toute une categoric de mesures 
qu'il est necessaire de prendre et que les observations que nous 
avons faites jusqu'a present nous permettent de considerer comme 
importantes. 

Nous signalons a cet egard, en plus des mesures que nous avons 
indiquees ci-dessus: la grandeur des extremites dis tales — les mains 
et les pieds — et la grandeur des autres segments des membres.^ 

A propos de la grandeur de la main, il est bon de rappeler la 
supposition emise par Bataillard, Gabriel de Mortillet, etc. Pour 
eux, I'introduction du bronze en Europe aurait eu lieu par les 
Tsiganes. Pour appuyer cette supposition, G. de Mortillet indi- 
quait, entre autres faits, la petitesse remarquable de la poignee des 
armes de I'age de bronze et aussi la petitesse des bracelets de 
cette epoque. Sans discuter ces questions on voit qu'il serait 
interessant de mesurer la grandeur de la main chez les Tsiganes. 

Actuellement on ne possede, sous ce rapport, que des indications 
si faibles qu'elles sont presque inutilisables. Topinard mentionne 
bien, dans ses tableaux, la petitesse relative de la main chez les 

1 On trouvera quelques indications a cet egard dans un court m^moire que nous 
avons public : Analyse de quelques grandeurs du corjis chez Vhomme et chez la 
femme (1210 Tsiganes) {Arch, des sc. physiques et mat., Geneve, 1906). 



44 l'etude anthropologique des tsiganes 

Tsiganes. Chez sept de ces individus le rapport de cette partie du 
corps a la taille est le plus petit qui ait ete releve dans les popula- 
tions d'Europe. Mais ce cliiffre de sept individus est si minime 
qu'il reclame d'etre appuye par de plus grands nombres. 

En resume je crois pouvoir dire que si nous commen9ons a 
posseder une certaine quantite de documents somatologiques sur 
les Tsiganes, il nous est encore impossible de comparer definitive- 
ment ces documents a ceux des Indous que Ton croit etre les 
proclies parents des Bohemiens. 

Une double etude d'anthropologie physique s'impose : I'examen 
parallele des memes caracteres morphologiques chez les Tsiganes 
d'un cote, chez les populations du N-0 de I'lndoustan de I'autre. 

Si une recherche d 'anthropologic ethnogenique raerite d'etre 
entreprise, c'est bien celle qui se donnera pour but de connaitre 
I'origine des Tsiganes. Aucime population peut-etre n'a ete I'objet 
d'autant d'etudes. De tons temps ce groupe humain mysterieux 
a attire I'attention. La bibliographic qui le concerne est immense. 

Dans les quatre campagnes scientifiques que nous avons faites 
dans la Peninsule des Balkans leur etude a ete I'un de nos princi- 
paux objectifs. Et c'est pour nous une douloureuse obligation que 
de ne pouvoir mettre sur pied, faute de temps, I'important memoire 
— important au point de vue de la masse des documents amasses — 
que nous leur destinons. 

Ne se trouvera-t-il personne pour realiser ce magnifique objectif 
scientifique : constituer une mission scientifique qui se donnera 
pour tache de suivre de la Hongrie,^ par exemple, a I'lndoustan, 
en passant par la Peninsule des Balkans et I'Asie anterieure tons les 
groupes Tsiganes qui parcourent ces regions ? 

II nous semble que, parmi les anthropologistes, il se trouve 
assez de jeunes hommes dont I'activite scientifique pourrait 
s'appliquer a resoudre le mysterieux probleme. 

J'ajoute qu'il ne faut pas trop tarder. Le melange des Tsiganes 
avec d'autres groupes ethniques au milieu desquels ils vivent, est 
d^ja commence. On en a la conviction quand on examine les 
Tsiganes d'Europe (Hongrie, Roumanie, etc.). Du sang etranger est 
d^jk entr^ dans les veines des divers groupes bohemiens. La 

' Nous disona de la Hongrie parce que c'est un de.s pays de I'Europe dans lesquels 
lea vraia Tsiganes .soiit encore nomades. 



SOME RUMANIAN GYPSY WORDS 45 

preuve en est manifeste quand on etudie I'indice cephalique des 
Tsiganes roumains. La beaiite des femmes tsiganes n'a pas 
toujours laisse insensibles les homines appartenant a d'autres 
populations. L'introduction d'lm certain nombre de brachyce- 
phales dans ce peuple, si generalement dolichocephale, en a ete le 
resultat — dans la Trans34vanie et la Roumanie en particiilier. 

Plus les etudes que nous souhaitons seront rapidement entre- 
prises, plus elles fourniront de documents relativement purs. 

II faut done s'y mettre sans tarder. 



Y._SOME RUMANIAN GYPSY WORDS 
By A. Byhan 

DURING a stay at Jassy (pronounced las or les), capital of 
Moldavia, I found occasion to collect the following two 
hundred words from two Gypsies, the one a soldier condemned 
to the company of discipline stationed at Falci'iu, and aged 
twenty-two years, the other a boy of thirteen years, residing 
at Trei Calici, a mahald of Jassy beyond the Bahlui. I have 
had no opportunity of continuing this study, and it remains 
a fragment, probably involving, for want of verification, a number 
of mistakes with respect to sense, as well perhaps as in the spell- 
ing, for pronunciation depends on individual usage and, even with 
the same person, varies at different times. But notwithstanding, 
I venture to publish this modest vocabulary, seeing that the 
language of the Rumanian Gypsies is insufficiently known and has 
been but Httle studied scientifically; for by so doing I hope to 
attract attention to a dialect which presents a number of interest- 
ing linguistic problems, and deserves to be investigated by scholars 
in a better, completer, and more systematic manner. 

Some of the symbols in the alphabet I have used need explana- 
tion : — 

The signs in a, e, I, 6, indicate nasalisation, as in the French an, 
ain, on, etc. 

The signs in ^ and g indicate an open pronunciation, as in 
German Manner. 

6 in the Romani words is a guttural, corresponding to the 
Rumanian a, and equivalent to Bulgarian b, Albanese e. 

' is the aspirate ; equivalent to the German or English h. 



46 SOME RUMANIAN GYPSY WORDS 

X is the guttural aspirate : the Slavic /< , or the German ch in 

acht. 

' indicates the palatalisation of the preceding consonant— e.^f. 

d'i%u, doroVes, fust', erCd, m'ezos. 

The signs in c, §, and i mark the sibilisation of these con- 
sonants : English ch, sh, and French j. 

8 is the sibilant d, as in English these, Anglo-Saxon S. 

/, V, and z are pronounced as in English and French, and not 
as in German. 

w is bilabial, as in English how, and almost equivalent to the 

short semi- vowel u. 

I is the Polish or Russian cerebral I. 
% is the semi-vowel i. 

Vocabulary 

dgrusti, ring. o'd% girl, daughter. 

'a)fc, pi. 'aM, eye. ' mA;, thigh (?). 

amdro, our. camaul{l), chin. 

drdro, eyeball. cdr(d), grass. 

avBin, beer, honey. c'aivru, boy : paralia le ^aw- 

rusti, 'the boy's hat'; dui 

hdba, grandmother (Rumanian palaries de c'awreJd, 'two 

haba, id.). boys' hats.' 

bdhus, grandfather (instead of cekdt, forehead. 

papus. By influence of baba, cezme (pi. ?), boot (Rum. cizmd, 

bibi, etc. ?). pi. cizme, id.). 

baxt, happiness, good luck. cib, tongue, language. 

bal, hair. cgr, robber. 

be§ciw, sit, stay (the latter sense by c'or, beard on the chin. 

analogy to Rum. a -Med, id.). cordp, stocking (Rum. ciorap, 

bestdka, apron (Rum. bestelcd, id.). 

id.). 

bibi, paternal aunt. dad, father : mo dadeskoro ker, 

bis, twenty. ' my father's house.' 

bolfa, tumour (Rum. bolfd, id.). ddi, mother. 

bredtka, seat of trousers (cf. dant, tooth. 

Albanian breke, id.). de, the (art. sing, fem., and pi. 

bukg, lungs. both genders). See e, o. 

bukuria, joy, mirth (Rum. buc- des, ten. 

urir', id.). devd, palate (probably by influ- 

buL, rump. once of the Rumanian cer. 



SOME RUMANIAN GYPSY WORDS 47 

which means ' sky,' ' heaven,' Ikik, uncle. 

or ' palate '). halo, black, pupil of the eye. 

rf'i, bladder (?). [? heart.] kdltsa, breeches (cf. Greek 

digng, little finger [ — tikno, /caX-ro-a, 'stocking'). 

little]. kaltsiUi'e,stockmg{B.uni.cdltsun, 

d'ilu, wheat. id.). 

doha, drum (Rum. doha, id.). kdn, ear. 

dordl'es, probably identical with kar, membrum virile. 

the Rumanian durorl, ' pain,' ke, at, on : si tu gum ke men' ? 

' ache.' ' Have you a goitre on the 

dosu, back (Rum. dos, id.) : o neck ? ' 

dosu le wastesku, ' back of the ker, house. 

hand.' keraw, keres, make, do : so kere's, 

dow (fern.), two. ' how do you do ? ' 

diii (masc), two. kgc, knee : e kgc le inresti, ' leg ' 

duk, pain, ache. (see kot'i). 

dumuk, fist. koccig, button. 

koindko : o koindko le pireskoro, 

e, the (art. masc. and fem.). ' ankle.' 

e^a, seven. kokdlo, bone (Greek kSkkuXov, 

en'd, nine. [^\ 

esti, esto, I am. [? I can.] j^^i^^^ breast. 

koltsun. See kalisune. 

falk, /dikes, jaw (Rum. fcdcd, j^^rdedwd, band, string (Rum. 

^ '^' cordea-ua, id.). 

fust', petticoat (Rum. fuskX, id.). ^ -^ .^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^,^^ 

, , . ^ kosno, kerchief. 

gad, shirt. -i ,. ^ , 

.., , 1-11 /T. kot'i, rib (cf. Greek kotKi, ' little 

gaitanes, braid, lace (Rum. ^ 

• J. bone,' and Rum. coastd, 

gaitan, id.). . / 

giniorU, knob, button, head of 

. .-p, ^ w7- -IN kozo, crust (of bread) (Rum. 

pin (Rum. gamahe, id.). . ^ • i 7 ^ , ■ 

,, 1, .T, , . T , coaid, id.) : koza le maresti, 

gider, collar (Rum. guler, id.). , \ 

■^ ,r, .- • 1 X 'bread-crust.' 

gusa, goitre (Rum. gusa, id.). 77,. • .-d -d i 

kukuruzi, maize (Rum., Rulg., 

Xaw, hole : e ^cwo Ze tureVZi, Serb, kukuruz, id.). 

' anus.' kumndtus, brother-in-law (Rum. 

cumnat, id.). 

uthds, coat, jacket (?) (cf. Greek kun'i, elbow. 

jiaKd'i, '■ collar of a coat'). kustig, girdle, belt. 

%ek, one. kutsuli, dirt, dung (Greek kovt- 

ild, heart. ^ovXca, id.). 



48 SOME RUMANIAN GYPSY WORDS 

Idkoro, her (pron. poss.). o, the (art.). 

Ifwro, their (pron. poss.). oxto, eight (Mod. Greek 6xt(^, 

leskoro, his (pron. poss.). id.). 

lulud'4, luliuVi, flower (Greek ovuzus, oats (Rum. ovcXs, id.). 

XovXovBi, id.). 

luminu, light (Rum. lumind, pa (trit.'?', glass (Rum. pa/ictr, id.). 

id.) : lumino le oUngere, pdlmo, palm of the hand (Rum. 

' sight.' pahnd, id.). 

. ... pdltsus, thumb (Bulg. iialec, 

indi, still (adv.) (Rum. ma%, id.). . , 

mdnuS, man. , , . , 

,^ pdn I, water. 

manusd, sleeve (Rum. mdnusa, , ' • ro\ 

» ^" papiid'e, shoe (Greek iraTrovT^t, 

mdro, bread. .^^^^ papuc^i and papitc, -u.s^, 

^«^'^^'^' , ^ Serb., Bulg. 2.«|mO. 

ma.«^ middle of the body, ^^^^^.^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^.^^,^ 

waist. '1 N 

me, mi, my (pron. poss. fern.). , , ., / r „ ^\ 

' ' -^ ^^ "^^ ^ ^ parno, white, cornea (of eye). 

TYien, neck, throat; onen'dt, 'at _^ ^ 

' _29as, live. 

the neck.' , , r^. 

paUijTn, toot. 

m'^0os, crumb (Rum. m^e0, id.). ^, , ^f^„ /nv^^v / n- 

' ^ ^ peimda, liity (Greek ire{v)r]VTa, 

Trivia, thousand. . -, s 

minsdhur, both (?) [a misunder- c , • , r , ^ j„:'j: 

' ^ ^,\ . ^ peu, sister: e pen Tnre deieai, 

standing ? Genitive of onins, ^ ^i > • i. > 

J, ^ ' my mother s sister. 

= ' gallant ']. ^^,^^^^ ^ j-^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ .^ -^j^^^ 

miriUe, pearl. ^^. .^^^^ shoulder [plural]. 

viu, vulva. ^y^^^^,^ ^j,^ [literally ' shoulder ']. 

mo, my (pron. poss. masc). ^.^^^ ^^^^_ 

^^^' ^^i^^- /o;^k eyelash. 

moH^, skm. ^^^^, Seej9a^Y. 

mu«, mouth. ^^^^ umbilicus (?) [literally 

musi, arm. , ^^^^ ,-. 

mitsidi', mustaches (Rum. 77ii(,.s- , , ,^ . .„,•„„ 

' _ ^ por^, bowels, intestines. 

tatsd, id.). postin, fur coat (cf. Rum. postal) 

nald, finger, toe [plural] : o naid = cloth) 

le piristi, ' toe-nail ' [plural]. pral, brother : o pWal me hibi- 

natestuJd, -ho, I thank [ = naKs d/vo, 'my aunt's brother.' 

tiikl, thanks to thee]. pTd>^aw, breast, chest [? mistake 

nd'nom tufot'dse, I shoot, I fire, = ' I mock ']. 

literally ' I gave with gun ' (cf. pidjja, calf, flesh of the thighs 

Rum. diXdeam cu puScd). (Rum. pulpH, id.). 



SOME RUMANIAN GYPSY WORDS 49 

rolori, breast-bone, sternum sordw, head. 

[ = literally ' little spoon ']. sow, six. 

romni, woman. star, four. 
roul'i, stick, staff. 

tdlpa le 2^'^^^sti, sole of the foot 
Sahara, rye (Rum. sdcarci, id.). (Rum. talp<%, id.). 

sdi6a, necklace made out of coins torn'i, youth, young man (? cf. 

(Rum. salbd, id.). Rum. tdndr, id.). 

sardnda, forty (Greek crapavra, to, your, thy (pron. poss.). 

id.). trin, three. 

sasev, I am healthy. tridnda, thirty (Greek rpiavTa). 

sastev, healthy. trup, body (Rum. truj), id.). 

sen'a, loins, reins. tsamtsdl'e, eyebrow. 

si (with dative of personal pro- tserdVa, sandal-shoe, gaiters 

noun), you, etc., have. Liter- (Greek r^ep^ovXia, id.). 

ally = ' is.' til, thou, you. 

sirim, girdle, belt (cf. Rum. tufot'i, gun (Greek Tov<f)eKi, 

chimir, id.). Turkish tilfe{n)k, id.). 

sUa, sieve (Rum. sitd, id.). tumdro, your (pron. poss.). 
so, what (pron. interrog.). 

soletokere, their (?) (pron. poss.). und'i, nail (of fingers and toes), 
sosten, drawers. (Rum. ungJiie, id.). 

stikla, bottle (Rum. sticld, id.). 'lirdor, child. 
suw, needle. 

sutnen'ddi, shoulder (?). ivast, hand. 
sayg. See rdk. 

Sdpka, cap (Rum. sapcd, id.). zdno, eyelash (Rum. gland, id.). 

Set, hundred. zd'ria, pubes. 

§erg, head. zawolka, apron (Rum. savelcd, 
soldus, hip, upper part of the id.). 

thigh (Rum. sold, id.). zen'^, back (backbone ?). 

§obde§d, sixty. zila, vein (Bulg., Serb, zila, id.). 

Numbers 

tek, one. o-xtd, eight. 

du% (masc), dow (fem.), two. en'd, nine. 

trin, three. de.^, ten. 

Star, four. dMulek, eleven. 

paA, five. deSudui, twelve. 

Sow, six. his, twenty. 

eftd, seven. bistaUk, twenty-one. 

VOL. II. — NO. I. D 



50 TAW AND THE GOZVALO GAJO 

hUtadui, twenty-two. eftddesd, seventy. 

histeTCa, twenty-nine. o-)(t6dem, eighty. 

tridnda, thirt}'. en'ddeSd, ninety. 

tridndat'aiek, thirty-one. e Sel, a hundred. 

sardnda, forty. dm &eld, two hundred. 

peUiida, fifty. Kex mila, one thousand. 

sohdeki, sixty. di'vt m%%e, two thousand. 



VI.— TAW AND THE GOZVALO GAJO 
By M. Eileen Lyster 

SIANI WOOD was telHng me in Welsh Romnimus of the 
rambhng adventures of her youth. 
' And ever after that,' she said, conchiding the story of a certain 
fortune-telHng episode, ' the place was haunted.' 
' Who haunted it ? ' I asked. 

'Well, no one rightly knew that. It might have been the 
serving-man or it might have been the old lady herself, but any- 
way it was a bad spirit, and the family had to leave the house, 
which fell all into ruins [Mi si sd tale]. But the old gatekeeper 
and his wife lived on at the little lodge [bita stigdko lier'], and often 
in the night they would be awakened by a bellowing like ten 
thousand bulls. Then they would see a light come through the 
gate, it would stop there and laugh \^cel odoi td sola sd pari o tan\ 
After that the ruined house Avould be all lit up, and as the light 
died away the great laughter would come again \^DiKena paldl 
hard dud ari Jilisin, sau ')(evia dudyerena 'pre,jal o dud sd avri, 
'ddi 'vela apdpale hdro saliben]. 

* The people who lived about there [gdje te jivenas odotdr] were 
afraid to go near the house, and the fields where we Gypsies used 
to play, where we found hedgehogs and killed rabbits [Uatdsas 
urci id mdrdsas % soso'ui], were all deserted. At last they sent for 
a wise man ^ to lay the ghost \len o gozvalo gdjo te civd o 7)iuld 

' Gozi'cdo means ' wise ' or ' cunning.' Cp. the Eng. Gyp. guzheri gorgi ' witch,' 
lit. 'wise woman,' J. O. L. S., Old Series, iii. 205. In Sir John Rhys' 
Celtic Folklore the Welsh gwr hyupys — translated by him ' wise man ' or ' cunning 
man' — is a frequent figure. In a long note on the etymology of the word (i. 264) 
Sir John says : ' In Cardiganshire a conjurer is called dyn /lyshys where 
hysbyx {or in older orthogra.phy Iiyspys) means " informed" ; it is the man who is 
informed on matters which are dark to others.' One of his tales (i. 102) contains 
the following passage : 'She [a mother whose child had been stolen by the Tyhcyth 



TAW AND THE GOZVALO GAJO 51 

talS]. He, and the minister, and the people, all prayed together 
for four nights in succession [star ratsa pal' vaverkendi], from 
midnight to one o'clock in the morning, but it was not until the 
fourth night, after the minister and the people had gone home, 
that the ghost was laid. Taw and the wise man fastened the 
bad spirit down into a bottle and threw it into the lake.' 

The old Gypsy known as ' Taw ' was my friend's mother-in-law ; 
Siani now stopped abruptly and lit her pipe ; the story evidently 
was to end here. 

' Go on, tell me about it,' I said carelessly. ' So TaAv was there. 
I suppose you were too ? ' 

Siani took her pipe from her mouth and spoke impressively 
in English. ' Rdnl,' she said, 'if I tell you about that, will you 
promise never to let on to any of my people that you know; 
they'd half kill me if I talked about the old woman ? ' 

' I promise,' I said, ' not to tell any of your people.' 

' Well, then,' she resumed, ' what I tell you is true, every word. 
No one was there, onl}^ Taw and the wise man, and I to carry 
the things, for Taw liked me better nor any of her own daughters.' 

The kitchen door opened, and Siani's daughter-in-law came in 
and busied herself about. the fire. 

' We won't mind her,' said Siani, ' she doesn't know Romnimus, 
she thinks we are talking Welsh. The wise man took a bottle 
with water in it, he lit a candle and put it in the bottle, he read 
something from a book [pendcts comonl lileste]. Then he and 
the old Gypsy woman (I don't like to say her name, God rest her 
soul, she was always good to me) knelt down hand in hand by 
the book and spoke the words together, I could not hear what 
they said.' 

Siani paused ; her daughter-in-law left the room, the sound of 
voices contending against the noise of a mangle came from the 
back kitchen. My instructress in the lore and language of the 
Kale leant over the table towards me and spoke in a rapid 
whisper, so fast indeed that I could scarcely get the words 
written. 

' The wise man blindfolded the old woman [cidds yov diklo top 
% puridhe \ci\ and led her across the field [plrde 6 dui ayli vast 

Teg] sent for her husband home from tlie field, and told him to search for a skilled 
man somewhere or other ; and, after a long search, he was told by somebody that 
the parson of Trawsfynydd was skilled in the secrets of the spirits ; so he went to 
him.' The tale goes on to relate how, by following the fantastic advice given, the 
child was recovered. Perhaps this sheds some liglit on the presence of the rami. 



52 TAW AND THE GCZVAIO GAJO 

td vast], she carried the bottle and the bad devil that was in it. 
They went down the steps into the boat-house {^G-ili tali Ihli- 
mdyere ^ are 6 hereneyo Jeer], and there the two knelt again [giU toj) 
jjeye corjd apdpale]. Then the old Gypsy gave the bottle to the 
wise man and spoke the words while he dropped it into the lake. 
Now the ghost was laid, he was down under the water, and troubled 
the place no more \Gl na diJcen o gdje akand mulestl].' 

Siani paused again ; when she went on it was in a lighter tone. 

' They came back to the field where they had left me and the 
book. The wise man took a box from his pocket. " There, old 
woman, take this, open it ! " [Ole tu, jnirla, le akavd, pird les !]. A 
toad jumped from the box, there was a name written on its back. 
" Breathe into its mouth," he said, " and I will do so after thee" 
[P'lcrde ari lesko inui,purddva mdia pala tuti]. This was to bind 
her to him, so that he could call on her again. He paid her well 
for her help, she bought many things with the money he gave 
her, new horses, new harps and fiddles [bosimdyere bdro td hita'] 
for her sons, and new dresses for her daughters. They were all set 
up \^Sd apri, sas-le\. She gave me nothing. 

' There was much talk all over the countr}- about the ghost that 
had been laid. Many people came to consult the old woman. So 
many that she had to leave that place to get peace until the ex- 
citement had cooled down [/ purl gids peskl from akdva t'eTn te lei 
konyo poste silyerdds o rak'rihen]. And when we went back the next 
summer every one wished to have their fortune told by her. To 
this day that is a good country for fortune- telling, the people are 
rich and very credulous [patsena sd are druk'ribend]. But all the 
old Gypsies are dead now and the young ones cannot tell fortunes 
so well. They are only half-breeds [jws td po§ si-U\ 

' Now I have told you all, and I will make you a cup of tea, 
rdnl, before you go home.' 

And Siani rose, stretched herself, put on the kettle, and calling 
to her daughter-in-law to mind the baby, which had been sleeping 
on the sofa during the latter part of my lesson, and was now 
waking up, went out to purchase some delicacy for my tea. 

' Siani Wood's Romnimus is sometimes very ingenious. She knows podos, ' step, 
perfectly well, and has often given it to mc. But in the excitement of the moment, 
as may happen to the most Huent speaker in any language, she was at a loss for 
the right word ; so she at once manufactured one. K'elibi'7i means * a dance, danc- 
ing,' which in Siani's mind = ' stepping,' therefore 'steps' are k^elimdyere, '[the 
things] of the stoppings.' 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 53 

VII.— WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

Collected and Edited by John Sampson 

No. 5, O P'uRO PetalengerG 

Taken down from Matthew Wood on the banks of Tal-y-Llyn Lake. For 
variants of this folk-tale see Groome's notes on my abstract in his G-ypsy Folk- 
Tales, pp. 249-52. 



T}''EO ^ petaleijero jivelas 'jore % tnura, leski romni, fi stifi 
ddi. Kek bilti sis kelas only - o nacio vuveiiero? P'w) 



O P'uRo Petal^xgero 

I unura, U 

nly - o pago puveyero? Purl 
grasnl I stifl-datl} 

YeMr 'v%ds 'pre gresho dumo tdrno cavo. " Wontsdva tut te 
Hves ilo-)(d taldl via grdi." ^ Xoc'o puro petaleyero, " Sis me kek." 
" De man o kola. Kerdva les me ! " 

Glds o tdrno cavo, id kerdds hdrl yog. 'Vrl 'vids, td cindlds 
i stdr greske herd. P'andlds 6 rat, td cidds o star herd 'pre yog. 
P'urdlds yog hdrl hwdila. 'Yas o stdr herd 'vrl yog td cidds len 
top sastdrn, td kdrdds len hdrl Jnvdila. Ucerdds len tali, td 
'yas len, td 'vrl gyds, td cidds len pdU taldl o grdi. 

The Old Smith 

An old blacksmith lived on the hill with his wife and his mother-in-law. All 
he could do was to make ploughshares. The mother-in-law had an old mare. 

Once there came a young boy on horseback. " I want thee to shoe my horse." 
" I cannot," quoth the old smith. " Give me the tools. I will do it." 

The boy went and made a great fire. He came out and cut the horse's four 
legs off. He staunched the blood and jjut the four legs on the fire. He blew the 
fire a great while. He took the four legs out of the fire, put them on the anvil and 
beat them a great while. He threw them down, and took them, and went out, 
and put them back under the horse. 

1 P'Wo^ = P'ur6. 

- only] glossed in my notebook by paldl. 

^ o piKjo puv&ijero can only be accounted for as a formation by analogy with 
other phrases where uouns in -tijerO are preceded by an article and adjective in 
agreement with them. Though always used, it must be regarded as a deviation 
from strict accuracy, for the genitive of J j/cujl puv, "the broken field," should be 
I p'age-puv^ijero, " [thing] of the broken field." In most cases the Welsh Gypsies 
form these compounds correctly, e.g. tatt-muskro, "mustard," lit. "[thing] of the 
hot mouth," 6«>-e-/'0,<?';7if/yc>-o, "harper." The distinction, though a delicate, is an 
important one, since in the latter instance hdrO hofiinubjero might mean "big 
fiddler." A like nuance exists in the German dialect of Eomani where hdre- 
Ser^skero means " big-headed man,"' Jidro hresktrd, " great cliief, king." 

■* FiLrl . . . datl] lit. "an old mare was to the mother-in-law," 

^ te civds . . . ^ra'i] lit. "that thou pattest shoes under my horse." Note that 
the Welsh Gypsies never use the word petul, "horse-shoe," which they probably 
abandoned because of its resemblance to the Welsh " pedol." 



54 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

puro petaleyero diJcelas top lesti. P'ucdds o tamo cavo so sas 
les te peseril. Bids les o tdrno cava kotor sunakdi. 

Divcsd paldl reperdds trusul % stifl-dakl purl grasni. Wont- 
selas te civel cloxd tcddl latl. G'as td 'yas Id, td andlds Id. 
P'andids Id k'o huddr. Gindlds o star herd td muktds ten te 
ratsen. Na jundas kek sdr te 'eel * o rat. G'as are te kedds hdrl 
yog td cidds o star herd 'pre yog. P'urdids td purdids. G'as 
te dikd lendi. Sas odoi cl. Xocerdds sdr % 6ikest%. G'as avrt t'd 
'yas i purl grasnl td ucerdds len pdrl I bdrr. 

1 stifl-ddi td cdi cirjerenas. puro p>etaler)erd jundas kek so 
te kel lendl. Dives or dul 'vlds o tdrno cavo top gresko dumo 
td dul pure juvid. " Kesa til 'kala dul pure juvid tdroii ? " 
" Nd, na sis me kek ! " " Desa man o kola ? Kerdva len one." 
" Aua, le len." 

' Vlds o tdrno cavo tali I graieste : tdrdlds b dul pure juvid, 
td pandlds len. Kedds I hdrl yog td cidds len 'pre I yog. 
P'urdids td purdids talal lendl. 'Yas len avrf, cidds len top o 
sastdrn, hurdds len mi^td, td cidds len tale. 'Vile dul tdrne 
raikane rdnld. puro petaleyero dikelas tap 6 tdrno cavo. Dlds 
les tdrno cavo kotor sunakdi. 

Divesd 'vlds a' ^ lesko sero opri leskl romnl td stifl-ddi. 'Yas 
o duUn, td pandlds len, td cidds len opre yog, td purdids, td 

The old smith was watching him. The boy asked what there was to pay. 
The boy gave him a piece of gold. 

Some days afterwards he remembered about his mother-in-law's old mare. He 
wanted to shoe her. He went and took her and brought her. He tied her to the 
door. He cut ofi' the four legs and let them bleed. He did not know how to stop 
the blood. He went in, made a great fire, and put the four legs on the fire. He 
blew and blew. He went to look for them. Nothing was there. He had burnt 
them all to ashes. He went out, and took the old mare, and threw them over the 
hedge. 

The mother-in-law and her daughter were always quarrelling. The old smith 
knew not what to do with them. In a day or two came the boy on horseback 
with two old women. " Wilt thou make these two old women young ? " " No, 
I cannot." " Wilt give me the tools 1 I will do it." " Yes, take them." 

The boy got off his horse ; he pulled the two old women down and bound 
them. He made a great fire, and put them on the fire. He blew and bleAV 
beneath them. He took them out, set them on the anvil, hammered them well 
and put them down. They became two young and beautiful ladies. The old 
smith was watching the young boy. The boy gave him a piece of gold. 

After some days it came into his head about his wife and his mother-in-law. 
He took the twain, and bound them, and set them on the fire, and blew and blew 



' *6d] addva in the sense of " to staunch" is of course a usage borrowed from 
tlie Eiii^lish ' stop,' used as a causative verb. Cp. above the true word panddva. 
" a'] = «r/f. 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 55 

purdids talal lendl. Glds te diUel leyl. Sas 'doi cl. Xocerde 
kotorendl. Ucerdds o hameros tale ta 'vri glds. " Kedom, les 
akand ! Mdrdom ml purl grasnl, t'd mdrdom ml romnl, td rnl 
stifl-ddi." Xanadds o sero td junelas keic so te kel. G'as peskl td 
viuktds o tan ojd te ses-lo. Bard iv td HI, td kek stddl 'pre o 
Sero. 

'Vlds tdrno cava palal lestl, td puctds leste, " ' Vava me tusa ? 
" Nd" x^^'^ petalerjero, '^ Cl na kesa mansa." " Muk Tnan te 'vd 
tusa." 'Yas les o puro petalerjero. Plranld ^ sas tdrno cavo. 

Rakerdds o 6avd lesa, " 'Kdi si bdrl jiliHn, 'doi si bdro rdi, 
nasfalo si-Id aro vodros. Jasa 'Trie odoi." " Cl ne siP kerdva 

me!" xocd petaleyero. " Md tu pen H, jasa 'me 'doi, kerdva 
me. P'ukd ley I te me som tiro hutldkero." 

Tali gile k'l jilisin, td kurdi o huddr. lovindkero 'vela 'vrl. 
" Ake'me'vasate TYiendasen^ I hare res." " Aven arS." 'Yas len 
are k'l yog te besen tali. P'uctds lende so lenas te x^^i td pien. 
Lili dosta te xpn tdplen. BiUerdds pes 5 puro petaleyero. bita 
cavo pendds leskl, " Ne 'kand, pen tu kana 'vela lovindkero are, te 
wontsesa te jes k'o rdi." 

Gili 'pre k'o rdi. Bita cavo kdrdds curldkl, pirldkl, td pdnlhkl, 



beneath them. He went to look for them. Nothing was there. They were 
burnt to pieces. He threw down the hammer, and went out. " I have done it now. 
I have killed my old mare, and I have killed my wife and my mother-in-law." 
He scratched his head and knew not what to do. He went away and left the 
place as it was. Deep snow was there and cold, and he had never a hat on his head. 

The young boy came after him and asked him : "Shall I come with tlieel" 
" No," quoth the smith, " thou wilt do nothing with me." " Let me come with 
thee." The old smith took him. The boy was barefoot. 

The boy talked with him. " Here is a great castle. In it is a mighty lord. 
He is ill in bed. Let us go there." " I can do nothing," quoth the smith. " Say 
nothing 1 We will go there ; I will do it. Tell them that I am thy servant." 

Down they went to the castle and knocked at the door. The butler came out. 
•' We come here to heal the great lord." " Come in ! " He took them in to sit 
down by the tire. He asked them what they would have to eat and drink. They 
had plenty to eat and drink. The old smith forgot their business. The little boy 
said to him : " Now then when the Ijutler comes in say that thou wishest to go to 
the lord." 

They went up to the lord. The little boy called for a knife, a pot, water, and 

^ PlranW]. An interesting old compound. Cp. Paspati, p. 438, " Pirna7ig6, 
pinango," frompb-o and 7uv/u. The Welsh Gyp.sy form pircntlo ov 2)i>-a>jlu, identical 
with Boehtlingk's Russian Gypsy 2''iranijl6, and Bischofi's German (Jypsy prtJigclo, is 
based on nayalo, notnayd. Beside pirdyl6 Welsh Gypsy has herdijlo, " bare-legged," 
a word which I have not noticed in anj- Continental (Jypsy vocabulary. 

" a ne siaj pronounced as one word, with stress on the penultimate, cln^UL 
* mendasiii] from mtndasdva — loan-verbs forming stem in -an. 



56 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

td roidhl.^ Cindlds resko sero td cuyardds top o vast te 'Sel drat. 
Cidds o sero atrS plrt. Cidds les top % yog te keravel. Keradds 
hdrlhwdila. 'Yas sunak^sJd rdi: 6ar adds les roidsa. 'Yas 6 sero 
avrt jnrl fd cidds les pdU top I reskl men. rdi 'vids onisto td 
'pre 'cas. 

Dlds len 5 rdi gono sunakdi td giU peyl 'pre o drorti. " Sd 
kdi ^ wontsdva me," %06*''o bita cavo, " si neve cioxct-" " ^d, ndi 
ruan kek. Bita dosta. si-Id marji." Ojd pendds o petaUrjero. Gyds 
peskl bita cavo : muktds les. 

puro petaleyerd jala kokord. Dikds dul murs^ 'pre greye 
dumi, td lile o lovd sdr. P'lrdds o petaUrjero 'pre o drom. 
Sundds bdrl filisin. 'Doi sas rdi nasfalo, td 'doi g'as. 

Kurdds 6 huddr. lovindkero kdrdds les ari. Dyas les 
dosta te 'xpl. Fala-so ^ kedds te ■)(ol, glds o puro petaUrjero opri 
k'o rdi. 

K'drdds I pirldkl, td pdnleskl, td roidkl. Cindlds olesko sero 
td m,ukdds les te ratsel. Na junelas kek sdr te 'eel o rat. Cidds 

Sero ari, plrl top % yog te keravel. Keradds bdrl hwaild. 'Yas 

1 rdi td caradds les. Cl na sis kelas lestl : o sero jalaps kotorendl. 
rdi ratselas te mer'las. 

a spoon. He cut off the lord's head and spat on his hand to stop the blood. 
He put the head in the pot. He set it on the fire to boil. It boiled a great 
while. He took the golden spoon : he stirred it with the spoon. He took the 
head out of the pot and put it back on the lord's neck. The lord got well and 
stood up. 

The lord gave them a sack of gold and they went away along the road. " All 
that I want," quoth the little boy, " is new shoes." " No, I have none. There 
is little enough for me." Thus spoke the smith. The little boy went away ; 
he left him. 

The old smith went on alone. He met two men on horseback and they took 
all his money. The smith walked along the road. He heard about a great castle. 
The lord of that place was ill, and there he went. 

He knocked at the door. The butler called him in and gave him plenty to 
eat. After he had done eating, the old smith went up to the lord. 

He called for a pot and water and a spoon He cut off his head and let it 
bleed. He did not know how to stop the blood. He put the liead into the pot on 
the fire to boil. It boiled a great while. He took the spoon and stirred it. He 
could do nothing to it ; the head was falling to pieces ; the gentleman was bleed- 
ing to death. 

' curuikl . . . roidkil. This list of feminine and masculine datives is a fairly 
good instance of the perfect grip of gender retained by the Welsh Gypsies. 

- hii]. A somewhat less common form of the relative pronoun than te, Mik. 
vii. 69; Pott, i. 310(7). 

' mar'i] see note to Vtud, J. G. L. S., New Series, i. 317, note 3. 

•• Pala-8o] see note to / Kdli Jiuni, J. G. L. S., New Series, i. 27, note 2, and also 
the variant form paldl-sO later in the present tale. 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 57 

IComoni 'vids t'd kurdds o guddr. petaleyero sas trasado. 
" Ndi kek te 'ven ari akdi." " Mukesa til o bita plranU cavo 
anrS?" Sundds o pro petaleyero, td piradds o guddr td 're 'vlds 
bita cavo. 

Kana 'vlds are, g'as k'o rdi td pandids o rat. G'as k'l plrl, 
tdrdlds % sunakeski rdi td kiradds o sero. Bdrl hwdila sas-lo 
manke 'yas 6 sero kitands: keradd kotorendl sas-lo. 'Yas les 
avrt, td cidds les opri, I reske Trien. Bestds o rdi oprL 
petaleyero td bita cavo gile, td lile dul gone swnakdi. 

Opri drom puctds o cavo, " Wontsdva me cwxd." " Aua," 
^oc'd petaleyero, "tiro si sdr." cavo pukadds "iVa wontsdva 
me les kek, clo'^d wontsdva me." ' Yas cioxd o cavo. 

P'lrenas o dul opri o drom. P'ukadds o bita cavo, " Si vavir 
bdro rdi tale 'kdi. Si 'kala ^ res covexand, td kek sis kitrna les. Jasa 
'me oddi. 'Doi si trin gone sunakdi te 'vet lind te kurdsa les." 

Gile k'o huddr te raker en I resa. Lile ^pben td 'vrl 'vile. Gile 
're pure kerestl, 'doi sas bdro puro purdimdy'ro. resko 
covexand purdlds pos ddrldv opre. " Jd tu 'kand, bita cavo," 
pukadds 6 petalerjero. G'as o cavo t'd purdlds. P'urdlds bdro 
maco optre te pldds sau ^ pdni. 

Glds vaver pdpale te purdel. P'urdlds giv 'jd sdr brisindo. 
G'as bita cavo td purdlds cerikle te x^^^ ^^^ ^ 9'^'^- P'urdlds 
6 resko milrs but sosoid 'pre. G'as o bita cavo, td purdlds trin 

Some one came and knocked Jit the door. The smith was afraid. " No one is 
to come in here." "Wilt thou let the little barefoot boy in?" The old smith 
hearkened and opened the door, and the little boy came in. 

When he came in, he went to the lord and staunched the blood. He 
went to the pot, took the golden spoon and stirred the head. It was a great 
Avhile before he got the head together again : it was boiled to pieces. He took it 
out and set it on the lord's neck. The lord sat up. The smiih and the little boy 
went and got two sacks of gold. 

On the road the boy begged : "I want shoes." "Yes," quoth the smith: 
' everything is thine." The boy said : " I do not Avant it ; I want shoes." The 
boy got the shoes. 

The two were walking along the road. The little boy said : " There is another 
great lord down here. This lord has a wizard and no one can beat him. Let us 
go there. There are three sacks of gold to be got if we beat him." 

They went to the door to speak with the lord. They got food and came out. 
They went into the old house. There was a mighty old pair of bellows. The 
lord's wizard blew half the sea up. " Now it is thy turn, little boy," said the 
smith. The boy went and blew. He blew a great fish up that drank all the 
water. 

The other went to blow again. He blew corn like rain. The little boy went 
and he blew birds that ate all the corn. The lord's man blew many rabbits up. 



1 'kala] oblique of 'kava before the prepositional res. - sati]=su o. 



58 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

halikond,^ fi halikond 'x^ole sosoid. Kurdds I reslce^ murses; lili 
trin gone sunakdi. 

Na junelas o puro 'petaleijero kek so te kel peske lovesa. 'Vids 
a' lesko sero te kelas neve petalerj'resko ker. Kedds kusl neve kerd, 
hudtka, td trin kirHml. 

Kelas hita hutl yekdr, id 'vids purl juvel k'o huddr, rdti, te 
niayel lodimdski. " Aua," %oc''o puro petaleyerd. " Si man vodros 
tuki yek ratsdkl? Ndi man kek hiotidkeri. Jd 're o ker, cl kekdvl 
'pre yog, ker mutdrimdyerl tl kokoridki." Xoids t purl fd g'as 
ar'o vodros. 

'Cas oprB ar'l 'sarla. puro petaleyero td yol %oig. " Dava 
tut trin kold — so kamesa ? " X'^^'^ purl. ])etaletjer6 pendds 
lakl, " Kamos * t'o mdrs, te lela mlro hameros ar iJesho vast, ne- 
Hi mukela les poste penos me." 'Yas les. Xoc'l purl, " so si vavir 
kova te kam^esas ? " " Dikesa odoia purl skamin ar'o kunsus ? " 
" Aua," %oJ'''i; purl. " Kamos t'o murS te jala odoi te heUl ne te ^ 
precel ^^oste 'vava me kl yov." " Aua, lesa les I " " Kamos t'o 
niuri te 'vela 're mire pocldtl na sis te 'vel avri poste mukdva les 
me." " Aua," %oJ'''j; purl. Parikedds les I purl t'd g'as peskl. 



The little boy went and he blew three greyhounds, and the greyhounds ate the 
rabbits. He beat the lord's man : they got three sacks of gold. 

The old smith did not know what to do with his money. It came into his head 
to build a new smithy. He built a few new houses, a workshop, and three inns. 

He was doing a little work once, and an old woman came to the door at night 
to beg for a lodging. " Yes," quoth the old smith, " I have a bed for thee for one 
night. I have no servant-maid. Go into the house, put the kettle on the fire, 
make tea for thyself." The old woman ate and went to bed. 

She got up in the morning. The old smith and she had breakfast. " I will 
give thee three things — what dost thou wish 1 " quoth the old woman. The smith 
said to her : " I wish that the man who takes my hammer in his hand cannot let 
it go until I say so." He got it. "What is another thing thou wouldst wish?" 
quoth the old woman. " Dost thou see that old chair in the corner ? " " Yes," 
quoth the old woman. " I wish that the man who seats himself there cannot get 
up until I come to him." " Yes, thou shalt have it." " I wish that the man who 
gets into my pocket cannot come out until I let him." "Yes," quoth the old 
woman. She thanked him and went away. 



^ halikond] modern Welsh "hulgwn." 

- i reska] oblifjue article and adjective before accusative. 

■' ratmkl] The change of t to is in oblique cases of (' rat, " night," may be 
paralleled from (ierman Gypsy. Cp. Pott, ii. 273, who quotes from Zippel ratsiakro, 
rcUxjakki, etc. Finck ignores this peculiarity in his table of declensions of nouns 
(Lehrhuch, pp. 28, 29). The same change of f to (■■< accounts for such forms as 
Welsh <iypsy matsihtn from mdtO, Welsh Gypsy kats, English Gypsy katsers from 
Greek Gypsy kat, "scissors," and English Gypsy hutsl for buti. 

* Kaimin] contr. of kiwidvas, lit. " 1 should like." 

" ne ^(] always pronounced as one word iittS. 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 59 

Kusl divesd paldl 'vids Ttiurs art budfka. P'uctds sdr sas-lo. 
" Misa dosta," %06^'o j>et(derfrd, " sdr san tu ? " Rakerdi ban hwdila 
jyoste puctds akdva murs anl bik'nelas pes. 'Cas u petalerfro b%ta. 
" Aua" 'xpc'ov, " kisi lovo desa man ? " " Dava tut gono sunakdi" 
" De man les," x^^'^ petaleyero. "'Vesa tu mansa p)aldl pan6 bers. 
'Fava me 'kdi te Id tut." Glds peskl basavo milns, t'd 'vr% g'as 
petaley'ro k'% kircima te piel. 

Art budika sas-lo yek divds, id kelas bita buti, td basavo milrs 
'vids odoi. "'Vesa 'kand." "Aua, 'vava me. Ac bita, le Tniro 
liameros, kur bita 'pre 'kava sastdrn. 'Fa me paldl so kedom 
'kdia bita buti." 

G'as petaU'tfro % butuisa kerS, t'd g'as k'l kircima paldl. 
Matserdds odoi. Avri 'vids, t'd gyas k!% vaver kircima. 'Yas 
dropa, t'd 'vri 'vids. 

Ak'o basavo murs 'vela 'vrl budika, t'd hameros ar'o vast, td 
jala te r'odel % petaley'reskl. L'atids les ar% durtanl kircima, 
td i^ieZas kusl rensa. Ari 'vuis akdva puro bey. Opri 'cas 5 
petaUrj'rd. "So wontsesa tu mire kolensa?"^ " Av akdi," xo<^'d 
bey, "le 'kava kova: dava tut pane bers papali." 'Yas les o 
puro petaleyero fa kere gyas. 

pane berPjala, div^s td dives.^ Kusl divesd ]}aldl o bey 'vela 



A few days after, a man came into the smithy. He asked how he was. "Very 
well," quoth the smith, " liow art thou ?" They talked a great while until at last 
this man asked whether he would sell himself. The smith considered a little. 
" Yes," quoth he, " how much money %vilt thou give me ] " "I will give thee a 
sack of gold." " Give it me," quoth the smith. " Thou wilt come with me five 
years hence. I will come here to take thee." The evil one went away and the 
smith went out to the inn to drink. 

He was in the smithy one day doing a little work, and the evil one came there. 
" Now thou must come." " Yes, I will come. Wait a moment, take my hammer, 
beat a little on this anvil. I will come back after I have done this small job." 

The smith went home with his work and afterwards went to the inn. He did 
some hard drinking there. He came out, and went to the other inn. He had a 
drop and came out. 

L(j 1 the evil one came out of the forge hammer in hand, and went to seek for 
the smith. He found him in the furthest inn drinking with a few gentlemen. In 
came this old devil. The smith got up. " What dost thou want with my tools ? " 
*' Come here," quoth the devil. " Take away this thing ; I will give thee five years 
more." The old smith took it and went home. 

The five years passed day by day. A few days after the devil came into the 



^ koUnsa] kova, "thing," is regularly declined as a demonstrative. 

'- pane ber{i] = the quinquennium, hence the verb in the singular. Note the 
repetition of this sentence later on, a true sign of antiquity. 

^ div6s t'c't divds]. The regular expression of the distributive numerals. Cp. yek 
ta yek, " one by one," dui t'u diii, " two by two. " Pott, i. 226 ; Mik. vii. ~. 



60 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

arehudika. "Sdrkm?" x^^'^^^V^^^^^^^- " Misa dosta ! sar san tu ? " 
"'Vesa 'kandf" " Aua, hes tali tojp okoia purl skamin" G'as 
6 hey ta hestds tali. "Ac odoi bita" x^'^'^ petaleyero, " wontsdva 
te jd akalesa keri." 

Avrt gyds 6 petaUy'ro tali k'l kircima. Gyds pos matd. 
puro bey sas kind te heselas tali. Ake yov 'cela 'pri. Na sis 
'celas opri kek. Paldl 'yas I purl skamin pala pestl tali k'l 
kircima. P'uctds sas 5 rdi ari. " Nd',' ^oc'C gdjl, "ndi-lD 'kdi 
kek, kl vaver kircima gyds." 

Glds 6 6e?7 Ul vaver kircima ta 're glds 're komdra. L'atids 
les odoi. petaleyero dikds top lestl, " So wontsela 'dova mUrs 
mire skaminydsa?" " Av akdi," x^^-'o bey, " wontsdva te rakerd 
tusa. Le 'kdia skamin. Dava tut pane bers pdpali." Tdrdlds 
petaleyero, td gyas pesk' d bey avrt. K'eri g'as o petaleyro. 

pane bers jala, dives ta dives. Ak'o puro bey 'vela pdpali. 
Ses 'ddi kek ari budtka : avrt sas-lo, id plelas. puro bey jala 
td rodela leskl. L'atlds les komdridtl.^ Bestds o puro bey posi 
lestl, td rakerdds sukdr lesa. " ICdrdom me lovindkl. Pdrd tut 
're cinimay'rldtl ari mlrl pocl te peserd lakl." 'Jd kedds o 
hey. Matserdds o puro petaleyero, td keri gyds ari vodros. 

Jala te sovd. 'Ddi sas cumonl taldl lesko sero te kelas godlt. 
'Pre 'cas, td 'vlds tali, td gyas ari budtka, td 'yas I pocl, td tildds 
Id tap o sastdrn, td 'yas d hameros, td kurdds les mistd. " Muk 

smithy. "How art thou?" quoth he to him. "Very Avell ! how art thou?" 
" Now thou must come." "Yes, sit down on that old chair." The devil went and 
sat down. " Wait there a little," quoth the smith, " I want to go home with 

this." 

The smith went off down to the inn. He got half drunk. The old devil was 
tired of sitting down. He wanted to get up. He could not get up. At last he 
took the old chair behind him down to the inn. He asked whether the master 
was in. " No," quoth the woman, "he is not here, he went on to the other inn." 

The devil went to the other inn, and went into the parlour. He found him 
there. The smith looked at him, "What does that man want with my chair ?" 
" Come here," quoth the devil, " I would speak with thee. Take away this chair. 
I will give thee five years more." The smith pulled and the devil went out. The 
smith went homo. 

The five years passed day by day. Lo ! the old devil came again. There was 
no one in the smithy, he was out drinking. The old devil went to seek for him. 
He found him in the parlour. The old devil sat down by him, and talked Avith 
him quietly. " I have called for ale. Turn thyself into a jwund in my pocket 
that 1 may pay for it." The devil did so. The old smith drank his fill and went 

home to bed. 

He was going to .sleep. There was something under his head that made a 
noise. He got up and came down and went into the smithy, and took the 

> komoridti] prepositional used locatively. 



TRANSYLVANIAX GYPSIES 61 

man," xoco puro hey. " Muhdva tut. ' Vava me kekdr kl tu 
te miikesa man 'kand." Mukdds les o puro petaley'ro tejal. 

Muids o petaUy'ro td gyas k% herjesko Jtuddr td kurdds les. Yek 
beyeske milrs^ 'vids avrf. " F'en tl dadeskl t'o vetaletj'ro si 
akdi." Gyas o bita her) t'd pendds peskl dadeskl, " Md muk 
les are," ')(Oc'd puro he7j," ondr'la 'men sd / " "Ole,"^ Xoc'o puro 
her) ke pesko hutidkero, " Le 'kava pus, td vl yog kl lestl, te 
dudyerel les opri k'o mo dlr devil" 

Ojd kedds 6 beyesko butldkero. Gyas o puro petaUyero opri 
k'o mo dlr devil. Odoi sas-lo te bosavelas % bdrl bosimayert, td 
dikdsa les sdr 'me te nejasa k'o hey. 

Oke sdr si man te pend 'kand. 



pocket and held it on the anvil and seized the hammer and beat it soundly. " Let 
me go," quoth the old devil. " I will let thee alone. I will never come to thee 
again if thou wilt let me go now." The old smith let him go. 

Now the smith died and he went to the devil's door and knocked. One of the 
evil ones came out. " Tell thy father that the smith is here." The little devil 
went and told his father. " Do not let him in," quoth the old devil, "he will kill 
us all." " There ! " quoth the old devil to his serving-man, " take this straw and 
set fire to it to light him up to my dear God." 

The devil's servant did so. The old smith went up to my dear God. There he 
was, playing the harp, and we shall all see him if we do not go to the devil instead. 

That is all I have to tell now. 



VIII.— TRANSYLVANIAN GYPSIES 

A MONG the five sketches by Mr. Joseph Pennell, which appear 
-^ in this number of the Journal, is one which is associated 
with an interesting Gypsy custom. On pages 198 to 202 of To 
Gypsyland Mrs. Pennell describes how she and Mr. Pennell 
became aware of its existence : — 

' It was on the same day too that we met the three Romanies, 
in the rag-s of Callot's besrsrars, whom we followed into a bank, 

o or? ' 

Avhere the polite superintendent and cashiers suspended all 
business, while one of the wanderers sang a gipsy song for Dr. 
Herrmann, and J sketched a second, who had a face like an 

^ YeU beydske murs] see note to Gr'ino Murs, J. 0. L. S., New Series, i. 266, 
note 2. 

2 Ole]. This interjection, used only in offering something to a person, generally 
followed by the imperative h', the Gypsies translate "there ! " Ole le les, "There ! 
take it." The plural form olin, only once met with, points to a verbal origin : Ol4n 
cdv6lin, ake comdni tumeyl! " There, mates, here is something for ye ! " 



62 TRANSYLVANIAN GYPSIES 

angel, but who grovelled in the dust to kiss our feet in thanks for 
a few kreutzers and a half-smoked cigar. The wonder was to see 
them in such a place; but after they had gone the superintendent 
took us into a near room and showed us the silver cups they had 
brought to pawn, and then shelf after shelf full of other cups, all 
beautiful in design, many dating back to the fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries. There is no gipsy family in Transylvania without one ; 
pawn it they may, and do often enough, but no matter how sore 
their straits, they never sell it. It is a superstition with them, 
and they would rather sell themselves.' 

The possession of valuable cups is an old-recorded Gypsy 
ambition, and Grellmann in a note (Raper's translation, p. 189) 
even hints that the ' gold and silver,' to which Stumpf, who died 
in 1558, referred in his Chronik, consisted of such heirlooms: while 
Heister, on page 26 of his Etltnographische unci gescJiicMlicJte 
Notizen, suggests that it may have been these vessels which, 
according to Cervantes, Gypsy bands were required to deposit 
with the magistrates of villages, near which they camped, as 
surety for their good behaviour. 

But the method by which Mrs. Pennell's Gypsies safeguarded 
their treasures when they went a- wandering shows the influence 
of modern civilisation, for in Grellmann's time, a century earlier, 
very simple precautions were used. Speaking (on page 27 of 
Raper's translation) about sedentary Gypsies, he says : — 

' They are very fond of gold and silver plate, particularly silver 
cups, which is a disposition they have in comn:ion with the 
wandering Gipsies. They let slip no opportunity of acquiring 
something of the kind, they will even starve themselves to pro- 
cure them. Though they seem little anxious to heap up riches 
for their children, yet these frequently inherit a treasure of this 
sort, and are obliged in their turn to preserve it as a sacred 
inheritance. The ordinary travelling Gipsies, who are in pos- 
session of such a piece of plate, commonly bury it under the 
hearth, of their dwelling, in order to prevent its being made 
away with.' 

And perhaps it was advancing civilisation also which led the 
British Gypsies to replace silver cups by the silver tea-pots with 
which all are familiar who have received the honour of an 
invitation to take tea in an aristocratic Romany home. 





w 
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Si 

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O 



o 
a: 






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o 

o 

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O 



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Z 

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4ir 



a^^. '^^ ■''-•'' -•«^"— -^^ 



.^ : II £ 



TRAXSYLVANIAN GYPSIES 



63 




DEPOSITORS AT THE MAROS VASARHELY BANK 
By Joseph Pennell 

{To whom the coiiyright belongs) 



64 



TRANSYLVANIAX GYPSIES 




A TYPE 

By Joseph Pennell 

{To lohom the copyright belongs) 



TRANSYLVAXIAN GYPSIES 



65 




A REAL OLD DAI 
By Joseph Pennell 

( To whom the copyright belongs) 



VOL. IL — NO. I. 



E 



66 



TRANSYLVANIAN GYPSIES 




') I if 



^^ 



I 



\ 






THE CAMP BY THE RIVERSIDE 

Bv Joseph Pennell 

{To whom the copyright belongs) 



REVIEWS 67 



REVIEWS 

J)ie Sprache der armenischen Zigenner ( = Memoires de VAcadetnie 
Impericde des Sciences de St.-Fetersbourg. VIII Serie. 
Glasse Jtistorico-philologigue. Volume viii. No. 5). Von 
Franz Nikolaus Finck. St.-Petersbourg, 1907. 131 pp. 

TTORLIEGENDE Schrift ist die ausfiihrliche Arbeit liber die 
' Sprache der armenischen Zigenner, liber deren Hauptresultate 
Professor Finck in dem Aufsatze Die Stellung des Armenisch- 
Zigeunerischen hn Kreise der verwandten Mundarten(HLa\\e a. d, S., 
R. Haupt, 1905) sowie in diesem Journal (I, 34 ff.) schon vorlaufig 
Bericht erstattet hat. Die Kenntnis dieser Form des Zigeunerischen, 
fiir welche man bisher im wesentlichen auf das 1887 erschienene 
Buch von K. P. Patkanov angewiesen war, wird durch sie erheb- 
lich erweitert, da Finck durch dankenswerte Zuvorkommenheit 
von verschiedenen Seiten her in den Stand gesetzt wurde, alles 
liber den Gegenstand vorhandene gedruckte und ungedruckte 
Material benlitzen zu konnen, darunter die von ihm als die 
ergiebigste Quelle bezeichneten, dem Asiatischen Museum zu St. 
Petersburg gehorigen Aufzeichnungen von Grigor Vanthsean aus 
dem Jahre 1890. Wir vermissen in der das Buch erofthenden 
Aufzahlung dieser Materialien nur einen in der Orientalischen 
Bibliographie XV, No. 3308 angeflihrten Aufsatz der Mnogra- 
Jiceskoe Ohozrenie, welcher jedoch wohl nur die russische Bear- 
beitung des hier unter No. IV. gegebenen Buches von Phaphazean 
darstellt. Dem Verzeichnis folgt auf S. 4-31 der vollstandige 
Abdruck dieser sammtlichen Quellen, dann auf S. 32-54 eine 
eingehende Erorterung des S3'stems der Flexion und der nominalen 
Stammbildung, welches von einem vereinzelten indischen Rest 
abgesehen sich als armenisch resp. westarmenisch ausweist. Nach 
diesem Ergebnis hat sich die eigentliche Erforschung dieses 
Zigeuneridioms, wie auf S. 54 festgestellt wird, auf die etymolo- 
gische Aufhellung der einzelnen Worter und die auf die indischen 
Bestandteile zu grlindende Lautlehre zu beschranken — ein Gegen- 
stand welchem somit der zweite Teil der Schrift hauptsiichlich 
gewidmet ist. Davon entfallen S. 54-58 auf die leicht aus- 
zuscheidenden nicht-indischen Bestandteile, S. 59-74 auf die 
sicher indischen Worter, S. 74-81 auf den Rest derer, welche 
vorlaufig in lautlicher oder anderer Beziehung mehr oder weniger 



68 REVIEWS 

unklar bleiben. Es folgen auf S. 81-88 eine Lautlehre der 
indischen Bestandteile, S. 88-92 nach einigen kurzen Bemer- 
kungen zur Wortbildung eine paradigmatische Darstellimg der 
Conjugation und Declination auf Grund der im ersten Teil aus- 
geflilirten Untersuchung, S. 92-104 die in den Quellen enthaltenen 
umfangreicheren Original -Texte in lateinischer Transcription 
mit einer interlinearen und einer freieren tlbersetzung. Den 
Schluss machen erschopfende Wortverzeichnisse und eine In- 
haltsiibersicht, welche die allseitige Yerwertung des gebotenen 
Stoftes in wunschenswerter Weise erleichtern. Alles in allem 
erhalten wir — was das Tatsacliliche anbetriflft — eine umsichtige 
und durchaus zuverliissige Bearbeitung des interessanten Gegen- 
standes, wie wir sie von diesem bewahrten Kenner des deutschen 
Zigeuneriscli und des Armenischen erwarten durften. 

Um so befremdender wirkt das Ergebnis uber die Stellung des 
armenischen Zigeuneriscli, welches wir mit Fincks eigenen 
Worten S. 58 f. wiedergeben wollen : 

'Ein Vergleich des Wortschatzes der armenischen Zigeuner 
mit dem der iibrigen asiatischen, soweit er bekannt geworden ist, 
und dem der europaischen Zigeuner zeigt nun schon auf den 
ersten Blick, dass die Sprache der armenischen Zigeuner sich 
ziemlich scharf von den verwandten Mundarten abhebt, und zwar 
insofern, als sie im Gegensatz zu alien anderen fast ausschliesslich 
Prakritformen voraussetzt. Pischel, Beitrdge zur Kenntnis der 
deutschen Zigeuner 46, hat es schon als auffallig hervorgehoben, 
dass die Mundart der armenischen Zigeuner an Stelle des im 
Kreise der verwandten Dialekte gebrauchlichen liaftt, vast, cliast, 
chasta ' Hand ' mit Erhaltung des s von skr. hastah die in den 
neuindischen Sprachen gewohnliche Form hatli bietet und im 
Anschluss daran bemerkt, dass sich also auch hier bei den 
Zigeunern Dialektspuren nachweisen liessen. Diese DifFerenzen 
sind nun aber nicht etwa, wie man nach dieser Bemerkung 
vermuten konnte, mit denen innerhalb der iibrigen Zigeuner- 
mundarten erscheinenden auf eine Linie zu stellen, vielmehr als 
Grundverschiedenheiten anzusehn, die zu der Einsicht zwingen 
dass die wohl noch ziemlich allgemein geltende, von de Goeje, 
Mdmoire sur les migrations des Tsiganes d travers I'Asie 33 ff., 
ausdrUcklich behauptete Annahme eines einheitlichen Ursprunges 
der europaischen und asiatischen Zigeunermundarten nicht auf 
den Dialekt der armenischen Zigeuner ausgedehnt werden darf.' 

Nimmt man hinzu, was Finck in diesem Journal I, 38 und 40 



REVIEWS 69 

sowie in der Schrift: Die Stellwag des Armenisch-Zigeunerischen 
in gleicher Richtung bemerkt hat, so lasst sich seine Mei- 
nung — mit Hinweglassung der weiter noch daran angeschlos- 
senen Hypothesen — dahin ziisammenfassen, dass das armenische 
Zigeunerisch allein auf einen Prakrit-Dialekt, specieller aiif die 
von den Grammatikern Apabhramsa genannte Sprachform zuriick- 
zufiihren ist, wahrend die Heimat saramtlicher anderen bisher 
bekannt gewordenen Zigeunerniundarten aller Wahrscheinlichkeit 
nach im Nordwesten des indischen Sprachgebiets, am Hindu- 
kusch, in den Kafir- und Dardudistricten zu suchen ist. Ein 
Hauptmangel dieser Ansicht ist der, dass das Verhaltnis eben 
auch dieser Hindukusch-Dialekte und der damit in Beziehungr 
gesetzten Zigeunermiindarten zinn Prakrit ganz imd gar im 
Unklaren bleibt. Nun ist das Zigeunerische — wobei wir von der 
armenischen Mimdart vorlaufig absehen — nach Lautbestand und 
Grammatik ein zweitellos neuindisches Idiom, welches seinem 
ganzen Charakter nach mit den modernen arischen Sprachen 
Indiens volhg auf eine Stufe zu stellen ist. Beziehungen zu den 
Dialekten des nordwesthchen Berglandes zuerst nachgewiesen 
zu haben, wird als bleibendes Verdienst von Miklosich anerkannt 
werden mtissen ; aber mit voller Evidenz hat daneben R. von Sowa 
in der Einleitung zu seinem Buche Die Mimdart der slovakischen 
Zigeuner den Beweis geliefert, dass beachtenswerte EigentlimHch- 
keiten des Zigeunerischen nur in den Sprachen des inneren Indiens 
ihre Entsprechungen finden. Das Zigeunerische nimmt also eine 
Mittelstellung zwischen den beiden Gruppen ein. Alle drei aber 
setzen bei unleugbarer Verschiedenheit in Einzelheiten zweifellos 
ein Stadium voraus, welches im Avesentlichen dem allgemeinen 
Typus der Prakrit-Dialekte entsprochen haben muss ; daran 
konnen auch die mehrfiichen Altertiimlichkeiten der Hindukusch- 
Dialekte und des Zigeunerischen in Bezus: auf Nicht-Assimila- 
tion von Consonantengruppen kaum etwas andern, denn solche 
Nicht-Assimilationen sind in verschiedenen Abstufungen auch 
fiir die nordwesthchen und westlichen Dialekte des eigentlichen 
Indiens neben sonstigen echt prakritischen Eigentiimlichkeiten 
seit den Tagen Konig Asoka's bis auf den heutigen Tag von jeher 
charakteristisch gewesen. Wollte also Finck die Abstammung 
vom Prakrit auf das armenische Zigeunerisch beschranken, so 
hatte er beide Typen des Zigeunerischen auf ihr Verhaltnis zum 
Prakrit hin mit einander confrontieren und dadurch ihre speci- 
tische Verschiedenheit dartun miissen. Da er dies unterlassen 



70 REVIEWS 

hat, ergibt eine Nachprtifung cler aiigeblich entscheidenden 
Wortliste in § 58 (S. 59-73) ein ganz tlberraschendes Resultat. 
Es handelt sich im ganzen um 122 A¥orter (meine Schreibiing 
beruht auf dem Wortverzeichnis S. 105 ff., ist aber der von 
Miklosich tunlichst angeglichen worden). Davon sind ganz neii, 
wenn ich nicht irre, hochstens 14 : dzanrav ' Braut,' dzari ' Dime,' 
dhhclz 'Streit,' dziinak 'jung,' dvanthel ' koclien,' kam 'Arbeit,' 
khdvel ' werfen ' (zu skr. ksip, eur.-zig. mit palataler Verwandekmg 
6ivava), kherav ' Stadt,' hi 'ja,' sis ' Kopf ( = hindi u. s. w. sis 
neben sir, auch im Sina imd anderen Hindukusch-Dialekten ist 
das entsprechende .sis gebraiichlich), tel ' 01,' lavavel ' brennen,' 
l^esel ' eindringen,' Tiielel ' loslassen.' Ferner finden sich 8 bereits 
in dem asiatischen z. T. gleichfalls armenischen Zigeimerisch 
Paspatis: bah 'Vatei''(P. habo), biel ' sich fiirchten' (P. bihemi), 
buhu 'viel' (P. biihu), dial 'Sack' (P. khel), lehi 'Dorf (P. di 
= pers. dih, womit die Herkunft aus dem Persischen gegen Fincks 
Ableitung von einem skr. desikam erwiesen sein diirfte), pantJi 
' Weg ' (P. ixdlion), pav ' Fuss ' (P. bav), coki ' Madchen ' (was doch 
woll mit P.'s djaghi 'fille,' tchagh'u 'enfant' zusammenhangen 
wird) ; bar ' Tlir,' ist trotz Finck eher iranisch als indisch (vgl. die 
dialektischen Belege bei P. Horn, Grundzilge der neupersischen 
Etymologie No, 545). Die ilbrigen gehoren dem allgemein 
zisfeunerischen Wortschatze an nnd finden sich daher auch im 
europaischen Zigeunerisch mit meines Erachtens unerheblichen 
lautHchen Varianten wieder. Unter ihnen sind zwei, auf welche 
Finck in diesem Journal I, 40 ein besonderes Gewicht gelegt hat. 
Das eine ist das schon vorher erwahnte hath ' Hand,' welches von 
dem sonstigen vast (as.-zig. bei P. hast) gerade so abAveicht wie 
nath — wenn es von Finck richtig gedeutet ist (der betreffende 
Satz ist mir nicht ganz klar) — von eur.-zig. nasti. Aber um diese 
Abweichung zu erklaren brauchen wir uns noch nicht aus dem 
Kreise der Hindukusch-Dialekte zu entfernen. Das armenische 
Zigeunerisch stimmt eben in diesem Falle besser zu dem JiatJt des 
Kasmiri und Sina als zu dem hast, host des Kalasa und Khowar und 
wir haben hier nur einen neuen Beleg fiir die von mir schon friiher 
geltend gemachte Tatsache, dass das Zigeunerische— das europitische 
sowohl wie das asiatische — bald zu diesem bald zu jenem Hindu- 
kusch-Dialekte niihere Beziehungen zeigt und demnach trotz seiner 
generellen tJbereinstimmung cine stricte Einheit jedenfalls nicht 
darstellt. An derartisjen Schwankungen fehlt es auch sonst nicht : 
das Kasmlrl, welches sonst st zu tit assimiliert, hat es in Sistar 



REVIEWS 71 

' 'Eisen' = euY.-zig. saster imverandert erhalten und im europaisclien 
Zigeunerisch selbst steht dem alten st durchgangig die Assimila- 
tion von sth zu th zur Seite. Das zweite von Finck fur bedeutsam 
erachtete Wort ist das Pronom hev ' er,' ' sie/ ' es,' welches er 
durch die Zwischenstufe *heu auf eJtu des Apabhramsa zurtick- 
fuhren will ; es konnte aber recht wohl auch mit eur.-zig. ov, jov 
identisch sein (vgl. as.-zig. bei P. dzev 'Gerste' neben eur.-zig. 
dzov und arm.-zig. dzav). Wenn vollends (Die Stellmig u. s. w 
S. 10) arm.-zig. lui 'zwei' auf die Apabhramsa-Form dui zurtick- 
geftlhrt wird, so hat dasselbe natiirlich erst recht von eur.-zig. dui 
zu gelten. 

Es bleiben weitere 96 Worter, die ich zunilchst in der Reihen- 

folge von § 58 tlbersichtlich zusammenstellen will {-el bei den Verben 

ist die armenische Infinitivendung) : ak ' eins,' akhi ' Auge,' anel 

' bringen,' ' holen,' ankhor ' Nuss,' ' Haselnuss,' anlu ' Ei,' avel 

'kommen,' hantliel ' binden,' bukhav ' hungrig,' bid ' Gesass,' 

iliovdzuel ' waschen,' dzahri ' Sieb,' dzanel ' wissen,' dzav ' Gerste,' 

dzel ' gehen,' dziv ' Laus,' 9rakhic ' Fasten,' drovel ' weinen,' gian 

' Geruch,' gadzav ' Bauer,' gilav ' Lied,' karel ' machen,' giu 

' Weizen,' khusel ' reinigen,' khori ' Pferd,' klias ' Gras,' khelel 

' spielen,' kliBl ' Fett,' leval ' Gott,' las ' zehn,' lui ' zwei,' liUh 

' Milch,' khar ' Haus,' koli ' Brust,' kurel ' schlagen,' chari ' Esel,' 

chathel ' essen,' chasel ' lachen,' lekhel ' sehen.' savd ' ganz,' sdvel 

' schlafen ' und sutav ' Schlaf,' ^}/ia^ ' Bruder,' plianel ' sagen,' nol 

' Salz,' thulav 'saure Milch,' ke 'was' und keti ' wieviel,' lank 

' Nase,' ladzel ' sich schamen,' lei ' geben,' liel ' nehmen,' lorn 

' Zigeuner,' ojia ' nicht,' niancav ' Fisch,' manus ' Mensch,' mandz 

' Mitte,' ' Taille,' mangel ' bitten,' niari karel ' toten,' nierav- ' ich ' 

und terav- ' du,' piel ' trinken,' ^^ft^'i ' Wasser,' parel ' fallen,' 

mol 'Preis,' niuh ' Mund,' niulel 'sterben,' niurel ' harnen,' na 

'nicht,' nasuav 'krank,' nasuel 'verloren gehen' u. s. w., ndklel 

' hinausgehen,' ndgalel ' entblossen,' pucavel ' fragen,' p/a6s ' Stroh,' 

tharel ' haben,' tatav ' heiss,' teresul ' Kirche,' cdtar ' vier,' cam ' Fell,' 

cinel ' schneiden,' cumel ' klissen,' cu7'i ' Messer,' valis ' Haar,' 

vdgnel ' verkaufen,' thavel ' in eine Lage bringen,' ucarel ' bedecken,' 

per ' Leib,' malav ' Brot,' maid ' Wein,' p)akrel ' sprechen,' vesel 

' sitzen,' pelav ' mannliches Glied,' thenav ' Platz,' colel ' giessen,' 

iqjra 'auf,' anra 'hinein.' Die Ubereinstimmung mit dem 

Wortschatze des europilischen Zigeunerisch ist bei diesen WOrtern 

so gross, dass sie in den moisten Fallen einer besonderen Hervor- 

hebung kaum bedarf ; zur Beurteilung einzelner Lauterscheinungen 



72 REVIEWS 

mag etwa folgendes bemerkt sein. Die Zischlaute s und s sind in 
dem einen .<? zusammengefallen, ein Vorgang der freilich auch dem 
europaischen Zigeunerisch nicht ganz fremd ist (Miklosich, Uher 
die Mundarten u. s. w. der Zigeuner Europa's IX, 37) und daher 
ebenso secundar sein wird wie der tTbergang des anlautenden d in I 
(auch Zom = eur.-zig. rom wird ja wohl auf alteres dom zuriick- 
zuftihren sein). Den beliebten Yorschlag von j oder v scheint 
der Dialekt nicht zu kennen, wahrend er die Neigung, anlauten- 
dem r einen Vocal vorzuschieben, in einzelnen Fallen namentlich 
mit dem griechischen Zigeunerisch gemein hat (so stimmt drakhiS 
zu griech.-zig. arakhava ' bewahren ' u. s. w., wegen der Bedeutung 
'Fasten' s. Ascoli, Zigeunerisches S. 36; vgl. auch dratuin, mrttuin 
' Nacht ' bei Finck S. 55 mit griech.-zig. arat, rat) ; endlich zeigen 
sich einzelne Abweichungen in Gebrauch oder Nichtgebrauch der 
Nasalierung. Sonstige kleinere Lautverschiedenheiten kommen 
kaum ernstlich in Betracht. Merkwurdig ist der haufige Ausgang 
-av, dem mehrfach eur.-zig. -o zur Seite steht; es ist der von 
Finck in § 50 behandelte Rest indischer Stammbildung, den er 
auch in pers.-zig. meiucv nachweist und — was nicht unwahrschein- 
lich ist — mit skr, -aka vermitteln mochte. 

tJber einzelne Worter fiige ich noch nachstehendes hinzu. Das 
mit arm.-zig. anldior identische eur.-zig. akhor habe ich in der 
Zeitschrift des Vereins fur Volkskunde V, 218 f. von skr. dksota 
u. s. w. abgeleitet, womit auch die filr Finck bei seiner Ableitung 
von skr. ankolla so auffallige Aspiration ihre Erklarung findet. 
dzahri wird von Finck selbst auf skr. jati, also auf eur.-zig. dzar 
zuriickgefiihrt. Sehr richtig ist S. 64 khori dem prakr. ghodid, 
skr. ghotikd (also hindi ghord, f. ghort, auf welches schon Paspati 
unter as.-zig. agora, agori aufmerksam gemacht hat) gleichgesetzt, 
womit sich Miklosichs Hinweis (VII, 81 unter khuro 'Filllen') auf 
das dem Persischen entlehnte hindustani kui^ah oder das armeni- 
sche khurak (ebd. VI, 67) von selbst erledigt. sav9 ist eur.-zig. nur 
in der Ableitung savoro erhalten (ebd. X, 14). phal unterscheidet 
sich von eur.-zig. phral nur durch die auch in pakrel wieder- 
kehrende Assimilation des r, tlber deren ganzlichc Bedeutungs- 
losigkeit man z. B. die Bemerkungen von Miklosich IX, 3 
vergleichen mag ; beriicksichtigt man noch syr.-zig. p«7', so 
stimmt pkral wohl am niichsten zu khowar hrdr, an welches 
sich das hrd u. s. w. anderer Hindukusch-Dialekte und das 
hhird des westlichen Panjabi anzuschliessen scheinen, so dass 
die Zuruckfiihrung des I auf das d von prakr. hhddd abzu- 



REVIEWS 73 

■weisen ist. Die Metathesis not fiir Imi findet sicli auch in 
pers.-zig. nul wieder, iibrigens haben Kasrairi und Nepali nun. 
lank- beniht zunachst aiif pers.-zig. nank (fiir hindi u. s. w. 
7irt/t), dem das Nepali nakh zur Seite stellt. Mit mandz ' Witte, 
'Taille' (zu hindi niajh) diirfte das bekannte eur.-zig. niindz 
urspriinglich identisch sein. nasuav wird doch wohl rait nasuel 
in der Bedeutung 'zu Grunde gehen' direct zusammenhangen 
und ist jedenfalls — wie auch Finck annimmt — verwandt mit 
eur.-zig. nasvalo, dessen verungliickte Herleitung von na -f 
sabala eben damit hinfallig Avird. ca/n = prakr. camma, hindi 
cam ist mehrfach durch das dem Armenischen entlehnte morti 
verdrangt, fehlt daher bei Paspati in dieser Bedeutung, wahrend 
es z. B. im deutschen und englischen Zigeunerisch erhalten 
ist. Da malav pers.-zig, menav lautet, wird I aus n hervor- 
ges^ancjen sein; menav aber verhalt sich zu eur.-ziof. manro wie 
as.-ziw. bei P. ami ' Ei ' zu sonstigem anro u. s. w. Sehr gliicklich 
ist endlich die Erklarung von pahrcl aus *prahaTati, die gleich- 
zeitig liber das gegenseitige Yerhaltnis der europaischen Formen 
vrakerava, vakcrava und raker ava erwiinschten Aufschluss gibt; 
die ungewohnliche Assimilation von urspriinglichem p^' zu r in 
rakerava vergleicht sich danach der von tr zu r in arm.-ziir. 
murel. 

Schliesslich noch zwei Bemerkungen zu dem Yerzeichnis der 
vorlaufig unklar bleibenden Worter. Zu phevri ' Tausch,' 
' Wechsel ' vergleicht Finck S. 78 eur.-zig. iiaruvava ' wechsle ' ; 
da letzteres, Avie die Belege bei Paspati zeigen, urspriinglich den 
Kleiderwechsel bezeichnet, wird es mit pali pariqxiti 'to dress' 
in Yerbindung zu setzen sein. thuli 'Erde,' 'Boden,' ' Asche,' 
'Schnee' ist offenbar skr. dhidi. 

Ziehen wir aus all dem gesagten unseren Schluss, so wird 
dieser nur dahin lauten konnen, das Fincks These von einem 
spezifischen Gegensatz zwischen dem armenischen Zigeunerisch 
einerseits, den anderen Zigeunermundarten anderseits unbedingt 
abzulehnen ist. Sicher ist allein die allgeraeine Yerwandtschaft 
sammtlicher Zigeunermundarten, aber die Frage nach den 
genaueren Graden dieser Yerwandtschaft steht auch nach Fincks 
Schrift noch auf demselben Standpunkt, den Mr. J. Sampson 
in diesem Journal I, 22 richtig charakterisiert hat : sie ist iiber- 
haupt noch nicht spruchreif. Finck's voreilige Stellungnahme 
beruht auf unzureichender Kenntnis der indischen Sprach- 
geschichte und der fascinierenden Wirkung. welche die gliinzende 



74 REVIEWS 

Methodik von Pischel's Prakrit-Grammatik aiif ibn ausgeiibt 
hat. Zur Losung der Frage bedtirfen wir dringend einer noch 
eingehenderen Kenntnis weiterer asiatischer Zigeiiner-Dialekte, 
vol* allem derer, welcbe die alte Gramraatik bewahrt haben, und 
der mannigfaltigen Sprachformen des ganzen nordwestlicben 
Indiens und in diesem Sinne begrilssen wir freudig Mr. Macalister's 
vorlaufigen Bericht iiber die Sprache der syriscben Zigeiiner (vgl. 
Piscbel in diesem Journal I, 386f.), dem sicb recht bald seine 
ausfiihrlicberen Mitteilungen sowie eine Bearbeitung der liber den 
gleichen Dialekt von dem verstorbenen J. Wetzstein gesammelten 
Materialien (s. Zeitscltrift der DeutscJien Morgenldndischen Gesell- 
schaft LXI, S. LVl und 514 Anm. 1) anreiben sollten. 'In the 
prosecution of these studies lie the discoveries of the future.' 

Ernst Kuhn. 

MuxcHEN, Apri! 1908. 



ANGLO-AMERICAN ROMANY: A Review, with Some 
Observations on Various Methods of Collecting the 
Gypsy Tongue.^ 

Professor Prince's monograph on the Anglo-American dialect of Eomany has 
two claims to our notice. The vocabulary is oflered to us as a collection con- 
taining ' practically all the words in common use,' and as representing ' the result 
of twenty years of more or less intermittent personal study of tlie English gypseys 
on the American roads.' It is, moreover, an attempt to fulfil the desire of the 
late Charles Godfrey Leland 'that a systematic etymological Englisli-Ronimany 
vocabulary should be prepared, to facilitate the further .study of this highly 
interesting linguistic survival.' 

For students of English Gypsy peculiar interest attaches to the study of 
American Romany. It is no uncommon thing to hear English Gypsies account 
for the decay of the language by telling us that 'all the real old roots' emigrated 
vears ago to the States, while others who, like my friend Poley Herren, have 
journeyed fanlal the pant refer with respect to the deep Romnimnx of the old 
American Gypsies. We turn eagerly therefore to Proles^sor Prince's glossary, in 
the hoi)e that it may clear up many doubtful (piestions. How far have the 
American Gypsies preserved the old tongue ? Have they retained words and 
inflections which are either obsolete or obsolescent in English tents? To which 
of tlie English dialects is American Romany most akin '] Does it present any 
marked affinity to the speech of the North Country Boswells exemplified in Bath 
Smart and Crofton's grammar, to the Romany of East Anglia or the Midlands, 
to the South English Gypsy of Leland and ' Carew,' or to the perfectly preserved 
fi-rammatical forms of the descendants of Abram Wood 1 Have individual tribes 
retained their family peculiarities, or have the American Gypsies welded difi'erent 
varieties cf their tongue into a single liomogeneous form of speech as would seem 
to have been the case with the transplanted Spanish Gypsies of Brazil ? 



* The. EiKjliith-Rommany Jargon of the American Heads, by J. Dyneley Prince. 
Journal of the American Oriental Society/, vol. xxviii. 1907, pp. 271 -.TOS. 



REVIEWS 75 

It may be trite to say that the vahie of a collection depends upon the method 
by which it has been obtained, but obviously u skeleton vocabulary, such as 
Professor Prince has given us, may either be a digest of patient research and 
exceptional knowledge, as exemplified in the glossaries of Liebich or Theslefl*, or 
on the other hand may be the work of a dabbler in the subject, whose lack of 
experience and whose unsound methoils merely result in misleading himself and 
others. Except for the expert it may be difficult to distinguish between the two, 
but the difference is a vital one. 

Every It'omano Eai is, or should be, a collector. His very mistakes lend zest 
to the game, and his growing grip of Gypsy lore is all the sweeter because it 
has been dear-bought and won by his own exertions. It is hard to say whether 
greater pitfalls beset the path of the student who begins de novo and works out 
his own salvation, or of him who has already a fair book-knowledge of the work 
of the atiectionated. The former may indeed in 'prentice davs perpetrate almost 
every sort of blunder. A word may be misheard or mistranslated. Like Bryant, 
he may mistake saiivee, 'a needle' for 'an eagle,' or inquiring the word for 'a 
nutmeg' may be given that for 'an uncle,' or rather 'O uncle' — for cockwhur I 
take to be only kokoa, the vocative of koho. He may receive a quid pro quo such 
as horivardo, 'a giant ' = ' the giant's caravan,' or may treat a suffix or a whole 
sentence as a word. He may accept bauro bcvul acochenos — i.e. 'great wind 
a'catching us' — as the Piomany for 'a storm'; or like the veteran rai who first 
pointed out this mistake, he may be entrapped by suih an innocent snare as sorto- 
2)Oov, 'garden.' But these trips of the self-taught seeker are not, after all, of 
far-reaching consequence ; they put no false coin in currency, they are readily 
detected by himself or others. If he pursue the subject fun her, a little common- 
sense will enable him to dissect his words and sentences scientifically, to compare 
one form with another, to analyse and arrange his suffixes and inflections, to 
remember and respect individual difl'erences of i^ronunciation, and, in fact, to 
discourse with ' every tinker in his own tongue,' instead of in the ' dixinary talk ' 
of some particnlar book. 1 We have an example of this type of collector in the 
great figure of Paspati, working alone, and owing little to his predecessors. 

Somewhat difi"erent is the position of the beginner who relies mainly on written 
authority, especially if he is ' a one-book man.' He is apt to liear the words and 
forms which he expects rather than those actually used, and, unless a phonologist, 
to record them by some conventional spelling with which he is familiar instead of 
by accurate phonetic symbols.- He is even half-inclined to mistrust the forms 
used by his own Gypsies, and to view them as careless or incorrect enunciations 
of the real (or printed) word. Hence, though he may make fewer obvious 
mistakes than the unlearned collector, his results are less interesting and valuable, 
and his errors more dangerous because more difficult to detect. 

Another familiar type of the Romano Bai is the lavemjro whose mission is to 
present Gypsy not as it is but as it should be. After a smaller or larger acquaint- 
ance with the spoken tongue, he proceeds to embellish it in a manner of his own, 
devises improvements, light-heartedly coins words and phrases without any 

^ As an illustration of my meaning, Smart and Crofton is indubitably the best 
book on English Gypsy, but it would be no use talking ' Westeriously ' to the 
younger generation, or even in the broken dialect using tute's to one of the Robinsons, 
who for some odd reason always say leste's for 'thine.' Again, a great part of 
Wester's Romany would make the Welsh Gypsy Quintilians ' gasp and stare.' Note 
John Roberts' pleasant mockery of the broken English dialect in his story of 'An 
Old King and His Three Sons,' and his use of forms like totai/s, etc., as nominatives, 
going one better than the English Gypsies. 

• The same of course is true of English. How many speakers would recognise 
their own mode of pronunciation in an exactly phonetic representation taken down, 
let us say, by Professor Sweet? 



76 REVIEWS 

particular acquaintance with word-formation, and ends by speaking a brand of 
Romany which, though it never was in field or tent, is 'deep' to the point of 
unintelligibility. ' jNIy mi,' said one of the younger of Lazzie's brood, who had con- 
ceived a poorish opinion of my knowledge, because I always spoke to him in his 

own posh and posh romnimus, ' you should l)ear Captain rokkcr. He 's what 

I calls a beautiful speaker. He rokJcers that deep you can't hater a lav he pens.' 
Not that this is by any means the customary attitude of the Romani-chals. 
Ordinarily they deny the existence of any word not used in their own family, and 
pityingly assure the rai that spurious lavs have been foisted on him by ignorant 
or deceitful Gypsies. 

Probably the only sound method of collecting is to record words and phrases 
actually heard in conversation or narration, or volunteered as the equivalent of an 
English expression. However well one may know Continental dialects, the use to 
which the knowledge may be put must be limited to the recognition of a true 
word when one hears it. One may hope all things, but to suggest is not playing 
the game, and the patient Romano Rai will have his reward in the certainty which 
attaches to a precious wMird when it appears. I remember my own delight a few 
years ago on one such occasion. I was sitting in a little inn at Ruthin going 
through my Welsh Gypsy vocabulary, the collection of years, with the harper 
Edward Wood, and endeavouring, for the tenth time, aided by my friend the 
editor, to satisfy myself finally as to the precise words in k, j), and t, that are 
aspirated in Welsh Romnimus} ' Give me the Romany for " shoulder." ' P'lkv, of 
course, is a very common word, but Wood's memory, like that of many Gypsies, 
sometimes plays him surprising tricks. He remarked apologetically that for the 
moment he could not remember it, going on, ' Now if you had asked nie the word 
for " armpit " ? ' I remembered of course Paspati's kak, ' aiselle,' but knew too that 
the word must be rare, since it was not recorded in any North-European dialect. 
Heroically concealing my excitement I asked in as indifferent a manner as I could 
command, ' Well, how would you say " armpit " ? ' and was told that if I were a 
fiddler carrying my fiddle under my arm I would speak of it as talal ml kak'dti. I 
had landed my fish— or rather 'vlds burnek, as the Welsh Gypsies say when a fish 
almost bounds into their hands. Even the feminine gender was certified to by the 
form of the prepositional. 

It may perhaps be a counsel of perfection to expect the rai to rely solely on 
the trustworthy method of taking down words actually volunteered. There is 
a natural desire to ascertain whetlier one's own Gypsies are familiar with words 
recorded by other collectors. Yet that way perdition lies. The l)adgered Gypsy 
is like a hapless witness in a court of justice, and, with every intention to speak 
the thing that is, may either deny sturdily the existence of a word which he uses 
every day, or may be convinced that he knows one which he has never heard at 
all He may persuade himself that he recalls its being used by the older genera- 
tion, or, deferring to the superior knowledge of the rai, he may fancy that because 
it sounds all right it must be all right. If he is amiable and ingenious enough, he 
will even work it into sentences and execute variations upon it with deceptive 
ease. But the test is this, that next morning he will have forgotten the word 
altogether, and assuredly will never use it again in his life. The admissions 
which have been wrung from him by torture are disavowed once he has got clear 
of the rack. It is only Romano J!ai.s- who pick up words from one another ; 
Gvpsies seldom or never add to the store which they learnt in childhood from 
their own people. 

1 The distinction between the aspirated and unaspirated tenues, which generally 
correspond to those heard in Continental Gypsy, is perfectly easy to recognise when 
one is once familiar Mith it, though it varies greatly with different speakers. Yet, 
oddly enough, it was some time before my attention was directed to this, and then 
only at first in such extraordinarily strong instances as ;'X"" or .V«^X- 



KE VIEWS 77 



Now it is impossible to avoid coming to the conclusion that Professor Prince's 
vocabulary has been procured entirely by this method of suggestion, and that the 
words suggested have all, with one or two exceptions, been drawn from the same 
source. He has conceived, very rightly, a high esteem for the work of his fellow- 
countryman, our late President, Charles Godfrey Lelantl. Leland was a gifted and 
facile writer, a student of many tongues, one of the pioneers of Gypsy study, 
a considerable collector, and as a populariser of Gypsy lore second only to 
Borrow himself.^ But one of his methods of augmenting his vocabulary was 
assuredly the worst in the world. He was in the habit, he tells us,- of reading 
aloud a Hindustani dictionary to a Gypsy in the hope that it might suggest 
Ano-lo-Eomany cognates. Leland was of course not insensible to the perils of 
the short cut. ' If it was difficult,' he says, ' in the beginning for me to accustom 
the Gipsy mind to reply clearly and consistently to questions as to his language, 
the trouble was tenfold increased when he began to see his way, as he thought, to 
my object, and to take a real interest in aiding me. For instance, I once asked — 
' Puro I do you know such a word as p^niji ? It 's the Hindu for capital.' 

(Calmly). — 'Yes, rya ; that's a wery good word for capital.' 

' But is it Eommany ? ' 

(Decidedly). — ' It '11 go first-rateus into Eommany.' 

' But can you make it out ? Prove it ! ' 

(Fiercely). — 'Of course I can make it out. Kvshto. Suppose a man sells 
'punge-cake, wouldn't that be his capital ? Pmije must be capital.' 

Again, he says,^ ' I had given him the Hindustani word janwur, and asked 
him if he knew such a term, and he answered : 

' Do I jin sitch a lav (know such a word) as janwur for a " hanimal " ? Avo 
(yes) ; it 's jomper— it 's a toadus (toad).' 

'But do you jin the lav (know the word) for an animal V 

'Didn't I just j^ool^^")" *"^<^ (t^^l y<^^0 it "^'"^s a jomperl for if a toad's a 
hanimal, jomper must be the lav for hanimal.' 

Now jamviir certainly has little air of being a Gypsy word, and, as we have 
seen, poor Matty Cooper with all his ingenuity was unable to torture it into any- 
thing nearer the required shape than jomper, ' toad.' So that when I find 
Professor Prince including jdmvar, ' animal,' in his list of words in common use 
amoncr the Gypsies of America, I can only quote the words of Michael Finsbury 
that it looks ' devilish lishy.' Frankly, I cannot swallow jdnicar ; I could as soon 
be persuaded that the chief industry of the American Gypsies was buying and 
selling unicorns. 

Quite apart from the circumstance that only a few very strong and simple 
words are transmitted intact in this manner,* and that — unless jdmvar was wafted 
across the ocean to America — it is strange that it should have left no mark on the 
Gypsy dialects of Greece, the Balkan provinces, Germany, and England, it might 
be pointed out that Hindi is not the parent of Eomany, nor even the nearest sister 
speech. A closer glance at this un-Gypsy looking word confirms our first impression, 
for jdmvar is built up of the Hindi- Persian jan ' life ' (the Eomany for which would 
he jiviben) and the possessive suffix -war (pronounced -«Mr) = Sanskrit -wala, which 
in Eomani has become -valo, as in ratvalo. If an exactly parallel form existed 
in Gypsy — it does not — it would be jibcnvalo, which is a far cry from jdmvar. 
So that we have obtained, by some process of suggestion, a word which not only 
is not, but could not be Gypsy. 

1 In my references to Leland's books I use L. i. for The English Gipsies, L. ii. 
for Engliih Gipsy Songs, and L. iii. for The Gypsies. 

2 L. i. 130. '' L. i. 136. 

* As to this compare the interesting passage in Beames, i. 27. 



78 REVIEWS 

Jclnxoar is not an isolated example. Tlie dictionary method obviously accounts 
for Leland's mun ' forehead ' (L. ii. 26G), though this is merely the Hindi form 
of our Romany mal, and the true word for 'forehead' is chlkat, still preserved by 
the "Welsh Gypsies. In a single chapter of The English Gipsies (L. i. pp. 109-133), 
in which Leland institutes analogies between Anglo-Romany and other oriental 
languages, we find rfu6e?ii ' doubtful,' /jessu?- ' smoke,' nag ' blindworn,' nitchering 
'fidgeting,' jjiller 'to attack,' j^^f'it't' 'hub of a wheel,' ^ shall giv 'small grain- 
corn (rice),' shulam 'salutation,' and shnmmy 'awning.' Elsewhere we have 
strange words, such as chdmor 'cherries' (L. ii. 254), chingaror 'sparks' (L. ii. 91), 
heb 'heaven,' sky' (L. i. 218), hiiskcr 'help' (L. i. 209), lunter 'boast' (L. i. 254), 
nucker 'neigh' (L. i. 258), pilfry 'heavy' (L. i. 177), plochto 'jolly' (L. i. 232), 
punsy-ran 'fishing-rod' (L. i. 2')1), serher 'capture' (L. i. 177), suder-apre 'hang 
up'(L. ii. 273), toonery 'bold,' (L. i. 254). None of these words are found in 
Continental dialects, none of them have been recorded by other English collectors, 
the odds are that they originated in Leland's eagerness to press home his point 
and Matty Cooper's to earn his half-crown. It might savour of dogmatism to 
assert that not one of them is genuine, so I will merely point out that, con- 
sidering their rarity in the mother country it is surprising that they should 
all be in daily use in the dialect of New Jersey. ^ Quite apart from absence of 
corroboration, most of them are for one reason or another open to doubt. 
Rukestamengro may be pretty, but is it Eomuimus ? Why should the English 
Gypsies, already provided with true words for ' smoke,' ' sea,' ' again,' and ' boast ' 
use kessur which means ' care ' instead of tuv, harya which means ' stones ' for 
ddriav, ajaiv which means ' so ' for papaU, and hmter which means nothing at all, 
unless we presuppose a local boaster named Lunt, instead of bdxer. Several of 
the words in the vocabulary appended to Leland's English Gipsy Songs owe their 
oi'igin to the same sort of simple mistake which I have instanced from Bryant. 
Kuder ' to open ' may serve as a type of these (L. ii. 262). It really means ' door ' 
not ' open,' for kuder is merely a variant of the more usual ivude^; and is the same 
as the Welsh Gypsy guddr, which exists side by side with ivuddr, huddr, and uddr. 
Yet, according to Professor Prince, the American Gypsy word for ' open ' is kuder, 
while the true word pirav is unknown in this weird dialect. 

It is part of Leland's charm that he does not always write au pied de la lettre. 
He plays around his subject and embellishes his truths. His works are literature, 
not cut and dried treatises on Gypsy language and custom. It needs no profound 
knowledge of Romany to distinguish between the cases in which he faithfully 
reports the words of the real Gypsy, or speaks ' romanly ' in his own person, or 
allows himself more than a little linguistic licence in rounding oflf a Gypsy ballad 
or turning some of his quaint fancies into Romany. Professor Prince continually 
falls into this class of error. Leland, in trying to ' draw ' a scissors-grinder, 
observes that 'the bellows is a pudemeiigro, some call it a pishota' (L. i. 39). 
Here, out of sheer copiousness, he gives the Continental as well as the English 
Gypsy word for ' bellows ' and dubs the grinder ' Mr. Katzimengro,' He did not 
mean, and does not say, that pishota is English Romany, or that Katzimengro, 
his own playful mistranslation of the Struwelpeter, ' scissors-man,' was ever used 
by a living Gypsy, yet apparently the American Gypsies use pishota for ' bellows,' 
and katshnengro for ' scissors-gi'inder,' though they have no word at all for the 
more familiar and needy ' knife-grinder.' 

^ Common-sense is, or ought to be, a quality of the collector. How should the 
Gypsies with no word for ' wlieel ' have kept a word for ' liub of a wheel.' Or is 
it probable that with few names for animals they see every day they should have 
preserved words for 'dolphin' (L. i. 112), 'mermaid' (L. i. 122), and 'pelican' 
(L. iii. 22, 23). 

2 None of them, it may be observed, are followed by the note ' rare,' as is the 
case with teero, se, etc. 



REVIEWS 79 

Leland, like everybody else, occasionally gives loose translations of words or 
phrases with the literal meaning of which he was no doubt familiar. Thus we have 
bender the drum [ = bend of the road] translated 'across the road' (L. i. 209), 
ptirgis [ = bridges] translated 'road' (L. i. 67), and pennis [ = ' saying,' as we 
gather from his vocabulary in English Gipsy Songs, though this itself is only 
bad Romiany for ^^euipeu] translated 'thing' (L. i. 104, ii. 268). Professor 
Prince has bender 'across,' purjis 'road,' and pennis 'thing.' Leland in one of 
his stories (L. i. 223) translates ^maunpogger the baivris' [^slur. = ' snails '], 'don't 
crush the snail ' [sing.], and writes mees for ' miles ' (L. i. 29) where the form 
mees is only a double plural like gryors ; for the plural of mia is ml [ = mV(]. 
But Professor Prince of course has mee 'mile,' and baivris 'a snail.' Leland 
makes the word kukalo 'doll' serve in the unusual sense of 'goblin' (L. i. 227). 
The American Gypsies have kukalo 'goblin,' but no word for doll. Leland (L. i. 
214) translates 'in boro toob' 'with great amazement.' The literal meaning of 
toob, better heard as tug, is ' grief (see L. ii. 274), but the American Gypsies use 
the word only in the sense of ' amazement.' One of Leland's collaborators, in a 
line which somewhat detracts from the pathos of the ballad whei'e it occurs (L. ii. 
42), uses shock [ = ' cabbage'] as a translation of ' bough.' The American Gypsies 
would appear to have the same perplexing usage. Forfend the day when Omar in 
Trans- Atlantic disguise desiderates 'A book of verses underneath the cabbage.' 

Attain Leland, especially in his later works, coins fanciful words of his own 
to supply lacunae in our Eomany vocabulary. Thus in two pieces, which are 
evidently his own composition he gives jjitr-siive?- for 'spider' (L. iii. 316), and 
nebollongeri (L. iii. 326) for ' un-Christians.' Both these words are sufficiently 
dreadful. By puv-suver, as he himself explains, he means ' earth-sewer,' so that it 
is strange it should reappear in identical form in America, where, according to 
Professor Prince, the word for 'sew' is siv, and suv = ^ sv/'mi.' Nebollcngro is a 
doubly impossible form on which I shall comment later. 

Let us glance next, not at rare or unusual words, but at those which, in one 
form or another, are familiar to every Gypsy. As every one is aware, some of the 
commonest words in the language are pronounced very diflerently by different 
families. Take for instance the Eomnivuis for ' apron ' where Mr. Crofton notes 
the following variants : — chdrdoka, jdrifa, jdrika, jorjdxa, jorjqffa, shdrdoko, 
ydrdooka, ydrduxa^ Probably there are not two Gypsies who speak exactly alike, 
and hardly a single collector, on however small a scale, who has not, owing to this 
circumstance, enriched our knowledge in some particular. Yet when we turn 
to Professor Prince's vocabulary to ascertain in what shape particular words are 
used in America, we meet, instead of any of the interesting personal peculiarities 
which we might have anticipated, with a stereotyped re-issue of Leland's fonns even 
wdien these are somewhat unusual. The normal forms of some ordinary words are 
gin, hoino, jdrddxa, juvel, kedo, kino, mariklo, rig, romer, shol, til, tug, vongar. 
Leland and Professor Prince both have ken, hunnalo, jelliko, juva, kerro, kinlo, 
malliko, rikkor us, rummer, shell, tul, tukli, hangar. Leland uses s/n7/ [' frigus '] 
for 'ice,' and shillo (which should be shilino or shilalo) for the adj. 'cold'; 
so also does Professor Prince. Leland mentions that ' a certain Bosville ' 
(L. iii. 218) taught him the rare word pisali 'saddle.' PerhajK this was the 
same ' Captain Bosville ' who, some twenty years before, had taught Borrow 
a gili made by his 'old mother, who was wonderfully deep in Romany' — so 
deep in fact that the song is in Hungarian, not in English Gypsy. He 
may of course have emigrated to the States and taught the Avord to the 

^ The etymology of this word is somewhat obscure, but it is evident that the 
mean between these extremes of corruption lies somewhere near the Welsh Gypsy 
iovm jdrd6xa. 



80 REVIEWS 

American Gypsies, for they too sometimes use pisdli as a variant of boshto. The 
few compounds found in Prince, such as bongo siv 'hook' (L. i. 251) and kil- 
mdlliko 'cheesecake' (L, i. 248), are likewise in Leland. How are these 
coincidences to be explained except on the view that they are all 'pertaining 
to the finny tribe ' ? 

Professor Prince has rashly supplied us with the phonetic symbols by which, 
we are given to understand, his words have been taken down.^ He tells us that 
he has ' followed generally the system of jjronunciation [sic 1 spelling] given by 
Leland, as this is in use to-day among such few Rommanys as write their idiom' ! 
Perhaps the less said about Leland's phonetic system the better, but whatever 
it may have been, it is quite plain that the professor did not understand it, and 
has adopted printed forms of words to which he must have unwittingly assigned 
a false pronunciation that the slightest intercourse with Gypsies would have 
corrected. Unless indeed the American Gypsies pronounce lollo as lawlaiv, adre 
and 02)re as adree and opree, gad as god, lav as larv, macho as mochaiv, so as saw, 
and lildi as lilly. 

To sum up. The identity of Professor Prince's Eomnimus with that of 
Leland is explicable only on one of three suppositions. We may assume that 
Leland's Gypsy is in every minute point an accurate presentment of the particular 
Romany dialect that English Gypsies must have carried to America and retained 
religiously in precisely the same form, just as the Brahmans preserved Sanskrit. Or 
American Gypsy may not be, like our own, inherited traditionally, but derived rather 
from a profound study of the writings of Hans Breitmann. Or thirdly, Professor 
Prince must have hypnotised the American liomani-chah into a wholesale accept- 
ance of a vocabulary compiled from Leland's books. Among the multifarious 
works of the latter is one with the alluring title Have You a Strong Will ?, by 
which perhaps the professor may have profited. 

Amontf Professor Prince's words are a few not found in Leland. These come 
from Pott. A little slip of Professor Prince's on p. 298 gives us a clue to the 
source from which some rare Romany words have been secured for America. 
In giving xcillgftra 'fair, exposition' (the word has many variants, but Leland 
of course has ivellgoora) he adds, ' Note here that according to Harris, vailgoro 
" fair in color." If this is correct — I have never heard it so used — then the last 
element must = H. gord " fair, handsome." ' This has a jaunty air of familiarity 
with the work of previous labourers in the Gypsy field ; but unfortunately for 
Professor Prince there never was such a romano rai as Harris. The explana- 
tion of the mystery is to be found in Pott, ii. 83, where ' Harr.' is used as a 
contraction for Colonel Harriot, the author of this blunder. Another fatal 
finger-print may be detected in Professor Prince's kovdskaruk ' willow, laurel.' 
It is rather more than a century ago since Jacob Bryant, pointing to a laurel 
bush and inquiring its Gypsy name, received the answer Kova si 6 rnk, ' this is a 
tree,' duly recording in his note-book covaseorook, which Archaeologia misprinted 
covascorook 'laurel.' Thence Pott transferred it to his omniunt gatherum, where it 
was i)Ounced on by Bath Smart and Groome, who gleefully added it to their lists of 
ghost-words. Now after many days it returns to us as a present from Columbia.^ 



' Viz. ' a as in spot ; (Z as a in father ; ai, an, and ay as in English ; ? as e in 
met ; ee as in English ; i as i in pin ; i as i in machiue ; o as au in taught ; w as o in 
viore ; (J as o in spot ; u as oo in foot ; u as oo in fool ; y as the vowel y in English. 
The consonants are to be pronounced as in English.' 

- Word-lifting, it may be observed, is not entirely confined to students of Anglo- 
Romany. Kogaluitchan, as Groome long ago pointed out, took many of his words 
straight from Samuel Roberts, and even Pastor JeSina, ' Pfarrer in Golden Oels,' is 
one of the chief offenders. See p. 105 of his Romdhi dib, where he gives Idcilo and 



REVIEWS 81 

A few Continental words Avhich appear to be obtained from Pott are archich 
'lead' (Pott, ii. 58), bikkus 'bullet' (Pott, ii. 397), kctovos 'brush' (Pott, ii. 99). 
There is some reason to think that none of these ever formed part of Anglo- Romany. 
Armenian archich would not seem to have pushed its way north of Bohemia, 
ousted by the Greek loan-word moliv or molivos, which still holds its place in the 
Rumanian, Polish, German, Scandinavian, and English dialects. It is open to 
grave doubt whether the German Gypsy word bikkus, ' kugel,' was in use at all 
when the English Gypsies settled here towards the end of the fifteenth century ; 
they certainly did not coin their word yogengri for ' fire-arm ' until after their 
arrival in this country. Ketovos, 'brush,' occurs only in the Bohemian dialect, 
and seems to be a fairly modern and merely local loan-word. 

The philological part of this monograph was undertaken. Professor Prince tells 
us, ' very largely as a labor of piety ' to provide the ' etymological English-Rommany 
vocabulary' desired by Leland. It is a little difficult to understand precisely 
what Leland meant by this. The true words in Anglo-Romany, with the ex- 
ception of a few German, French, or English borrowings, are the common property 
of the European dialects, i.e. words of Indian or Iranian origin fortified by Greek 
and Slavic loan-words. Words other than these are generally fabrications of 
mystified Gypsies, at the suggestion of exigent Romano Rais. Most Gypsy 
Stammivorter have long ago been referred to their sources by Pott and Miklosich. 
It is only in a comparatively small number of cases that we come upon a word of 
doubtful origin, or a derivation in which the accuracy of these scholars can 
be impugned. Generally we can track a word through the several dialects till we 
finally run it to earth in its purest and most archaic form in the Romany recorded 
by Paspati, or pursuing it further with the aid of the phonetic correspondences 
worked out by Ascoli and Miklosich, connect it with its Indian cognates. There 
is a security in this method which, would they deign to follow it, would save even 
learned theorisers from bad mistakes.^ Professor Prince, however, disdains stepping- 
stones, and jumps at a bound from American Gypsy to Sanskrit or Hindustani. 
His jelliko ' apron,' which, as I pointed out, is a corrupt form of a word that 
would seem to be better heard as jdrddxci, according to the Professor ' clearly 
= Skr. jdllku "net, chain-armour, veil, woollen cloth." He equates 'giiger 
" growl " with H. gurrd-nd,' and ' shokker " cry out, call," with H. jaikar karna 
" raise a hubbub." ' 

Again, Leland had a pet theory which he expounds on pp. 98, 99, 110, and 
115 of his English Gipsies as to the manifold derivations of Romani words. 'A 
Gipsy,' he says, ' calls a pedlar a packer or pack-mush,' and he asks ' how much of 

vingro as the Bohemian-Gypsy equivalents of ' falsch.' This is as bad as Professor 
Prince's resuscitation of kovdskaruk, and may be traced back to the anonymous author 
of the Beytrag zur Rotwellischen Grammatik, oder Wdrter-Buch von der Zigeuner- 
Sprache (1755), who rendered 'falsch' Lalshila Wingro — latshila iviiigro being 
actually latche-lavengro, ' the man of fair words ' [but poor performance]. The 
same type of mistake as ' Harris's ' rcn7 go7'a 'fair iu colour' is found on p. Ill, 
where the verb kostinav is translated ' kosten (Speise) ' ! Again on p. 59 langs 
'auf is given among the prepositions, though Eng. Gyp. langn is certainly 
only ' along ' + -us, and has been appropriated from Leland together with the 
pastor's ' Romane Paramisi,' Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, and 11, which have been taken from 
The EnglUh Gipsies without acknowledgment, and converted by Jesina into the 
Bohemian dialect. 

^ For instance, Grierson's theory that Eng. Gyp. nouns in -meskro, -mengro 
'correspond to what in Bihari grammar are called "long forms'" falls to the 
ground when once it is seen that the -m- is merely a contraction of -In- (for -ben, 
the suffix of the abstract noun). See his article on 'The Genitive in Gypsy,' 
reprinted from The Indian Antiquary, J.G.L.S., Old Series, i. 97-99. 

VOL. I . — XO. I. F 



82 EEVIEWS 

this ... is due to the English word pack or packer, and how much to paikdr, 
meaning in Hindustani a pedlar ? ' In the etymology of cant there may be some- 
thing to be said for this theory. For instance the Shelta word r'lrk ' comb ' (back- 
slang for Irish ciar) has been turned hj English gi-inders into ' rake ' from a fencied 
resemblance to the English word. Similarly livina ' beer ' has passed into cant as 
livelier, and is now commonly pronounced lie-vener, as if an abbreviation of Eng. 
' enlivener.' ^ But I question whether this principle ever obtained in Romany, 
where the tendency, on the contrary, has always been to reject a word because it 
resembles English. Thus many English Gypsies deny the genuineness of jomba 
'frog,' because of its likeness to Enijlish 'jumper.' However this may be, 
Professor Prince has certainly galloped his theory to death. ' Kongree, " church," is 
a mixture of G-k. KvpiaKr], and Eng. "congregation."' ^ Pong-dishler, "handker- 
chief" =po7ig, Eng. " pouch, pocket " + clishler, a mixture of " dishclout " and diklo.' 
' Uovalo, " stocking," prob. from Eng. " hose," with Rommany ending.' ' Sig o' me 
zee, " anxious." Not " quick of heart," but probably Eng. " sick of heart," possibly 
influenced from an early zik from H. (Ar.) ziq, "depression."' ' Wardo, "wagon, 
carriage," = C. verda ; prob. = P. gardun, " wheel, chariot." The w and v in Eng. 
Eom. and C. respectively were probably caused by wagon, and Germ, wagen ; SI. 
voz, "wagon."' ' Pdller, "follow"; probably from Eng. "follow," suggested by 
pal.^ '' Wadras, "bed, couch," = Eng. maitrasV '' Kommer, "care for"; prob. 
= Germ, hummer. C. Scotch, kimmer.' ' Fdshono, " false," = Eng. " false," and 
" fashionable," derogatorily.' ' Pochi, " pocket," influenced by English, " pouch." 

No wonder Professor Prince calls Romany a jargon ! Leland in one of his 
stories has kris ' mustard,' probably, as Groome conjectured, a qtiid pro quo from 
the conjunction 'mustard and cress.' Of course, kris 'mustard' occurs also in 
the American dialect, and Professor Prince asks, ' Can this be P[ersian] karls 
" cheese " misapplied.' 

The derivations assigned by Professor Prince show how often he has taken 
his words from Leland without in the least understanding them. On bollengro 
' Christian,' he comments ' I believe this means " one who has hair," as distinct 
from the shaven Mohammedan = .A^'e^o^/nigrro, see bdl "hair".' Now the word 
boldva, Continental Gypsy for ' I dip,' is used figuratively in the sense of ' I 
christen,' and, though now obsolete here, must have been familiar at one time to 
English Gypsies since it survives in the phrase bolimdsko divus ' Christmas,' lit. 
' Christening day.' With some indistinct remembrance of this or of the variations 
played upon it by Borrow, such as boll amen greskencs ' in the manner of a 
Christian,' Leland, in one of his last stoiies (L. iii. 326), invented the word 
nebollongri ' un-Christians.' Now it would appear that nebollengro and bollengro 
are words in everyday use in the American dialect of Romany. 

Leland (L. iii. 320) uses chollo-tem for 'universe.' Chollo-tem is, of course, 
chollo ' whole ' + tern ' country,' but according to Professor Prince the derivation 
is uncertain. Leland in two instances (L. i. 243, 244) uses 'swy' dree the 
panni ' [lit. ' lie in the water '] for ' swim ' — elsewhere he has sov in its original 
sense = ' to sleep.' Both are, of course, the same word. But Professor Prince, 
here as elsewhere slavishly clinging to Leland's spelling, treats them as separate 
words of different derivation ; ' sov, " sleep " = H. so-nd, " sleep," ' while ' siiv 



' The difficulty of explaining correctly the origin of any cant or slang word is 
immensely increased by this constant tendency to change. Not long ago I read in 
a daily paper that an actress at Douglas in a street altercation with a policeman 
addressed him as ' ginger.' Why ' ginger' ? Not, as some might suppose, because 
he had red hair, but because ' ginger' is short for ' ginger-pop,' and ' ginger-pop ' is 
rhyming slang for ' slop,' and ' slop' is short for ' eslop,' and ' eslop ' is back-slang 
for ' police.' 



REVIEWS 83 

" swim " = H. duh-nd, " drown, be immersed." ' ' To swim ' is not, I should add, 
the most usual meaning of sov or suv among English Gypsies, and it could only 
lead to grave misapprehension were one to refer to a strong swimmer as a hdro 
suver ; and on the strength of this false etymology he notes, in a table of phonetic 
changes, which is enough to make Miklosich turn in his grave, that Romani s = 
Hindi d. 

Incidentally Professor Prince's etymologies betray a naive innocence of the 
structure of the language which he has studied on and oflf for years and years. 
Bdbali, if there were such a word, would be the adjective, not the feminine of 
hahus. Gorjo Professor Prince surmises ' = gavjo, " villager," ' [-jo apparently must 
be a new and hitherto unheard suffix] — kanengro, is it Germ. Kaninchen, " rabbit " 1 
or from kan " ear " V — kosher, ' to lick,' ' probably from Yiddish kosher ' ^ — 
duvelestc, ' =diivel, " God" + hske, Dat. "to him'" 2 — 'kettenus, " together " = C. 
jeketane. Contains yek, " one " + another dubious element ' ^ — rinkeno, ' pretty,' 
' I cannot place this'* — stardo, 'imprisoned,' 'Can it be H. asthir, "at rest, 
quiet "V^ — ''kerri, "home" (adv.) from kair, "house." Perhaps corruption 
of old Dat. kercske, " to the house. " ' ® — It would be easy to multiply these 
examj^les indefinitely, but cui bono ? Professor Prince's derivations are little 
likely to lead astray the student of Romany who has Pott and Miklosich at his 
elbow. They may amuse, but they can scarcely mislead. 

It is otherwise with the vocabulary which Professor Prince has offered to us 
as the contents of the American dialect, and as the collection of so long a period, 
that it might be supposed to carry with it the assurance of accuracy and authority. 
One rubs one's eyes as one realises that he has offered us nothing but a list of 
words compiled from Leland's publications, among them words which do not and 
cannot exist, words which may be traced to Leland's mistakes, or words which in 
songs and literary compositions he obviously invented for the nonce or nonsense. 
As regards our knowledge of the American dialect, Professor Prince's labours 
leave us precisely where we were before, and no conclusions of any sort can be 
drawn from his paper. We may guess that American Romany more closely 
resembles Southern than Northern English Gypsy, but no one can feel sure that 
had Professor Prince taken Bath Smart and Crofton instead of Leland as his 
guide the converse would not have appeared to be the case. It would be interest- 
ing to know that American Gypsies can count up to ten, but the f\ict that 
numerals for seven, eight, and nine are found in Professor Prince merely sets us 
hunting through Leland to see from what particular song or story they may have 
been taken. It would be highly important to know that words like archich 
within comparatively recent times formed part of the Anglo-Romany stock and 
still survive in America, but with kovuskaruk and ' Harris ' before us it seems 
more probable that they have been conveyed from Pott. 

It is to be hoped that some day Anglo-American Romany will be reaped and 
garnered by a student content to collect patiently and to record faithfully the 
actual forms and words heard in the spoken tongue. Then for the first time 
we shall learn something of the American dialect. In the meantime it may 
be desirable to clear away what might prove a stumbling-block in the path of the 
genuine inquirer. 



^ For true etymology, see Pott, ii. 156 ; Mik. vii. 80. ■ 
^ Prep, of duvel. 

* The ' doubtful element ' in ketane is, of course, tan4, loc. of tan, the term, in -us 
[ = es] is formed by false analogy to adverbs in -es. 

* Raikeno, rinkeno, rankeno^rai or ?-a7a'-|-suff. -keno. 

* P. part, of stardva ' I seize,' whence atarihen. 
® Loc. of Mr. 



84 BEVIEWS 



Envoy 

written in the New Jersey Romamj. 

Prince ! tute serbers the kil-mdlliko ! 
Aky muk jdnwars gurings, gugerings, kair ; 
Bender the bdrya, tute's lunterdo 
And the kovdvskaruk-shoV s teero (rare). 

John Sampson. 



Goloniile romdne din Bosnia, studiu etnografic §i antropogeografic, 
de Teodor Filipescu, cu 20 ilustratiuni .fi o harta etnograjicd. 
Edi^iimea Academiei Romane, Bucare§ti, 1906. 

1 Im J. 1906 gab die rumaenische Akademie der Wissenscliaften 
das Buch des Herrn Theodor Filipescu liber die rumaenischen 
Ansiedhmgen in Bosnien heraus, dessen zweiter Teil (S. 199-293) 
von den karavlachischen Ansiedhmgen (Goloniile Caravlahilor) 
dieses Landes handelt.^ 

Dieser zweite Teil gliedert sich in drei Abteilungen mit fol- 
gendem Inhalt : 

I. Ursprung, Wanderungen und ethnische Merkmale der 
Karavlachen (S. 199-247). — Hier behauptet Filipescu, es gabe in 
Bosnien ausser den Makedorumaenen (Zinzaren), von denen er 
im ersten Teile seines Buches spricht, noch eine rumaenische 
Bevolkerung, die man dort Karavlasi (Karavlachen) heisse und 
die auch in Slavonien vertreten ware und zwar daselbst unter dem 
Namen Koritari. Ganz entgegen der bereits gefestigten Ansicht,^. 
dass die Karavlachen und Koritari rumaenische Zigeuner sind, 
betrachtet es Filipescu als seine unabweisliche Pflicht, die Be- 
hauptung durchzufiihren, das waren keine Zigeuner, vielmehr 
Rumaenen, die aus Rumaenien einge wander t. Diese These ver- 

^ Nach der Haudschrift des Verfassers verdeutscht von Dr. Friedrich S. Krauss 
in Wien. 

* Dieser zweite Teil erschien auch serbisch unter dem Titel : Karavlaska naselja 
u Bosni (Karavlachische Ansiedhmgen in Bosnien), in der Zeitschrift des Land- 
museums in Bosnien u. dem Herzogtum, 1907, Hft. 1-3. 

^ Die Osterreichisch-unfjarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild. Bosnien tmd Herce- 
govina. Nountes Heft, Lfrg. 353. Physische Beschajfenheit der einheimischen 
Bevolkerung, von Leopold GUick, S. 286-289. F. Hefele [Vienac, Agrani 1890, 
S. 46). Bosanski Horvat [Glas Hcrcegovca, 1891, Nr. 4). A. Ka : Bosuisrlie Kara- 
vlachen [Bosnische Post, Sarajevo, 1895, Nr. 9 u. 10). Dr. L. Gliick, Zur physischen 
Anthropologic der Zigeuner in Bosnien und Hercegovitiu ( Wissenschaftliche J\[itteilun- 
gen aus B. u. H., 1897, Hft. 5 u. S.A.). M. Gj. Mutic [Sarajevski list, 1904, 
Nr. 11). 



REVIEWS 85 

ficht er hartnackig auf Griind von deren eigenen Aussage, sie 
waren Rumaenen und weil sie sich selber so benennen, mit 
Hinweis darauf, dass sie rumaenisch reden, in einigen Gebieten 
gleicli wie Rumaenen wirtschaften, denselben Aberglauben und 
dieselben Gebrauclie, Berufarten und Kleidung gleicli den 
Rumaenen in einigen Bezirken Rumaeniens haben. 

Trotzalledem und alien Anstrengungen des Herrn Filipescu, 

verbleiben die Karavlachen fiir jeden Kenner der Verbal tnisse und 

des Volktums nur — Zigeuner. Die Aussagen der Zigeuner tiber 

ibren Ursprung sind nicht bios wertlos, sondern geradezu irre- 

ftihrend. Hat man doch allzulange Zeit geglaubt, die Zigeuner 

stammten aus ^gypten, und da und dort benannte man sie auch 

nacb diesem Lande, einfach darum, weil sie man sich an ihre 

eigenen Aussagen hielt. Auf Grund ihrer eigenen Aussage hat 

man sie in Frankreich Bohemiens genannt u.s.w. Die rumaenischen 

Zigeuner heisst man auch in Serbien Rumaenen {RorrCni, Romdni), 

und zwar sogar auch mitten unter Rumaenen in rumaenischen 

Dorfschaften, indess wissen sie es auch selber, dass sie Zigeuner 

sind und in der Umgegend halt man sie auch nicht fiir etwas 

anderes. Ueberdies sprechen auch die Weissen Zigeuner in 

Bosnien nur serbisch und doch sind sie keine Serben. Zigeuner 

amalgamiren sich sehr bald und leicht an alles fremde und es 

ist moglich, dass sie in manchen Bezirken als Rumaenen leben, 

dass sie aber Aberglauben, Gebrauche, Berufe und Kleidung gleich 

gewissen Rumaenen haben, ist gar nicht entscheidend. Eigen- 

ttlmlichkeit der Zigeuner ist, fremdes leicht anzunehmen und als 

ob es eigenes ware, zu behaupten. Sind doch fast samtliche 

volkglaubischen Anschauungen der Zigeuner anderen Voikern 

entlehnt. 

Nicht anders steht es mit den Gebrauchen. Viele tiirkische 
Zigeuner Serbiens tibernahmen von den Tiirken den Erdelere- 
Festtag und feiern ihn noch heutzutage unter christlichen Serben 
als ihren Feiertag. In Serbien beobachten wieder viele gleich den 
Serben das Sippenfest. Manche echt serbische Gebrauche 
erhielten sich unter den Zigeunern selbst als sich die Serben ihrer 
begeben batten, und gabe es keine Zigeuner, so waren diese 
Gebrauche in manchen Gegenden schon vollig verschwunden. So 
sind z. B. nahezu iiberall Dodole bios Zigeunerinnen, Lazarice an 
manchen Orten wieder nur Zigeunerinnen u.s.w. Eben so ver- 
halt es sich mit der Tracht, die, wenn sie einmal bei einem Volke 
zur Mode geworden, nur allmahlig abgelegt wird. Die tiirkische 



86 REVIEWS 

Kleidung, die die Zigeuner von den Tiirken libernahmen, behalten 
sie nocli lange Zeit auch mitten unter serbischer Bevolkerung, 
insbesondere die Zigeunerinnen ; denn Frauen sind in dieser 

y 

Hinsicht am konservativsten. Salvare (Pluderhoschen) Nalune 
(Holzpantoffeln), die Haarfrisur u.s.w. bewaliren die Zigeunerinnen 
unter den reinen Serben sehr lange, gerade so wie auch in Bosnien 
nach der Angabe des Herrn Filipescu eben die Karavlachinnen die 
rumaenische Tracht bewahrt haben. Der gleiche Fall ist auch bei 
den Berufen. Aber, die bosnischen Karavlachen haben auch ihre 
eigenen zigeunerischen Berufe, die ebenso den Zigeunern in Serbien 
eigenttimlich sind. Das gleicht sie mit den rumaenischen Zigeunern 
iiberhaupt aus : sie sind Barentreiber, Mulden-, Spindel-, Friichte- 
mussmacher, Musikanten u.s.w. AUes dies beweist unzweideutig, 
dass die Karavlachen rumaenische Zigeuner sind. 

Das Raisonnement und die Behauptungen Herrn Filipescus 
ilber die physischen Eigentlimlichkeiten der Karavlachen, smd 
nicht ernst zu nehmen, lacherlich, und entbehren jeder Beweiskraft: 
' Die dunkle Farbe ist im allgemeinen die Farbe der romanischen 
Basse' [aber doch nicht auch die dunkle Farbe der Zigeuner] 
(S. 239). 'Zur Konstatirung des Ursprungs eines Volkes ist 
auch die Durchftihrung kraniologischer Studien notwendig ' [die 
ilbrigens Herr Filipescu nicht vorgenommen hat]. 'Aus den 
anthropologischen Studien ist's bekannt, dass die Zigeuner einen 
kleinen Schadel haben, der etwas langlich und ein bischen hoch 
geraten ist und eine flache, breite Stirne zeigt und liberdies sticht 
die Partie unter den Augen etwas hervor/ die Karavlachen in 
Bosnien jedoch, 'haben diesen charakteristischen Zigeunerkopf 
nicht, sondern es herrscht bei ihnen der Typus des rumaenischen 
Schadels vor ' (S. 239-270). 

Man darf nicht meinen, er habe dies auf Grund irgend welcher 
wissenschaftlicher Erhebungen vorgebracht; nein, das sind bios 
seine Mutmassungen, die er fur Tatsachen hinstellt. Daraufhin 
schlussfolgert aber Filipescu kiihnlich : ' Die Karavlachen sind 
auf diese Weise Nachkommen der Rumaenen und teilweise auch 
von Zigeunern [besser und glaubwlirdiger wiire wohl das Gegenteil 
davon zu sagen], die aus Rumaenien emigrirt sind, jedoch genotigt 
waren, sich in Banat und in Siebenbiirgen mit rumaenischen 
Zigeunern zu kreuzen. Mit anderen Worten, nur ihre Weiber 
waren anfangs Zigeunerinnen, und hier der Grund, warum : die 
rumaenischen Emigranten, von alterher Erzschiirfer, die sich in 
Bosnien ansiedelten, waren bemtlssigt, ihre Ehefrauen von rumae- 



REVIEWS 87 

nischen Zigeimern im Banat imd in Siebenbiirgen zii nehmen; denn 
die Rumaenen geben ihre Tochter nicht an Fremdlinge oder ihnen 
sonst wie unbekannte Leute aus. Wohnt der Jiingiing nicbt im 
selben Dorfe, so kann gar keine Rede von einer Eheschliessung mit 
ihm sein. Den rumaenischen Emigranten blieb daher kein 
anderer Ausweg, als Zigeunerinnen zu Ebefrauen zu erkiesen und 
also behauptete sich bei den Karavlacben nocb bis auf den 
heutigen Tag der Branch des ^ladchenkaufs ' [!] (S. 240-241). 
Was nun weiter folgt, ist einfach eine Niederschmetterung der 
Wissenschaft : ' Auf meinen Wanderungen in karavlachischen 
Dorfern in Bosnien sah ich Manner von grosser Intelligenz, mit 
einem Ausseben, das deutlich ihre rumaenische NationaUtat 
bezeugt, aber ich babe auch Weiber gesehen, zumeist Vetteln, 
die wie Zigeunerinnen aus dem Zelte heraus ausschauten. Die 
Manner bewabrten die Merkmale ihrer mannlichen Vorfahren, 
die da Rumaenen waren, die Weiber jedoch behiel ten die Kenn- 
zeichen ihrer Mutter und Grossmiitter, die Zigeunerinnen ge- 
wesen ' [!] (S. 241). Wer auch nur das Abe der Anthropologic inne 
hat, dart" dergleichen nicht vorbringen, waren jedoch seine 
Mitteilungen in der Sache begrtlndet, was ja undeukbar ist, so 
hatte er eine hochst wichtige wissenschaftliche Entdeckung 
gemacht. 

II. Die Schichten und Richtungen der Emigration und die 
Gruende der Emigrirung der Karavlachen (247-258). — Die 
karavlachischen Emigrationen entstanden zufolge schlimmer 
politischer und oekonomischer Lage in der Walachei {Valdhia, 
Muntenia oder Tara Romdnasca) und der Moldau, nach dem Fall 
dieser Lander unter tlirkische Oberhoheit. Damals verkaufte man 
das Recht geradezu an den Bestbezahlenden. Da in diesen Landern 
das Bojarensystem herrschte, befand sich das Bauernvolk m 
argstem Elend. Zeitgenossische Schriftsteller beschreiben mit 
schrecklichen Earben die Lage der Rumaenen in diesen Landern 
und namentlich zur Zeit der Fanariotenepoche (1711-1821). Die 
Bauern fliichteten aus den Dorfern und siedelten sich in Wal- 
dungen oder in Hochgebirgen an, oder verliessen tluchtartig das 
Land, nur uin sich vor der Brutalitat der Bojaren und der Monche 
zu retten. Ueber all die Ungerechtigkeiten liinaus mussten die 
Bauern auch noch alle Lasten wilhrend dreier Kriege zwischen 
den Russen und den Tiirken (17ti9-1812) ertragen und in dieser 
Periode fanden die meisten Auswanderungen statt. Ausser den 



88 REVIEWS 

Rumaenen gab es in der Molclau unci Walachei auch Zigeuner, die 
unverfalschte Sklaven waren, die man wie Sachen verkaufte, und 
die fliichteten gleichzeitig mit den Rumaenen. Die Emigranten 
siedelten sicli am haufigsten in Transsilvanien und im Banat an, 
manche giengen auch nacli Serbien und Bulgarien, dann nach 
Bosnien und Slavonien iiber. Die Territorien, aus denen die 
grosste Emigration erfolgte, waren Grenzgebiete des heutigen 
Rumaeniens gegentiber den Grenzen Ungarns, Bulgariens und 
Serbiens. Neben diesen grossen Emigrationen gab es auch 
kleinere, wenn da einzelne Familien oder FamiUenmitglieder ihre 
Dorfer verliessen und liber die Grenze gingen. Solcher Emigra- 
tionen hat es seit der Halfte des xviii. bis sur Halfte des xix, 
Jahrhunderts ihrer viele gegeben. — All dies mag ja zutreffen, doch 
die Bemerkung : ' Die Karavlachen in Bosnien sind die Nach- 
kommen jener alten Erzschiirfer und Bauern, die Rumaenien 
zumeist in kleinen Emigrationen im xviii. und xix. Jahrhundert 
verlassen haben,' kann nur soweit richtig sein, als die Karavlachen 
rumaenische Zigeuner sind. Rumaenen emigrirten und verblieben 
ausserhalb der Moldau und Walachei, aber immer in Grenzniihe, 
wo man sie auch gegenwartig antrifft, die rumaenischen Zigeu- 
ner jedoch, wie dies ja alle Zigeuner pflegen, wander ten gar 
weit ab weg von den rumaenischen Grenzen und Ansiedlungen 
bis nach Bosnien und Slavonien, ab und zu nach Siidserbien und 
sogar bis nach Albanien.^ Die Richtung der bosnischen Kara- 
vlachen verlief von Osten nach AVesten liber Transsilvanien, den 
Banat, Sirmien, Serbien und Bosnien. Die anderen kamen iiber 
Bulgarien und Serbien entlang der Donau und Save. 

III. Die ethnographischen Kreuzungen auf dem neuen 
Territorium (Seite 258-268). Die Karavlachen gelangten in ein 
neues Zentrum, das anders geartete ethnische Kennzeichen als die 
ihrigen waren aufweist, und obwohl gering an Zahl, so waren sie 
doch von kraftiger Resistenz und verschmolzen nicht mit dem 
Serbentum (S. 258). Nun gerade diese Resistenz erscheint als ein 
klares Zeichen ihres zigeunerischen Ursprungs, denn nur die 
Zigeuner behaupten sich iiberall am langsten. Die Karavlachen 
bewahrten die rumaenische Sprache, ihre Berufzweige, vermengten 
sich weder mit den Christen noch mit den Moslimen und die 
slavische Kultur blieb auf sie ohne Einfluss [echte Zigeunerart]. 
ausser dass seit der Okkupation Bosniens der Einfluss der Schule 

' O. Weigand, Die Aromunen. 



REVIEWS 89 

bemerkbar wird ; sie behaupteten rumaenische Gebrauche, nur dass 
sie unter der Einwirkung der serbischen Kirche das Sippenfest 
annahmen [!]. Das Weibervolk hat auch die Tracht bewahrt. 
Gemeinsam mit Serben lebend erlernten sie die serbische Sprache, 
aber auch die Serben, die in ihrer Nahe lebten, iibernahmen aucli 
genug ihrer Worte. Sie batten einen grossen Einfluss auch auf die 
nationale Musik in Bosnien. 

In der anthropogeographischen Abteikmg des ii. Teiles 
(S. 263-293) bespricht er : 

1. Lage unci Typus der haravlachischen AnsiecUungen (S. 263- 
278). — Auf die Lage der karavlachischen Ansiedkmgen hatten 
grossten Einfluss oekonomische Griinde. Die Karavlachen siedel- 
ten sich mit Vorliebe in jenen Gegenden an, wo es Walder von ulnus 
glutinosa und acer fseudoplatanus gab, die ihnen den Stoff fiir 
ihre Erzeugnisse aus Holz lieferten. Ihre Ansiedlungen sind auch 
gegenwartig noch in Nahe von Waldern oder in Waldern selbst, 
zumeist in Rodungen, wo aber der Wald weit weg ist, so weist 
das darauf hin, dass der Bestand seit ihrer Ankunft abgeholzt 
worden. Auch die ethnische Praedisposition war in dieser Hinsicht 
vom Einfluss ; denn die Karavlachen pflegten auch in Rumaenien 
in Rodungen Ansiedkmgen anzulegen. 

Der Typus der karavlachischen Ansiedlungen in Bosnien ist 
meistenteils zerfahren. Anfangs rodete man den Wald aus und es 
siedelten sich einzelne Familien an, ihre Mitglieder aber rodeten 
spater sehr weit vom ersten Hause welter, und noch spater baute 
man zwischen diesen Hausern neue auf, so dass die Ansiedler naher 
aneinander rilckten. Einen solchen Typus erheischte so wohl die 
aus Rumaenien mitgebrachte ethnische Praedisposition als auch 
oekonomische Grllnde; denn die Karavlachen befassen sich mit 
Holzschnitzarbeiten. Einem solchen Typus begegnet man auch in 
den Hohengebieten des Banats, Transsilvaniens, der Bukovina und 
Rumaeniens. 

Die Karavlachen brachten auch den Hausbautypus aus dem 
alten Territorium mit, denn alle Typen karavlachischer Hauser 
in Bosnien kehren auch bei den Rumaenen in der Bukovina, in 
Ungarn und in Rumaenien wieder. 

2. Bcschreibung der karavlacJtischen Kolonien (S. 278-293). 
— In Bosnien gibt es 19 karavlachische Dorfer mit 300 Hausern 
und beilauiig mit 2000 Einwohnern. Die Dorfer sind : Purkovic im 
gebirgigen Telle des Bezirkes von Vlasenica mit 12 Hausern und 
70 Einwohnern. Das Dorf grtindete Dimitrije Purko, der Vater des 



90 REVIEWS 

noch jetzt lebenden Ilija Mitrovic. Dimitrije Purko kam aus 
Rumaenien im Jahre 1804. Hier errichtete er eine Hiitte (bnrdelj) 
unci von ihm stammt das ganze Dorf vom zerfahrenen Typus ab. 
Die Einwohner reden perfekt rumaeniscli, denn ihrem Ursprung 
nach sind sie Rumaenen [!] altglaubigen Bekenntnisses. Gerade 
an den Mannern konnte Herr Filipescu konstatiren, dass kein 
einziger Fall eines Zigeimerschadels vorkomme, wabrend die 
Weiblichkeit ein gewisses etwas vom Zigeunerischen an sich 
babe [!]. Sie baben sebr wenig Eigentilmlichkeiten der serbiscben 
Kiiltur angenommen und befassen sicb mit Bodenbebauung und 
Holzscbnitzereien. Weitere Dorfer sind: Simic, Knezina, Zadar, 
Kusonje-Ljeskovica, Kamenica, Lopare, Modran, Batkovic (die 
alteste karavlacbiscbe Ansiedlimg in Bosnien, die von den ersten 
Emigranten aus Rumaenien ausgieng. Der Name kam wahrscbein- 
lich vom Vornamen Batko), Maoca-Karavlasi, Spionica, Nemila, 
Vozuca, Praca, Ostraznja, Stanari, Pribinjao, Slatina und Sitnjez.^ 
Die Bewobner dieser Dorfer sind : Erzeuger von Mulden, Spindeln, 
Loffeln, U.S.W., Ackerbauer, Barentreiber, Musikanten und bie und da 
aucb Kleinviebzlichter. 

Fassen wir alles zusammen, was Herr Filipescu in diesem 
zweiten Telle von Wert beibringt, so erseben wir, dass es die 
Konstatirung des Vorbandenseins rumaeniscber Zigeuner in 
Bosnien ist, was man aber scbon langst aucb obne ihn gewusst bat. 
Die Annabmen des Herrn Filipescu verfiibren zu Trugschliissen, 
die in der Wissenscbaft unzulassig sind. Ferner ware von Wert die 
Konstatirung der Ausgangorte dieser Zigeuner (wofern man darauf 
etwas zu bauen batte) und der Zeit ibrer Auswanderung, von 
grosstem Werte aber die genaue Angabe ibrer Dorfer. Hiitte sich 
Herr Filipescu nur auf die zuverlassige Feststellung dessen 
beschrankt, was er selber gesehen und am Orte erboben, obne sicb 
in Deutungen und Auslegungen zu verlieren, so batte er damit 
sich und der Forscbung weitaus mehr gedient. Alles iibrige hat 
nicht nur nicht die Wissenscbaft gefordert, sondern sie vielmehr 
im Gegenteil beeintrachtigt. Tihomir R. Gjorgjevic. 

' Vergl. Die Zigeuner im, Vlasenicaer Bezirke i?i Serbien, S. 146-149, dieses 
Journals, B. I. 1907. 



NOTES AND QUERIES 91 



NOTES AND QUERIES 



1. — A Walk to Kew 



' Common Sense,' the writer of A Walk to Keto, mentioned in David Copsey's 
letter on the English Gypsies in 1818 (see J. G. L. S., New Series, i. 184), was, as 
Dr. William E. A. Axon kindly points out, Sir Eichard Phillips. 



2. — The Shah's Runners 



My friend jMr. A. T. Sinclair, in the Journal of the Gy])sy Lore Society for 
January 1908, states, on my authority, that 'AH the Shah's runners to-day are 
Gypsies.' This is a deduction from a statement of mine {Journal of the Anthropo- 
logical Institute, vol. xxxii., July-December, 1902), to the efiect that the Gypsies 
of Persia were governed by the Shah's chief runner. As the deduction is not 
correct, a note on the subject may be of interest. The present Shdtirbdshi or 
Chief Runner of the Shah is termed the Bashm-ul-Mulh, and the post has been in 
his family since early Safavi times. It is not known whether he is of Gypsy 
descent: but in Safavi times (Shah Abbas, the famous monarch of that dynasty, 
was a contemporary of Queen Elizabeth), the runners were Gypsies, and were 
employed as messengers and spies. Some of their women, too, were introduced 
into the royal harem, and gained much power. Under Nadir Shah, also, the 
Shatirs rendered valuable services in a similar capacity. 

Gradually, however, other nomads were recruited, especially Kurds, and 
to-day the runners are almost all Kurds. The Chief Runner, however, retains as 
his emoluments of office all the revenue collected from the Gypsies, just as the 
revenue levied on wine and spirits is the perquisite of the Shah's Farrashbashi 
or Chief Executionei". The above information has been given me by various 
Persians, and is, I think, accurate. P. M. Stkes. 



3. — Gypsy ' Civilisation ' 

Good company seems as corrupting as bad ; for, in spite of my natural 
objection to the interminable parsonical 'lastly,' I find myself compelled to add 
an appendix to my already unpardonably long article on would-be reformers of 
the Gypsies. 

]My main object is to call attention to a booklet published by the Missions- 
Bund fiir Siidosteuropa^ — Die Zigeuner und das JEvangelium herausgegeben von 
Reinhold Urban, Streitgau 1906 — which, a rare thing in tracts, is of considerable 
general interest. Urban devotes himself largely to proving that the dark children 
are not entirely sous of darkness, and expresses a confident hojje that with a 
little proper — by which he means not Roman Catholic — attention they may be 
turned into children of light. He brings evidence to prove that they are neither 
so dirty, lazy and dishonourable, nor such insatiable beggars as they are commonly 
supposed to be. As to his methods of conversion, it is comforting to find him 
speaking against the abduction of children ; but whether the two rules he lays 
down for future missionaries, that they should proceed to the work with a heart 
full of godly love, and a knowledge of the Romany tongue, are sufficient to 
ensure the success of their attempts is more than doubtful. It is certainly true 
that the Gypsy is not so black as he is painted. Few people are : ' the beng's 
kek bavedo ( = wafedo), if you treats 'im well ' as an old dai, who looked as if 



92 NOTES AND QUERIES 

she ought to know, once told me : but I fear it does not follow that either devil 
or Gypsy are jDromising material for conversion. One would have thought that 
both Urban's conditions were fulfilled in the case of Gypsy Smith's mission to his 
brethren ; but even he admits it was not much of a success. However, Urban's 
sanguine hopes are buoyed up by the information that a colporteur of the British 
and P'oreign Bible Society disposed of his entire stock of bibles to a Gypsy tribe 
in West Prussia ! He infers that the Gyjjsies are dying for theological instruction. 
All things are possible, but one would dearly like to hear the Gypsy version of 
that transaction, and find out what really made them think it expedient to invest 
so largely in that kind of literature. 

The book concludes with translations of the Lord's Prayer in eight Romany 
dialects, and specimens of translations of Biblical passages. It is also well 
illustrated, and is altogether a very attractive little pamphlet. The same Society 
has published the imrable of the prodigal son in South Austiian Romany. 

Among my sins of omission the most important was the absence of any 
reference to Pischel's Beitrdge zur Kenntnis der Deutschen Zigeuner (Halle a. S., 
1894), which is far the fullest and most reliable authority on the Friedrichslohra 
attempt ; but as most of the additional details are concerned with the foundation 
and early days of the experiment, and do not afi'ect its issue, it is sufficient to refer 
those who wish to investigate the point to the book itself. Gjorgjevic {Die Zigeuner 
in tSerbien, Teil i., Budapest, 1903, p. 8) gives a list of all that has been done for and 
against the Gypsies in Servia, from which it appears that in 1879 wandering was 
entirely forbidden, and in 1884 the Gypsies were put nominally on an equal footing 
with the rest of the inhabitants of Servia. Later (p. 24) he informs us that Bishop 
Melentije bestirred himself and had no less than 2222 Gypsies baptized in his 
diocese in 1892-95 ! But one cannot read the rest of his invaluable work without 
ai'riving at the conclusion that the greater part of the Servian Gypsies still lead a 
very healthy pagan life, wandering all the summer, settling in the winter in caves 
or sheiDherds' wattled huts, and caring not a jot for Moslem saint or Christian 
bishop. Their souls still stink, according to the Servian saying, — and their bodies 
too,— ill spite of the waste of baptismal water. Save water, no other refiuing 
instrument seems to have been tried, and but few of the children go to school. 
The rest wander happy in their innocence, with only an occasional rag to bide it. 
That, however, is not peculiar to Servia. I gather from recent illustrations of 
Hungarian Gypsies, that in spite of the frequent laws enjoining clothing, the 
children have not yet sufficiently lost their natural modesty to feel the necessiiy 
of any other covering. 

In England I find the subject was broached earlier than I imagined. A letter 
advocating the reform of the Gypsies was sent to the Fublic Advertiser on 
July 29, 1778, before the publication of Grellmann's work, and the Rev. Sir (?) 
Richard Black went a-missionising among the Gypsies, and published statistics of 
the Gypsy jjopulation of Europe. When, where, and why, nobody seems to know, 
but apparently before 1843, as Groome's authority for that statement was a 
Statistik des Kdnigreichs Ungarn of that year (cf. Notes and Qtieries, 5th ser., vol. ii., 
March 27, 1874, p. 257). 

From a letter of the Rev. Alex. M'Millan, late of Yetholm, to Provost A. 
M'Cormick, kindly lent me by the latter, I find that several Gypsies were caught 
in the revival movement of forty years ago. Among them was a promising con- 
vert and preacher, who was too good to attend communion, and, indeeil, held a 
meeting on Saturday to pray for the parson : but, 'I fear, if he had been left alone 
at the collection plate, the collection would not have been an average one that day.' 
The parson who was prayed for attempted without success to keep Gypsy children 
at home and at school in summer. Possibly those prayers opened his eyes to 
Gypsy character, if they did nothing else. 

I should have noticed a ' proposal to found a school for the maintenance and 



NOTES AND QUERIES 93 

education of the children of the Gypsies in a central part of England,' made by the 
Rev. W. C. Fenton of Mattersey near Bawtry, and mentioned in the Scottish 
Christian Herald, 2nd series, vol. i. suppl. p. 48 (Edinburgh, 1839). There it is 
stated that ' it is clearly ascertained that the greatest part of these wanderers 
would cheerfully embrace the opportunity aSbrded them by such an institution.' 
Whether it was funds or cheerfulness that were found to be lacking I do not 
know ; but the proposal seems to have fallen through, unless it afterwards 
developed into the Farnham attemjjt. Details about the labours of a London City 
Missionary {circ. 1860) among the London Gypsies can, according to Notes and 
Queries, be found in the City Mission Magazine, Jan. 1860, and the Weekly 
Record, Feb. 2, 1861; and the same periodical (6th ser., vol. ii., Dec. 4, 1880, p. 444) 
quotes a letter to the Daily News, dated Nov. 5, on a colony of three Gypsy 
evangelists, who, with their wives and children, had settled on the borders of 
Wanstead Flats. Their names are not stated, but presumably they were Gypsy 
Smith's father and his two brothers, who, as I omitted to mention, were also 
evangelists in a humble way. 

Probably Prof. Palmer's paper on ' Gypsy Children at Board Schools ' (cf. 
Besant's Life of Edioard Henry Palmer, London, 1883, p. 234), if it could be 
found, would contain interesting information on the subject of Gypsy education. 

To Mr. George Black I am indebted for several references to magazine articles, 
most of which prove to be notices of Hoyland's, Baird's, and Crabb's attempts ; 
but from the title and place of publication of one of them, ' The Caravan Mission to 
French Gypsies ' (A. T. Pierson, in the Missionary Bevieiv, vol. 18, pp. 574-576, 
New York, 1905), I infer that I may have been mistaken in supposing the French 
Mission Wagon to have been strictly educational. A photograph of it will be 
found in Urban's pamphlet, where the children certainly do not look characteristic- 
ally Gypsy. 

I was mistaken too in stating that the Gypsies of Turkey had settled freely. 
I learn from Miss Garnett's Women of Turkey and their Folklore (London, 1891) 
that ' Sultan Murad iv. decreed their settlement as agriculturists in the neighbour- 
hood of the Balkans ; but though the district between Aydos and Philippopolis is 
so overrun with them that it has received the name of the Chenguin Balkans, the 
Gyi^sies of that district ai'e hardly less nomadic than in other parts of the empire. 
About 140 families have long been settled in Constantinople and its suburbs, 
and some 200 families are to be found scattered in small communities of from 6 to 
40 families at Adrianople, Eodosto, Epivates, Silivria and other places. But . . . 
these sedentary families . . . are always in the street, appearing to sleep only 
in their dwellings. . . . Nor are they much less poor and miserable than their 
nomadic brethren. For the men, when they do work, follow the same unremun- 
erative callings, and the women lounge about the streets, dressed in the favourite 
colours of red and yellow . . . begging and telling fortunes.' Like all other 
accounts this does not oflfer much encouragement to those who advocate forcible 
settlement. E. 0. Winstedt. 

4. — Gypsy Marriage 

To the kindness of Mr. William A. Cragg, of Treekingham House, near Folk- 
ingham, Lincolnshire, we owe the following extract from the Lincoln Gazetteer 
newspaper of July 29, 1785 : — 

' Saturday last was married at St. Margaret's Church in Leicester, Phamix, a 
youth belonging to Boswell's gang of Gypsies [now hutted in Humberstone-field], 
to Miss Boswfll, daughter of Mr. Boswell, King of this fraternity. His Gypsean 
Majesty attended the ceremony. Miss Charlotte Boswell was bridesmaid, and 10 
or 12 of the gang likewise attended. They presented the clergyman who per- 
formed the ceremony with half-a-guinea, and to the ringers 15s., with a good 
dinner and drink in great plenty. We understand that a marriage ceremony 



94 NOTES AND QUERIES 

amoagst this tribe of people is always celebrated with great merriment, and the 
feasting lasts for 14 days ; indeed it is impossible to conceive a happier set of people 
than they appeared to be on this occasion. The consummation of the nuptial 
rights was intended to be in Humberstone- field ; where perhaps Phoenix and his 
enamoured Princess, upon a green sod, with the canopy of heaven their only cover- 
ing, may taste as much real felicity as those of a higher order in their beds of down 
with pillows of thorns. . . . 

' Phoenix' trade is that of a tinker — his wife is a dealer in palmistry. . . . 

' We learn that in a few days, at or near Holwell-mouth, by Melton Mowbray, 
there will be a general meeting of Gypsies from Leicestershire and the neigh- 
bouring counties, to celebrate the nuptials of Phoenix with the King's daughter. 

' The Gypsies have undoubtedly a form of government amongst themselves, and 
to their King pay the most implicit obedience ; to this submission we may fairly 
attribute their apparent happiness. They have no false honour amongst them, 
and they look upon shame as the most grievous punishment in the world.' 

It is interesting to notice, as Mr. John Sampson points out, that while, at the 
beginning, the writer is evidently describing a real Gypsy wedding, yet when he 
goes on to give an account of Gypsy government and punishment by degradation, 
which if true would be immensely important, he is quoting almost verbally from 
Fielding's Tom Jones, book xii. chap. 12. 



5.— PiLSTERNA, 'Dove' 



One of the few animal names in Romani, this loan-word was first heard by me 
in May 1899, on the eve of Newark Fair (Notts), from Frank Ellet, or Elliot, a 
half-blood Gypsy who married one of the Grays. We were conversing in the open 
air when a wood-pigeon flew overhead. Said Frank : ' Dova 's a pilsterna, and that 
is one of our old Harriet's words. She 's deep Romani ; you must go and see 
her.' Needless to say, I got the old lady's address, and a few days later I sat at 
the feet of the vivacious nonagenarian widow of Jack Gray, who was then living 
with her daughter Wikki at Louth on the Lincolnshire wolds. Concerning pil- 
sterna, ^Ilarriet declared she had known the word all her life. ' You must know, 
Rai, there are two ways of sounding it. Some of our people would sound it like 
this — pilastera, but I say it 's jnlsterna.' 

With reference to the two forms of the word, and their occurrence in Con- 
tinental Romani dialects, Mr. John Sampson says : ' The word is not in Pott. 
But it ought to be, for Bischoff's Deutsch-Zigeunerisches Worterbuch (Ilmenau, 
1827) was one of his sources, and on p. 87 Bischoff gives " Taube (die), pinnestehra." 
The word occurs again in Liebich's Die Zigeimer (1863), where on p. 152 he gives 
the two ionns pillstiiri, pinderi. In addition to these two German-Gypsy examples, 
Jesina in his (Bohemian) Romani Cib, on p. 90, has " pilsterni, fern, die Taube," 
and in the German-Gypsy vocabulary, p. 120, has " Taube, die, pilsteri, pilsterni, 
fein. (Ital. Zig.)." This last Italian-Gypsy instance is very close to your own — 
which I rather prefer, since the suffix -a is the correct way of indicating a feminine 
loan-word.' 

The word is not recorded by Jacob Bryant, Harriot, Borrow, Smart and 
Crofton, nor is it in the vocabulary at the end of Leland, Palmer and Tuckey's 
English Gypsy Songs. George Hall. 

6. — The Van Ghost 

Mr. W. A. Dutt writes that his little Gypsy friend Lila West has been telling 
him about the mulo-inush who sometimes taps on the outside of the vans at night, 
and laughs in a way that ' makes yon cold as death.' ' You never see it,' she says, 
' though you know it is near you ; and if you pay no heed to it, you take no harm. 
You must never say anything bad about it, or something bad will happen to you.' 



NOTES AND QUERIES 95 



7. — Drab'ixg the Balo 



Mr. J. Steuart Maclaren sends the following words, learned from an old Gypsy 
woman in Murcia, Spain, which differ from the ordinary Spanish Calo : — 

'To drab the bdlo' — Chivar ydhis al balicho. 

' To cut a stick ' — Paravar un casti. 

' A lie ' — Jojuna. ' Mulier publica ' — Yumi. 
(The J's have the guttural pronunciation of the Spanish Jota.) Some time after- 
wards near Martos, in the province of Jaen, Mr. Maclaren had the unusual privilege 
of seeing a drab'd bdlo, and a whole Gypsy family engaged in cutting it up ; but, 
as he writes, he ' did not consider it prudent to ask any questions.' 



8. — Gypsies in the United States in 1851 

'A tribe or family of Gipsies has encamped in the woods of Hoboken, on the 
opposite shore of the North River, from New York. They excite much curiosity, 
being the first of these wanderers ever seen in America.' — Family Herald, vol. ix. 
p. 335 : London, 1851. Geo. F. Black. 



9. — A Notice of Spanish Gypsies in 1618 

The expulsion of the Moors from Spain between the years 1609 and 1611 
appears to have suggested to the Spanish historian Salazar de Mendoza the enforce- 
ment of a similar decree against the Gypsies. In his work on the ' Origin of the 
Dignities of Castile and Leon ' he mentions that he had himself prepared a memorial 
urging the driving of them out of the kingdom, adding that it was over-scrupulous 
to tolerate such a pernicious and perverse race. His words in the original are as 
follows : — 

'Falta agora, para que EspaSa quede limpia, que se haga otro tanto de los 
Gitanos, que ay para ello muchas y muy vivas, y apreta das razones : yo lo pruevo 
en un memorial que tengo ordenado a este proposito. Alii se vera, que es muy 
escrupuloso tolerar gente tan perniciosa, prejudicial, y perversa.' — Origen de las 
Dignidades seglares de Castilla y Leon : Toledo, 1618, fol. 185 recto. 

Geo. F. Black. 

10. — Supplementary Annals 

The following reference to the Gypsies in England before 1700 occurs in a 
little twelve-page tract, entitled The Welch Traveller or The Unfortunate Welchman, 
'by Humphry Crouch. London. Printed for William Whitwood at the sign of 
the Bell in Duck-Lane near Smlthjield. 1671.' [Reprinted in W. C. Hazlitt's 
Early Popular Poetry of England, vol. iv. pp. 321-53.] 

The poem— one of a series of satirical pamphlets directed against the Welsh 
during the seventeenth century — describes the adventures of Taffie, ' a welch 
Astrologer ' on his travels, who, after some hours spent in the stocks for thieving, 
and a misadventure in a farmhouse, where he tumbles down the chimney from a 
' smoak-loft ' above, finds himself at break of day without food or shelter. Then 
fortunately — or unfortunately for him as the sequel shows — ' he a barn espied,' and 

' . . . had not been there half an hour, 

or hardly sate him down. 
But Gypsies came, in number four, 

who came from Guildford town. 
They took poor Taffie for a spright, 

and stood upon their guard ; 



96 NOTES AND QUERIES 

They were prepared with him to fight ; 

which when he saw and heard, 
He cried out hur was a man 

though by misfortune crost. 

And all because hur would not work 

but lead an idle life 
And up and down the Country lurk, 

as cause of all her strife. 
Kind friend, quoth they, you shall be one 

of our fraternity ; 
Our secrets to you shall be known, 

and we '11 live happily. 
We live, as you do, easily, 

but have our wits about us ; 
We never suffer'd injury, 

nor give them cause to flout us.' 

The'Gypsies, who, Taffie thinks, 'look like good plain dealing men,' persuade him 
to ' rob a house ... of bacon,' and then 

' . . . themselves to sleep they lay ; 
• no dangers them affright ; 
Most commonly they sleep all day, 
and do their work by night.' 

Taffie leads them to the farmhouse he has just left, and is let down the same 
chimney by a rope with which he is instructed to bind the bacon. 

' When this is done, observe us then ; 
we straight then up will hale you, 
And you do think us honest men, 
think not that we will fail you.' 

The credulous Welshman does as he is bidden, ' the Gypsies up the bacon hale,' 
escape with their booty, and 'leave the fool behind' with the good advice to 'make 
haste and get away.' Poor Taffie, thus left in the lurch, personates the Devil, 
flees to a church, where he is caught by the sexton with his ' two hundred armed 
men,' and is finally sentenced to 'four long hours or more' in the pillory, where 
Crouch takes leave of him. D. E. Yates. 



11. — Gipsy Caravans 



Does the following extract from 'The Times, 1833, July 11, p. 5, col. 4, 
approximately date the introduction of the modern Gypsy caravan in England ? 
'Gypsies, impelled by the march of intellect, seem resolved no longer to march 
a-foot, and now travel the country in capacious machines larger than a Pad- 
dington omnibus, drawn by two or more horses. A numerous gang of these 
itinerant thieves located themselves a few nights ago in Stoke Lane, near 
Taunton, having no less than 17 horses among them (Devonshire Chronicle).' 
If the notice was worth reprinting in llie I'ima^, it would seem as though the 
use of these caravans was practically unknown in England at the time. 

If however the word furniture in the phrase ''It. a cart with furnitui-e, £2, 6s. 
8d.' in an inventory of the goods of one llumwoll Durbare, possibly a Gypsy, who 
settled at Crewe, Cheshire, as a farmer, and died in 1C27 (cf. Notes and Qncries, 
5th Scr. IV., Dec. 10, 1881), bears its ordinary sense, the cart must surely have 
been a caravan ! But it may only mean the appurtenances, harness, etc., of an 
ordinary cart. E. 0. Winstedt. 



% 




i 



JOURNAL OF THE 

GYPSY LO 



NEW SERIES 



S C I E T Y /I § ^^ 

,% ^ > 

Vol. II OCTOBER 1908 "^ ^_Na 2 



I.— SPANISH GYPSY COSTUME 

PROFESSOR KNAPP has very kindly lent his copy of the 
rare Historia de los Gitanos, por J. M. (Barcelona, 1832) in 
order that the folding frontispiece, lithographed by J. E. Monfort, 
may be reproduced. ' The plate,' Professor Knapp says, ' represents 
five Gypsies shearing a mule or macho, with a Catalan mayoral 
or stage driver dressed in a Valencian mania (blanket) and head- 
gear, looking on. The cachas (shears), so much cited in The 
Zincali and The Bible in Spain, are figured to the life.' With the 
plate may be compared Borrow's description, from the fifth chapter 
of the first-named book, of the costume of the Spanish Gitano, ' of 
which such frequent mention is made in the Spanish laws, and 
which is prohibited together with the Gypsy language and 
manner of life ? Of whatever it might consist in former days, it 
is so little to be distinguished from the dress of some classes 
amongst the Spaniards, that it is almost impossible to describe 
the ditference.' Nevertheless he makes the attempt, adding at the 
end ' such also is the dress of the chalanes, and of the muleteers, 
except that the latter are in the habit of wearing broad sombreros 
as preservatives from the sun. This dress appears to be rather 
Andalusian than Gitano ; and yet it certainly beseems the Gitano 
better than the chalan or muleteer. He wears it with more easy 
negligence or jauntiness, by which he may be recognised at some 
distance, even from behind.' 
VOL. n. — NO. n. G 



98 A gypsy's letter to GEORGE BORROW IN 1838 

II.— A GYPSY'S LETTER TO GEORGE BORROW IN 1838 

By William Ireland Knapp 

In Die Zincali or The Gypsies of Spain, 1841,^ at the close of the 
account of the murder of Pindamonas (better Pintamonos), by 
one Pepe Conde, George Borrow adds the following postscript : — 

'Once at Madrid, I received a letter from the sister's son of 
Pindamonas, dated from the prison of the Saladero. In this 
letter the writer, who it appears was in durance for stealing a 
pair of mules, craved my charitable assistance and advice; and 
possibly in the hope of securing my favour, forwarded some 
uncouth lines commemorative of the death of his relation, and 
commencing thus : — 

" The death of Pindamonas fill'd all the world with pain, 
At the coffee-house's portal, by Pepe he was slain." ' 

Perhaps the members of the Gypsy Lore Society would be glad 
to peruse these two documents — for there are two — one in Gitano 
and the other in Castilian, both written on the same sheet of 
paper, in the same handwriting. These letters, Avhich were 
penned seventy years ago, with bad ink, now quite faded and 
almost illegible, were not given in my Life of Borrow, and have 
never been printed elsewhere. I offer them just as they stand, 
palseographically exact, commencing with the Gypsy, the Spanish 
occupying most of the fourth page and running over on to the top 
of the first page. 

Pedro Perez to Geo. Borrow 
[First Page] 

' Mero el Joyo que ducas los endifio p?" sin at ul inanus la cho 
en la olicha de las 'niesonas el masano lo maro avillaro su cha- 
borre alquel donde se pillela endicaron d su yatu me se mucarun 
mulane, lenicohelan los Camariches, los chibelan en un di do se 
los endihelan d su chaborre por que el jtday ya mero brejate en 
esa veda chibela un one la lo demol acay sinela su plal ca ra 
aquelela como si no caraquelela 

' In the editions in two vols., i. p. 246; in those of one vol., from 1846 to 
1893, p. 140 ; in the last of 1901, p. 199. 



A gypsy's letter to GEORGE BORROW IN 1838 99 

[Second Page] 
d la romi y la rwmi penela cava queren d label mini que anre 
sino y saro lo endico ya hillela label romi que saro lo indico 
llaraquerela que si andoji ninguno el ague lo le chino [cfiivo?] 
aleray del bleje lo araqueran p^- ixvtorro que mestipen lendiTielen 
al inasano que no tenela andoji, y penela el virolo eso si que no 
asinal q' si no amolan mi baria amolara mi potestad najando 
del baretel el masano se chibo en una sargua mientres laminarra 
dure el masano no ameral araquera el virolo no se camera 
munrrabal erbal 

[Third Page] 
del muy indaquediquelo el virolo al masano con un Junio en el 
que lo en el mascaro de la melingrana. For una olicha al palal 
sanajao las roDxia y el baretel y los chine sicobaron astaralao, . . 
les penela el baretel si me penelas la chachipen te endinare el 
mesti])en y gone y penelo la romi no camelo bone que camelo 
memestipen que en la cho del virolo cainxelaba nicoalme mionol ya 
guillabela la prajandi delamajari con baviria [or barivia] ducas 
chibal pal ne enea coy podersechorrolo que lo chalan achibal en el 
chique en ineripen del 

[Fourth Page] 

virolo on debel no se lo endinele acaique que en el quel del 
callardo se rebolcaba en su arate [.] ' S'- D'.' Jorge no e (he) tenido 
el honor de conocer d V. pues deseava de conocerle ay (aJti) lleba 
V. escrita la muerte de piintamonos d un que {aunque) la i, 
escrito con muchismo (sic) doloi" p^ (por) ser tio mio, solo suplico 
d U. encarecidamente que one hallo preso en esta carcel (sic) del 
Saladero de la Corte de Madrid, sin tener amparo, mas que el de 
Bios, y estoy en queros (cueros) vivo y tnuerto de hanibre, y no 
tengo mas amparo que de aquellos bienechores (sic) y corazones 
benignos como los de V. y le suplico d este desgraciado calo que le 
mande V. una limosna y una ropa vieja de V. con la dadora de 
esta 

[First Page] 

Por qiLc llevo diez anos de presidio, y no tengo mas amparo 
que a F [.] 

' Madrid, 15 de Feb. de 1838. 
Bios g^ a V. m^ a? y mande a su serbidor (sic) q. B S M [.] 
Pedro Perez [.] ' 

' Mero el Joyo ' (etc.) 



100 A gypsy's letter to GEORGE BORROW IN 1838 

The translation of the Spanish portion of this letter I shall 
give here : — 

' Don Jorge, Sir, — I have not had the honour to make your 
acquaintance, therefore I was desirous of doing so. I send you 
herewith an account of the death of Pintamonos, although I wrote 
it out sorrowfully enough, since he was my uncle. And now the 
only thing that is left me to do is to entreat you most earnestly 
(for help), for I am a prisoner in the Saladero Jail of this Royal 
Town, with no one save God to go to for relief I am all in rags and 
dying with hunger, and have no one to apply to but benevolent 
men and generous hearts like your own. So I beseech you to 
send this unfortunate Calo by the bearer a little charity and some 
old garments out of your store, for I have now been ten years in 
prison and have no one to look to for aid but yourself. Madrid, 
15 February 1838. God preserve you many years and command 
your servant who kisses your hand. 

Pedro Perez (or Peter Peters).' 

As for the ' uncouth lines ' of which Borrow speaks, and which 
I suspect he never read, they will serve as a good lesson even for 
the somewhat advanced in Gypsy lore. If they are not made out 
satisfactorily by the next number, I will try a solution for the one 
following. 



Ill— TRANSYLVANIAN GYPSIES 
By Joseph Pennell 

ON the next four pages appear reproductions of drav/ings of 
Transylvanian Gypsies. They need no preface; yet it is 
only right to express once again the gratitude which all members 
of the Gypsy Lore Society feel towards Mr. Joseph Pennell for 
having added so greatly to the attractiveness of their journal, and 
the regret with which the editor sees the large parcel which he 
originally sent gradually becoming smaller as one by one blocks 
are made and the sketches returned to their generous owner. 



TRANSYLVANIAN GYPSIES 



101 




THE BEAUTY OF A SAVAGE 

By Joseph Pennell 

{To wh&ni the copyright belongs) 



102 



TRANSYLVANIAN GYPSIES 




ON THE RUSSIAN FRONTIER, TRANSYLVANIA 

By Joseph Pennkll 

( To whom the copyright belongs) 



TRANSYLVAXIAX GYPSIES 



103 




AN OLD ONE 

By Joseph Pennell 

(To whom the copyright belongs) 



104 



TRANSYLVANIAN GYPSIES 




A WANDERING MUSICIAN NEAR ROUMANIAN FRONTIER, 

TRANSYLVANIA 

By Joseph Pennell 

( To whom the copyright belongs) 



THE ENCHANTED MAN 105 



IV.— THE ENCHANTED MAN 

A FOLK-TALE, DICTATED BY A GALLOWAY TINKLER-GYPSY WOMAN 
TO PROVOST ANDREW M'CORMICK OF NEWTON STEWART 

rpHERE were two brothers, and they were very handsome and 
-L gentlemanly in appearance, but they hadn't got very much 
money where they lived. One said to the other: ' We'll travel to 
such and such a castle, and we '11 get good money there. You can 
be gardener, and I'll be coachman.' The other said that he was 
agreeable to go with him. ' I think it will be better for us to go.' 
So they packed their things and went off in the morning far 
further than I '11 tell you or you '11 tell me. Night came on. 
They came to a wild forest. One said to the other : ' We are 
fatigued. The night is good. We shall have a night's rest. They 
took some afreshments [refreshments] and fell into a slumber, and 
dreamed that they should come to a castle, get bed and victuals 
better than they had. One brother woke the other and said : 

' We do wrong to wait here. We will go to this castle. It 's an 
inn, but it 's like a castle. We shall get rest there far better than 
we can have here.' They went away far further than I '11 tell you 
or you '11 tell me, and came to this inn. 

' We '11 go in. They '11 do nothing to us.' In the brothers go. 
They look to the right and they look to the left, but see nobody. 
There is a great big table, tea dishes on it and foods of all kinds., 
a beautiful fire with a teapot beside it. They made up their minds 
to help themselves, and sit down and get the best of afreshments. 
The teapot attends to them. They take their satisfaction. There 
is a candle and candlestick on the table. Up get this candle and 
candlestick and walk off the table. 

' We '11 see where they are going,' said the brothers. So they 
followed them, and walked into a beautiful bedroom. The candle 
and candlestick sat down on a table. The brothers looked and 
saw a beautiful bed folded down. 

' We shall have a good night's rest here,' said the brothers. 
They got into the bed. 

If the place was beautiful at night, it was more so in the 
morning, but still there was no person to be seen. As it had done 
the night before, the teapot got up and filled all the cups, and 
still nobody appeared. The brothers take their breakfast, and 



106 THE ENCHANTED MAN 

then resume their journey. They go far further than I '11 tell you 
or you 11 tell me till night comes on again. They come to another 
castle larger and more beautiful than the last one. They walk 
round and round, but can find no entrance except by the hall 
door. 

' We 11 venture in.' In they go. Everything beautiful — hand- 
some table, beautiful dishes. Everything shining and beautiful. 

' Wo '11 have some afreshments. Everything is good, and 
nobody is here to hinder us.' Up gets the teapot and fills the 
cups. It 's a grand table — knives and forks and grand dishes set 
for a lot of folk. Still the brothers could see nobody, and every 
dish was emptying as soon as theirs. There was a candle and 
candlestick sitting on the table. Up get this candle and candle- 
stick and walk off the table, 

' We '11 see where you go.' They follow and come into a 
bedroom. Down sit the candle and candlestick. 

' We shall have a night's rest. There 's nothing to hinder us.' 
In the morning when they 're going to rise here 's a black lady, all 
black, only her face white. She never spoke until they had good 
afreshments. ' You were in my sister's house last night. You 
are in my house to-night. You '11 be in another sister's to- 
morrow night. Tell her that you saw me, and that I spoke to you.' 

' We '11 do that, madam. And will it be a long distance ? ' 

' Something like a hundred and fifty miles, but you will not be 
long in going that.' 

The young gentlemen continue their journey. They go far 
further than I '11 tell j^ou or you '11 tell me, and they push along, 
for night comes on and they want rest. They come to a third 
castle, and they go round and round, but the only entrance is by 
the front door. 

' It 's only death anyway ; we'll venture in.' And if the second 
place was beautiful, the third was far more beautiful. The table 
was shining with white covers, six tea dishes and plates, and a 
great fire and every kind of grand foods. This is extra good. 
Here comes the teapot, fills out the six tea dishes. Still they 
could see nobody, and every dish was emptying as soon as theirs. 

'This is something queer.' The candle and candlestick as 
before walk off the table. 

' We '11 see where you 're going.' They follow the candle and 
candlestick and look and see a beautiful bed. They have a night's 
rest, and in the morning here comes a black lady, and she is all 



THE ENCHANTED MAN 107 

black except the face and neck. Yet she never spoke until they 
got their breakfast. 

' You were in my sister's house last night, and you are in mine 
to-night. Yon must now return home, and on your way you will 
stop at my sisters' houses, and the last house you enter you will 
go no further. You '11 find your work. Turn back this morning. 
Go back to the second inn this night.' They turn back, and when 
they come to the inn they go round again and can find no 
entrance, only by the front door. Something like a 'waff' goes 
through the house. Everything is beautiful. They have afresh- 
ments, and there are bottles of wine sitting all round the 
table. 

' Maybe that 's left to see what we '11 do. AVe won't touch it. 
We have got good afreshment. We'll see about getting rest.' 
They follow the candle and candlestick as before, and Avalk into 
a bedroom. There's always a ' wafF-waffing,' but they can see 
nothing. They go to bed, and have a night's rest. In the 
morning a 3^oung lady enters, white down to the breast. 

' How did you rest last night ? Did anything disturb you ? ' 

'Nothing but a bad dream.' They dress and come down to 
breakfast. The table is more beautiful in the morning than it was 
the night before. 

' You will be at my sister's house to-night, and that will be 
your destination. You can be a gardener, and you can be a 
coachman, but you have to break the enchantment.' 

'We'll do that.' They go on their journey far further than 
I '11 tell you or you '11 tell me to this other inn. They go round 
this place, but there 's no entrance except by the front door. 

' We shall venture in.' What a beautiful table ! Everything 
was beautiful and shining. There is a dreadful 'waff' going 
through the place, but no person is seen. They sit down to take 
their afreshment, and there is a bottle of wine at each corner of 
the table, but they don't touch the wine. When they are satisfied 
the candle and candlestick again walk off the table, and they 
follow. The candle and candlestick sit down on a table in a 
beautiful bedroom. They look and see a fine bed and go to rest. 
In the morning a young lady appeared, all white together — 
a most beautiful young lady. 

' How did you rest last night ? ' 

' Pretty well, my lady.' 

' Did nothing disturb you ? ' 



108 THE ENCHANTED MAN 

' Nothing but a small dream.' 

' I must say you are the noblest young gentlemen ever 
entered my realm. You shall be gardener, and you coachman. 
The horse you have to drive is enchanted, and there is only 
one rod you can use to break the enchantment. You must 
find that rod. My only brother was struck into this horse. 
There 's only one place in this garden, one place in this orchard, 
where you are to snod the trees. You have to root some of them 
out. There are parts of this garden you are not to touch.' They 
agree to be the servants. They look at this and that through the 
house. Everything is beautiful. The coachman looks at the 
horse, then he looks at the horse's manger. He sees a bit of a 
small rod, white peeled. He looks at it. 

' That '11 be heavy enough to drive a good horse.' He gets his 
rod. There are three sisters in each inn — nine altogether. This 
is their brother that 's enchanted. The coachman gets orders to 
have the carriage ready to take the sisters for a drive. The nine 
sisters get into the carriage. ' What destination ? ' 

'Such and such a destination, provided man and horse keep 
good.' 

' My horse shall do good.' They go about a mile, and he 
touches the horse with the rod for the first time. The moment 
he touches the horse he sees the appearance of a man's shoulder 
where he struck the horse. He pays no attention. About a mile 
further on he hits the horse again and a hand appears. He drives 
on. He hits the horse again for the third time. Another hand 
and shoulder come. He strikes again. This time the head and 
neck appear. And the ladies cannot conceive how he got this 
rod. But he is near the destination. He must hit the horse for 
every sister that is in the carriage — nine times. He strikes for the 
fifth time. He has the man almost together now. He has only 
two legs of the horse. Hits again — but one leg to go: it's the 
man that 's pulling the machine now — till he hits the horse eight 
times and the horse falls down. He says : 

'My ladies, I humbly beg your pardon. There's something 
wrong with the horse.' They were very much put about. 

' Do not excite yourself, coachman. We will get out, and you 
can assist your horse' One of the sisters comes up to the driver, 
and she drops something into his pocket. Another comes and 
drops something into his pocket. One after another comes and 
drops something into the driver's pocket. He was standing work- 



SOME OLD GERMAN-GYPSY WORD-LISTS 109 

ing and fixing about his horse, and he thought it was imagina- 
tion. The eldest sister says : 

' Put your hand into your right pocket, pull something out and 
scatter it over 3^our horse.' He finds a stalk of corn, and throws it 
over the horse. 

' Put your hand in your pocket,' says another sister, ' and 
you'll find something.' He finds a head of wheat and throws it 
over the horse. The horse gives a kick and a cry. It is almost a 
human body now, but he throws and he throws till he throws 
the nine bits, of things. When he throws the last thing on the 
horse, it jumps up into a man. The enchantment is broken. 



P 



v.— SOME OLD GERMAN-GYPSY WORD-LISTS 

By Eric Otto Wix.stedt^ 

ERHAPS Kluge's Rotwelsches Quellenhuch is a work too 
familiar to all Gypsy students for them to have thought it 
worth while to call attention to the phrases and words of German 
Romani which it contains. Most of them, it is true, were used by 
the indefatigable Pott; but one at least — the Sulzer Zigeunerliste ^ 
— he overlooked ; and that one I here reproduce in case it should 
be unknown to some of our members. The list was printed at 
Stuttgart in 1787, and contained information about the same band 
of captive German Gypsies from whom the phrases in Hannikel ' 
were taken. According to Kluge — I have not seen the original 
book — the Romany phrases occur on page 10 in a section (No. 24), 
explaining the difference between Romani and Rotwelsch. As 
they form part of the material derived from the same band, and 
were only known to Pott at second hand, the Hannikel phrases 
seemed worth repeating, especially as they are full of difficulties 
which Pott has not solved. I have therefore copied them from 
Kluge, in the hope that some Romani scholar more learned than 
myself may turn his attention to them. To these I have added 
the list of words collected by De la Croze,* partly from Ludolf 
and partly ' Ex ore Cingani cujusdam Captivi Spandavii hominis 

^ I am much indebted to Professor Finck for kindly reading my proofs and 
making several suggestions and corrections. 

- Kluge, Rotivdsch i., Rotioelsches Quellenhuch, pp. 250-2. 

^ Kluge, p. 2.50. Pott knew Hannikd through Diefenbach's MS. material {Die 
Ziyeuner, i. pp. 17, 25). 

^ The list is published in Jordan's Histoire de la vie et des outrages de Mr. la 
Croze (Amsterdam, 1741, pt. 2, p. 310). 



110 SOME OLD GERMAN-GYPSY WORD-LISTS 

uon insulsi ' on June 2, 1727, and confirmed from other captive 
Gypsies at the same time. The work is on Pott's hst; but he 
admits to only knowing it through Adehmg's Mithridates, which 
is Httle better than not knowing it at all. Very few of De la 
Croze's words appear in Adelung, and practically all Avhich do 
appear are altered in spelling and form. 

The Sulzer list, as given by Kluge, opens with the words 
dada ' father,' main'ma ' mother,' hndd ' brother,' pelm ' sister,' 
tscJior'^ ' thief,' t'sckordwmvi 'to steal,' which require little comment. 
Mamma is not elsewhere recorded in the sense of ' mother ' 
among German Gypsies, ma'inin ' grandmother ' being the nearest 
approach to it. Compare, however, Rumanian Gypsy mama 
(Miklosich, viii. 11). T'scJiordumm is, of course, the first person 
singular of the Past Tense, not the Infinitive. 

Then follow some sentences : — 

1. Gayaratt Tscltoss-ander Philicenn j^agct^ssadren, 'To-night 
we will break into the castle.' Here again there is little the 
matter except misdivision, Kaia rat and pagass adren. TscJloss 
is presumably jas (a) ' let us go.' With the redundant ander . . . 
adren compare the Pdndadds dnde d rakles andJ o viiddr of 
Sampson's so-called German Gypsies (./. G. L. S., New Series, i. 116), 
and the vdJia-m^enge ani pldtsa a'ti of Gilliat-Smith's Rhenish 
Gypsies (p, 143). 

2. Melalia Jebagaress durchfebeta, ' We will take a sheep out 
of the fold.' The first words should of course be divided Me laha 
je bagares, je being the shortened form of yeck. Febeta I cannot 
find elsewhere. 

3. Gawamas illatscho, ' This meat tastes uncommonly nice.' 
Kava mas hi latso. 

4. Gan Hilnder gammahanme gem, ' We are fond of hens.' 
The first two words are rather mysterious, and it is with diffidence 
that 1 suggest that they should be read as kanJander, an Ablative 
of kahni, ' a hen.' The form kanhi is given by Jesina (cf. also 
Miklosich vii. 70) ; and the Ablative is apparently a literal trans- 
lation of the German 'von den Henucn,' though the form of the rest 
of the sentence is altered. The n in gammahan { = kamaha) is no 
doubt a mistake, as in the next two sentences the form is regular. 

5. Bappian GhaJiame gem, ' Geese taste j ust as good to us.' 
Ra'ppian=papien, which Professor Finck tells me is the regular 
Accusative plural of papin ; and chaha me should be divided. 

' Tschor continually occurs in Kluge's Rotwelsch lists. 



SOME OLD GERMAN-GYPSY WORD-LISTS 111 

6. Doch hasmen Tulebale dui ScJtel Livri yainmalia ganefeder, 
'Still we prefer fat swine of two hundred pounds.' When the 
words has men and tule bale are divided there is nothinof notice- 
able except the Italian ZivW (of. Liebich, p. 116)^ and the form 
ganefeder. The latter is paralleled by the Polish Gypsy kone 
fedir, 'best' (Miklosich, vii. 53). Compare also kohn o fedidir 
(Pott, i. 210). Feder is the form given by Puchmayer (Pott, ii. 390) ; 
hut fedidir ov federdr is usually attributed to German Gypsy. 

7. Biholte T'schorna galen gem, ' The Jews rob the Gypsies 
very readily.' Here one would expect the plural article e. 

8. Naschahamenge Buchliwela, ' Clear out ; the ranger is 
coming.' The verb is of course first person plural, and should 
have been translated 'let us clear out.' Buchli Liebich translates 
by ' der Streifzug,' ' an expedition,' adding ' neben rodlni' Pro- 
bably, like the latter, it meant ' search ' as well, and was used too 
in a concrete sense meaning ' a policeman.' 

9. Egalen hi Perdehuschgi, ' The Gypsies always carry loaded 
guns.' E kalen hi perdepushki, kalen being the Objective used with 
hi (cf. Finck, Lehrbuch, § 30, c.) or a shortened form of the Dative. 

10. Blresgra Lanes grovoro aslatscho S'dildinge recld 
gnisto, 'The beadle of Salz guards prisoners very well' Apparently 
this should read, ' jnreskro loneskro foro has latcho stildinge, 
recht misJtto' (?), which would rather seem to mean 'was good, 
very good, to prisoners.' Loneskro foro as a name for Salz may 
be compared with the similar names collected by Liebich (p. 91). 
&iiisto is presumably a mistake for mishto, unless it is rather a 
misprint for guisto, which would be very similar to the questo 
( = kushto) of Marsdon's Letter and of Francillon's Zelda's Fortune. 

11. Andro Pdrindsensediko tern liigalenge misto, 'In the 
land of Pirmasens the Gypsies have a good time.' 

12. Meizelen pagias zu FeUdorf durchos darabrenn Ebri, 
' Meizelen has broken out of the prison at Felldorf.' 

The last two sentences are correct enough except for two mis- 
divisions, liigalenge for hi kalenge and durchos darabrenn for 
durch staraben. The list then concludes with four words — 
sastor ' chisel, cJiaro ' cutlass,' gegernachew leha ' gimlet,' doiver 
' axe.' The latter is Liebich's tower ; but what the portentous 
word before it is I am not sure. Probably it should be split into 
ke kerena chev leha, ' What they [or ' you '] make a hole with it.' 

' According to Professor Finck Liebich's lihro is u mistake. The regular singular 
form is correctly libra, as in Italian. 



112 SOME OLD GERMAN-GYPSY WORD-LISTS 

The phrases quoted by Kluge from the chapbook novel 
Hannikel (Tubingen, n. d., p. 120), run as follows: — 

1. Dikeu rata rUcerte onan tschila tscheski, ' From youth up 
no one has kept me to vh-tue.' If the first words of this sentence 
mean what the translator says they mean, then they are an 
insoluble mystery to me. Presumably, however, they are nothing 
but diken prala, ' look you, brothers,' or, perhaps, dik tu i^rala, 
' look you, brother,' which the Gypsy omitted to translate, while 
he expanded the rest of the sentence by the addition of ' von 
Jugend auf.' Pott (ii. 304) suggests that dikeu may be first 
person singular; but he does not explain how in that case it would 
fit with the rest of the sentence. Tschila tscheski should, ot 
course, be differently divided, tschi latchcski. 

2. Dsigio maskaral tschoo rindi, dela raker di man, ' I fell 
early into bad company and was led astray.' Dsigio may stand 
for sigo ; but the ordinary German Gypsy form seems to be sikk, 
and besides there is no verb unless one gets it out of that word. 
Can it be a mistake for sig giom, the g and rti of giom having 
merged in the g and m of sig and maskaral ? Tschoorindi should 
be connected and translated ' thieves ' rather than ' bad company.' 
Dela may require division into de la (te le, 'and they'), or it may 
be a plural of {a)dola. Raker di (rakerde) Pott (ii. 268) takes as a 
Past Tense of rakkerwawa, in which case it would mean 'they 
talked me over,' ' persuaded me.' It might, however, possibly 
stand for rikerde. 

3. Weil Guno Haskumo soroloter maskaral malendi jo Hunde 
galasakowo honi sigiter Hakajame, ' Since I was now the strongest 
and bravest among all my comrades, according to our custom the 
binding and tormenting people came always to me first.' This 
sentence is full of difiiculties which I cannot properly explain. 
The beginning is simple enough except for the word Haskumo. 
In that word the o is doubtless the article, and belongs to soroloter 
( = soraledir) ; while the beginning of the word is a first person 
singular of some verb denoting ' to be.' Is it too rash to suggest 
that it is a variant of acdom (or asdom) ? More probably, as 
Professor Finck suggests, it stands for has kon o soroloter, ' he was 
who the stronger,' a construction parallel to the ganefeder of the 
Sulzer list according to Pott's explanation of that phrase. Guno 
must, I suppose, stand for kana, ' now.' The end of the sentence 
does not seem to have any particular relation to the German 
translation. T can only suggest with difiidence that it should be 
read as follows : — jov hun de gelas akowo Jtoni (?) sigidir dkaia one, 



SOME OLD GERMAN-GYPSY WORD-LISTS 113 

and interpreted, ' Therefore of necessity that duty (?) became {lit. 
went) quickly that of me ' ; but I should be sorry to be called too 
strictly to account for any of those idle words. Honi I cannot 
trace, and why, if it is masculine as akowo Avould lead one to 
suppose, haka ja — presuming it to be akaia, and to refer back to 
honi — should be feminine, I cannot tell. 

4. Weil daperdeman rachagar, dariasga ne dawatschi Dolo- 
gootueski, ' Since I was not caught for such a long time, I became 
by degrees confident.' The whole sentence is wrongly divided ; it 
should read \Weil taperde man raha gar, darias gar (?) ne dawa 
tchi dolo koweski, ' Since they did not catch me for a long while, 
I (?) did not fear nor did {lit do) I care a straw for that thing.' 
With daperde compare Liebich's topperwawa. Pott (ii, 283) takes 
it for a Participle, but it must be third person plural Past Tense. 
Dariasga is mysterious. I have taken darias as a grammatical 
blunder for dariom, ' I was afraid,' and ga for ' gar.' Dawa tschi 
is presumably equivalent to the German nichts geben auf, ' to set 
no store by.' 

5. Guni huta gejom ahe diboldasdi, und rikerdomgar ke Silnd 
daki, ' With these I practised chiefly on the Jews and counted it 
no sin.' Guni buta I take to be kana but, ' noAv often.' The c of 
ahe is, of course, the article, the first d of diboldasdi a misprint 
for b, and ke Silnd colloquial German for keine Siinde. Is daki a 
remarkable shortened form of odolake ; or a hybrid compound of 
davon and lake ? 

6. Weil di scJiundum lender bud wei di hiena egadschi, ne 
leneles ke bare Gaweski, ' Since I often heard from them that they 
also cheated people.' Di in both cases seems to be te, used to 
strengthen the borrowed conjunction, and tvei German tvie. 
Hiena is puzzling. Can it be the third person plural of 
Liebich's me chniwawa, me chnawa, ' betriigen,' badly taken 
down ? ^ The end of the sentence is not translated at all. It seems 
to mean, ' And they did not take it for a great thing ' ; presumably 
with exactly the same meaning as that expression would have in 
colloquial English. 

The grammatical forms preserved are : 

(1) Nouns. 

(a) Singidar — 

Accusative in -es, bagaress. 

^ Professor Finck tells me that the regular form would be chinena, and suggests 
that hiena may be a misprint for hine.na, or that the first 11 has been omitted through 
the close proximity of the second. 

VOL. n. — NO. H. H 



114 SOME OLD GERMAN-GYPSY WORD-LISTS 

Genitive in -gro (used as adjective), lanesgro. 
Biresgra {=pireskoro) is a similar form used as 
a noun. The a is noticeable as it approximates 
to the hypothetical original form of the suffix, 
-kara. 

Dative in -eski, latcheski, gooiveski, gaweski. 
Diboldusdi seems to be a Dative Singular 
used in a Plural sense. 
(/3) Plural— 

Nominative in -e, -i, tule hale, perde bushgi, gadschi. 

Accusative in -en, galen. 

Dative in -enge, -Inge, galenge, s'dildinge. 

Dative in -endi, -indi, tschoorindi, maleiidi. 

Ablative, Gan Hiinder (?). 

(2) Pronouns. 

me (Nominative Plural), man (Accusative Singular), me 
(? Genitive Singular, in Itakaja me), men (Dative 
Pliu'al, in hasmen), amenge (in naschahamenge). 
Leha (Instrumental), lender (Ablative Plural). Dela 
(?) and di (they), daki (from that). 

(3) Verbs. 

(a) Present — 

1st Person Singular : daiva. 

8rd Person Singular : i and hi ' it is,' luela ' comes.' 

3rd Person Plural : Jdena, lene, gerna (in geger- 

nacJieiv). 
1st Person Plural: chaha, gammaha, gammahan, 
laha, naschahainenge, tschoss ( = jas) and pagassa. 
3rd Person Plural : t'schorna, kerna. 
(/3) Imperfect — 

1st Person Singular: t'schordumm, scJtundum, 

gcjom, rikerdom. 
3rd Person Singular : has, pagias, galas, darias (?) 
3rd Person Plural : rikerte, rakerdi, daperde. 
De la Croze's list, behig merely a list of words, contains few 
grammatical forms. Almost the only complete sentence is the 
beginning of the Lord's Prayer, Amarodad tu hal dndroboliben, 
which was as far as his informant could get, ' caetera exprimere 
non potuit.' One or two verbal forms occur in the rest of the list 
— de man, ' da mihi,' sokcrcJia (probably for so ^ keressa) ' quomodo 

' So is unuBual; as it should regularly become ho in German Romany. 



SOME OLD GERMAN-GYPSY WORD-LISTS 



115 



vales ? ' me kom, ' sum/ tu hal, ' tu es,' followed by a mysterious 
word hutschituhal} 'sumus.' Then, having acquired his lesson, 
Trie Icoin, tu hal, De la Croze proceeded to apply it out of season : 
' I love ' he was told was me kom avatod ( = me kamava tut), and 
in all seriousness he went on to conjugate the verb tu hal avatod, 
' amas ' ! On the other hand, it must have been his informant who 
was responsible for the excellent equation, ' aegroto,' ne liomi. 
But one or two of his mistakes are not so simple. ' Pulcher,' 
schourna, may be explained as a confusion between schon and 
Scheune, or even as itself a mistake for schone. and similarly 
' fluvius,' nuschbin, as a confusion of Fluckt and Fluss ; but what is 
hlotschigin in ' bonus,' laschohlotschigin ? And how did he come 
to take down strebitza as the Romani for ' dies ' when it is obviously 
steroivitza, ' a ladder' ? Or her I, ' eine Flinte,' when it looks more like 
the plural of hero, ' a boat ' ? The rest I have given in the form of 
a vocabulary, merely translating De la Croze's Latin and German 
into English, and incorporating the words in the Sulzer sentences. 
The latter are marked [S], the former [C], and the words from 
Hannikel [H]. As De la Croze does not acknowledge all the 
words which he took from Ludolf, I have put [C and Lud.] when a 
word is found in both lists in the same form. 



Vocabulary. 



a, je [C], 7in [C]. 

air, balivuhl, Lud. prahal [Cj. With 
Ludolf's form compare Italian Crypsy 
bravdl (Miklosich, vii. IG) and Bis- 
choft's lyraioul. 

anionir, maslcaral [H]. 

and, de (?) [H]. 

apple, pabusi, Lud. pawug [C]. Ludolf 
really has pawuy. The s in pahusi is 
strange. Is it really two words, 
pahu si, ' it is an ajjple ' ? Though 
one would expect hi not si. 

arm, mussi [C and Lud.]. 

away, evri [S]. 

battle, kugribcn [C]. 

be, i, hi, 'it is' [S], haskuin, 'I was' 
[H]. 

beard, tschoor [C]. 



beautiful (]), schourna [C]. 

beer, loivina [C]. 

better, ganefeder [S]. 

bread, maro, Lud. manro [C]. 

castle, philicenn [S], filicin [C]. 

cat, gisterna [C]. Pott (ii. 247) quotes 

the same form from Alter and suggests 

that gi—je (jeck). 
catch, daperde (3rd. pers. pi. past.) [H]. 
cheat, hicna (3rd. pers. pi. pres.) [H]. 
child, tschabo [C]. 
chisel, sastor [S]. 

come, wela (3rd pers. sing, pres.) [S]. 
conu'ade, malendi (dat. pi.) [H]. 
countryman (je)gadjou [C]. ^ 
cow, gurmi, Lud. curcumni [C]. Gurmi 

is probably a misprint or mistiike for 

giirni. 



^ The beginning looks like but si, ' there is much ' ; but how it fits the end, I 
know not. 

2 I take the liberty of bracketing je in this and other cases when De la Croze 
prefixes it to a word. In one case, Je tschaci ' hat,' he separates it, adding ' Je est 
articulus.' 



116 



SOME OLD GERMAN-GYPSY WORD-LISTS 



day (?) strebitza [C]. 

dog, joukel, Lud. tzuckd [C]. Ludolf, 

however, spells it tznlcel. 
drink (verb), pii [CJ. 
duty (?), honi [H]. 
ear, can [C and Lud.]. 
early, dsigio (?) [H]. 
earth, ^Ji^, Lud. ej) liu [C]. 
eat, kha [C], cimha (1st pi. pres.) [S]. 
eye, yaka [C]. Ludolf prints jafca. 
fat, tide (ace. pi.) [S]. 
father, dada [S], rf«rfc' [C], daci [C], 

Lud. dade. 
fear (verb), darias, ' I feared ' (?) [H]. 
finger, (/m.s<o [C and Lud.]. 
fire, Vag [C], a misprint for Yag, which 

Ludolf has correctly, 
foot, piro Lud., 2nero [C]. 
full, perde (ace. pi.) [S]. 
gaoler, biresgra [S]. 
garment, kola [C]. 
get, rikerdom (1st pers. sing, past.) [H] 

of. keep, 
give, de (imperative) [C], dawa (1st 

pers. sing.) [H]. 
go, gejom (1st. pers. sing.), galas (3rd 

pers. sing. [H]. 
goat (fern.), {je)schingingri [C]. Cf. 

Liebich, schingcngero, ' das Hornvieh.' 
goat (masc), bok [C]. Presumably 

German Bock. 
god, dewe [0]. 
gold, sonkai [C]. 
good, latscho [S], lascoblotschigin [0], 

latscheski (dat. sing.) [H]. 
goose, bappian [S], papin [C and Lud.]. 
grass, c/iar, Lud. zyira [C]. For wmyi 

cf. Pott, ii. 71). 
great, baro [H]. 
gun, bushgi (pi.) [S], 6eri [C]. 
Gypsy, calo%i [C], j/a?cn,, galenge (dative 

pi.) [S]. 
Gypsy language, romanischib [0]. 
hair, 6«^ [C and Lud.]. 
hand, wast [C and Lud.]. 
hat, stadi [C], je tschaci [C]. 
hear, schundum (1st pers. sing, past.) 

[H]. 
heart, si [C and Lud.]. 
heaven, boliben [C]. 
hen, kachni [C.and Lud.],gan Hunder (?) 

[S]. 
liole, chexo [S, in gegernacheio leha], 
horse, j^roc', Lud. grae [CJ. 
house, Z»r [C and Lud.]. 



in, andro [S and C]. 
into, ander . . . adren [S] . 
Jew, bibolto [S], diboldasdi (dat.) [H]. 
keep, rikerte (3rd pers. pi. past.) [H], 
cf. get. 

king, bareder [C]. Compare J.G.L.S., 
New Series, ii. 9, Bdro-ddr, ' chief,' 
and Borrow's Zincali, barader, 'justice 
of peace,' ' a person of authority ' ; also 
the use of the comparative in o bari- 
dir tschatschopuskero, ' der Haupt- 
mann ' (Liebich, Die Zigeuner, p. 43), 
bartdir krahl, 'Konig' (Pott, i. 211). 

knife, {je)tschuri [C]. 

land, tern [S]. 

like (verb), gammahan (1st pers. pi. 
pres.) [S], komava (1st pers. sing.) 
[C], halava (!) (2nd sing.) [C]. 

long (of time), raha [H]. 

man (homo), manusch, ' Mensch ' [C], 
Ludolf ' Homo (Mensch),' mamisch. 

man (vir). Bom Hans [C]. Apparently 
De la Croze took it to be one com- 
pound word, as it is followed by 
' mulier,' Bom ni. 

meat, mas [S]. 

moon, schon, vet illune [C], from 
Ludolf, who, however, prints chon, 
not schon. II hcnc is, of course, Italian. 

money, lo^ve [C]. 

mother, mamma [S], daju [C and Lud.]. 

mouth, muy [C and Lud.]. 

necessarily, hnnde [H]. 

night, ratt [S], rat [C]. 

nohle, jarekonov [C]. (?=je rai hoino.) 

nor, ne [H]. 

nose, nack [C and Lud.]. 

not, gar [H]. 

nothing, tschi [H]. 

now, guno, guni [H]. 

often, Inul [H], buta [H]. 

on (?), ab [H]. 

our, amaro [C]. 

pear, prohl [C and Lud.]. 

people, gadschi [C]. 

persuade (?), rakerdi (3rd pers. pi. past.) 
[H]. 

pig, balo, Lud. y^aZo [C], bale (pi.) [S]. 

policeman, buchli [S]. 

pound, iivn (pi.) [S]. 

prison, sdarabrenn [S], stariben [C], 
with the note ' Pronunciatio Cin- 
ganorum in Gallia : nam Dialectis 
nonnihil inter se diifcrunt.' 

prisoner, s'dildinge (dat. pi.) [S]. 



SOME OLD GERMAN-GYPSY WORD-LISTS 



117 



queen, barederin [C] : cf. ' king.' 

river, nuschbin [C]. (1 = nash{i)ben 
' flight.') 

rope, dower [S]. 

run, naschahamenge ('let us run ') [S]. 

salt-town, lonesgro voro [S]. 

sheep, bagaress (ace. sing.) [S], bacro 
[C]. Ludolf spells it bakro. 

shirt, gade, Lud. kade [C]. 

shoe, tirack, Lud. dirach [C]. 

silver, ruj) [C]. 

sister, pehn [S]. 

soldier, karmascrutn [C]. The ending 
makes it look rather as though 
kuromaskro rom had been telescoped ; 
but the vocabulary collected at Wald- 
heim in 1726 has a parallel form 
gurmastkrom (cf. Mikl., vii. 88). 

star, tzerheni [C and Lud.]. Cf. Hun- 
garian Gypsy hrheni (Mikl., vii. 31). 

steal, t'schordom (1st pers. sing, past), 
t'schorna (3rd pers. pi. pres.) [S]. 

stockings, teluni, Lud. deluni [C]. 

strongest, soroleter [H]. 

sun, ocam [C]. Ludwig more correctly 
cam. 

sword, {je)charo [C]. 



take, leha (1st pers. pi. pres.) [S], lene 

(3rd pers. pi.) [H]. 
talk, tenner a kriben [C]. The end is 

obviously rdkriben ; the beginning is 

not so certain. Probably pen ye 

( = yeck) rukriben. 
that, dolo [H]. 

thief, tschor [S], tschoorindi (dat.) [H]. ' 
thing, gaxvesM, gooweski (dat. sing.) [H]. 
this, that, gay a [S], hakaja [H]. 
tongue (' lingua '), tschceb [C]. 
tongue (' lingua,' ' dialectus '), rakriben, 

[C]. 

town, voro [S], foro [C]. 

tree, r^lck [0]. 

village (je)gag [C]. This is probably 
the original authority for the form 
jegag, for which Pott (ii. 48) gives 
several references. He is undoubtetUy 
right in interpreting it as a mistake 
for je gav. 

water, pani [C and Lud.]. 

wine, rywll [C]. 

well (adverb), gnisto [S], misto [S]. 

woman, rom ni [C]. 

youth (?) dikeu rala 'von Jugend auf 
[H]. 



Finally, I copy De la Croze's list of numerals, which extends 
to unusually high numbers. 



1, jeek. 


20, beesch. 


2, doui. 


21, beeschujech. 


3, trin. 


30, trianda. 


4, staar. 


40, staerbael deesch. Bael seems an 


5, pansch. 


unexampled form of vdr or ver ; 


6, scho^v. 


but compare Grellmann's star- 


7, e/la. Probably a misprint for 


waldesch. 


efta, though it is repeated in 


50, imnschverdeesch. 


the e/lawerdesch, 70, of Grell- 


60, schooverdeesch. 


mann (1st ed.). Bischoif also 


70, e/taverdeesch. 


has eftaivardesch ' siebzehn,' and 


80, ogtoverdeesch. 


Borrow esterdi, for 70. But 


90, eignaverdeesch. 


Grellmann corrected his mistake 


100, scheel. 


in his second edition. 


200, deischeel. 


8, ogto. 


1000, mille, tausend. 


9, eigna. 


2000, bucheel. 


10, deesch. 


.3000, triandescheel. 


11, deesdmjeek. 


4000, stardescheel. 


12, deeschudui. 





The last three difi'er considerably from the only forms given by Pott (i. 223-4), 
dniwer deschiverschel^ 2000, triwen deschwerschd, 2000, and schtarwel deschwerschel, 
4000 ; all of which are taken from Zippel. 



118 POVERTY AND A SONG 

VI.— POVERTY AND A SONG 

ON July 81, 1906, after a tiresome pursuit in slow trains and 
country cabs, we reached Penwortham Bridge on the out- 
skirts of Preston, and found the ' German ' Gypsies pitching their 
camp behind a tavern. Our reception was enthusiastic and, 
accompanied by a mob of picturesque ruffians, we invaded the 
bar parlour. More Gypsies joined the crowd from time to time 
and curious gdjos strolled in to stare. Soon the hubbub in the 
overcrowded little room became intolerable. Connected conversa- 
tion was out of the question, and any attempt to make notes vain 
— everybody shouted at once and the amazed landlord was at his 
wit's end. So we fled into the country, Sampson choosing Laiji 
Vairo;)^^ as his companion, while I walked on ahead with the 
younger Yani. At no great distance he and I found a little inn, 
and sat down to await the others. Yani was conspicuously well- 
fed, and wore new clothes of excellent quality. Yet his first 
remark was to inform me, in a voice which trembled with 
persuasive pathos, that he was dying of hunger. I bought a pie, 
but he expressed no gratitude, and when the others arrived I was 
studiously misunderstanding his almost irresistible appeal for 
money. Then the subjects of starvation and poverty were 
dropped, we set to work to write down a tale and a song, and 
before we separated, the famished pauper had suggested a theatre- 
party at which he proposed to pay all expenses. 

But we went to no theatre that night. Sampson stayed to 
sleep in the camp and I had the honour of a Romany bodj^guard 
during my walk to the station. We halted for the farewell glass 
at a public-house where a smoking concert was in full swing, 
and it was easy to see that we were unwelcome guests. Regard- 
less of singer, of audience, and of my expostulations the Gypsies 
talked, as usual, at the top of their voices ; and after many cries 
of ' order, gentlemen, please,' and a storm of fruitless hissing, 
a corporal and a private soldier undertook the duty of silencing 
the disturbers. I tried to convince them that my friends under- 
stood no English, but my friends belied me. With winning 
smiles and faultless pronunciation they offered, as reply to every 
protest, the one utterly irrelevant sentence they had learned — 'I 
wouldn't leave my little wooden hut for you ' ! The concert 
stopped. The audience grew angry, the soldiers furious, coats 
were thrown off', hostilities began, and there seemed every prospect 



POVERTY AND A SONG 



119 



of a ' rough house.' But the brawl ceased as suddenly as it began. 
To the horror of everybody my escort, standing back to back in 
the middle of the room, dreAv revolvers, and in the indescribable 
confusion which followed, I was glad to escape with the Gypsies 
before a shot was fired. 

It was an adventurous day, and as a singularly inappropriate 
souvenir there remains the following sad little lament, for the 
words of which I am indebted to Sampson, and its mournful if 
not dreary tune. But with regard to the latter it is my duty to 
confess, that when I wrote it down I knew nothing of the special 
scale and intervals smaller than a semitone which continental 
Gypsies are said to use, and was not even alive to the possibility 
of hearing, except in church, a modal melody. The air may thus 
be a mere outline of which the actual intervals have been 
unconsciously ' edited.' Such as it is, however, I print it ; perhaps 
some more competent recorder may meet our Gypsy friends else- 
where in Europe and correct the notes. 




jis tat trm ra - cya 



Sas 'man gindo,^ Oreto, 

Tusa te mulati, 
Trill jes tai trin racy a 

Pe pdrnl TRoldrl ; 
Ci kostal lil^ nnai hut 

Valhar ek-seUnzi (bis) 

Aia ! aia ! aiaaa ! 



pdr - 111 mo • lo • r?.' 



Kade si te nasas 

Sdr le ^oSoiura 
Santzuye, ^ le hurdrje, ^ 

Le hare drooneye (bis) 
Le hare haryerje 

Ta V hare veUtje 

Aia ! aia I aiaaa ! 



^ I had a thought, Greto, 

(To be) with thee at the wine, 
■J'hrec days and three nights 
At the white light wine ; 
'Twould not cost (us) more 

Than a bill for a hundred (marks). 
'■-' Cp. Mik. V. 2.3, g9ndu ' (iedanke,' fr. Paim. g^ndu. 
^ Cp. Eng. Gyp. panj HI (' £5 note '). 

* Smi/zonge] fr. Germ. Schanze. 

* Cp. Mik. V. 13, biir sb. pi. ' Unkraut,' fr. Kum. Jmruni, 



So we must run away 
Like the little hares 
To the burrows, to the brushwood, 

To the high roads, 
To the parks, 

And to the great woods. 



120 DER ZIGEUNER IM SPRICHWORT RUSSLSCHER JUDEN 



VII.— DER ZIGEUNER IM SPRICHWORT RUSSISCHER 

JUDEN 

By Friedrich S. Krauss 

IN dem nur in beschrankter Anzalil von Exemplaren erschie- 
nenen Prachtwerke : Judische Sprichworter und Redensarten 
gesammelt und erJddrt von Ignaz Bernstein, Warscliau, 1908, 
stehen auf S. 221 f. folgende vier Sprichworter, die ich in eckigen 
Klamniern gleich ins Schriftdeutsclie iibertrage : 

1. As men schpeit dem zigeiner (oder: der hur) in punim, 
sugt er (oder : si) es regent [Speit man dem Zigeuner (oder der 
Hure) ins Gesicht, so sagfc er (oder sie), es regnet.] 

So unverschiimt sind sie beide. 

2. Ejn zigeiner ganw'et nit heim andern. [Ein Zigeuner 
stiehlt nicht beim anderen.] 

3. Dem zigeiner kmnt noch zehn (oder : a rescht) araus. [Dem 
Zigeuner kommen noch zehn (oder ein Rest) heraus.] 

Die Zigeuner halten sich fiir Abkcimmlinge der alten Aegypter. 
Wenn also ein Zigeuner mit einem Juden in Streit gerat, so wirft 
ersterer dem letzteren vor, er sei zu friih aus Aegypten gezogen 
und schulde ihm noch ein Restchen der Fronarbeit. In Russland 
sagen die Zigeuner, es komme ihnen von den Juden tri dni 
panscini, d. h. drei Tage Frondienst. 

4. W'ii der zigeiner schteht ein, dort rilirt er nit. [Wo der 
Zigeuner Herberge findet, dort stiehlt er nicht.] 

Auf Seite 98 : 

5. Die ejgene siln Tnacht leinwand weiss iin den zigeiner 
schwarz. [Dieselbe Sonne, u.s.w.] 

Dieselbe Sonne tibt auf den einen eine gute, auf den anderen 
eine schlechte Wirkung aus. 
Auf S. 167 : 

6. Es is di maasse filn'm juden mit dem zigeiner. [Es ist 
die Geschichte von dem Juden mit dem Zigeuner.] 

Bezieht sich auf eine Anekdote, die da erzjihlt, wie ein Jude 
und ein Zigeuner sich gegenseitig betriigen wollten. 

[Die Anekdote allgemein in Europa bekannt. Der Zigeuner 
vcrkauft dem Juden ein Pferd. Ein Dritter macht den Kiiufer 
aufmerksam, das Pferd wilre auf ein Augo blind. Der Jude trostet 
ihn, cs babe nichts zu bedeuten, weil er ja dem Zigeuner falsches 



AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 121 

Geld gegeben. Als dann der Fremde den Zigeuner verspottet, der 
Jiide hiltte ihn betrogen, bemerkt der Zigeuner gleichmlitig, das 
Pferd ware ohnehin gestohlen imd die Verfolger kiimen bald daher, 
um den Juden als den Dieb zu ergreit'en.] 



VIIL— AFFAIRS OF EGYPT, 1907 
By Henry Thomas Crofton 

Preface 

MANY events relating to Gypsies which would otherwise have been chronicled 
here have been already dealt with in tlie pages of our Journal, and 
notably in the number for April 1908 of volume i. in Mr. Gallichan's 
article ' The State versus the Gyjjsy,' and in the resume of Gypsy peccadilloes 
which figures as No. 43 amongst the Notes and Queries (p. 391) and which was 
compiled by our Hon. Secret;\ry, whose huge folio volume full of newspaper 
cuttings for the year 1907 is the foundation of the following epitome. A smaller 
collection by Mr. M'Cormick has also been drawn u^Jon. To facilitate I'eference 
an attempt has been made at classification, and it should be observed that the 
object in view is not to gibbet any unfortunate oflender, but to represent facts 
bearing on the present manners, customs, and state of the race. The English 
newspapers during the year contained many notices, with illustrations, of Lady 
Arthur Grosvenor, as ' Syeira Lee, hawker,' and her caravan, also notices of the 
Caravan Club, but these are not tatchi Eomany kovas, and have been excluded. 

Section L — The United Kingdom 

On January 16, 1907, the Qalloway Star mentioned the death of Henty Smith, 
aged 97, ' Queen of those Gypsies who for a quarter of a century made their home 
on the "Black Patch" near Handsworth.' The clans of Smith and Clayton formed 
the tribe and sold clothes-pegs, baskets, and tin goods. Henty had ruled since her 
husband, Esau, died ten years ago (J. G. L. S., New Series, i. 369). 

Esau dressed in knee-breeches, velvet coat with immense pearl buttons, and a 
double-breasted waistcoat. His funeral was attended Ijy Gypsies from all parts of 
the country. A year ago the tribe was forcibly removed from the Black Patch, but 
Henty was allowed to remain, and slie died in her caravan. She was buried in her 
husband's grave, and about two hundred of her children, grandchildren, and great- 
grandchildren attended the funeral, as well as many Gyjisies from long distances. 
Her clothes were buried with her, but she directed that her caravan and other ettects 
should be burned ' to prevent any dispute in her family.' 

On March 10, 1907, the New York Herald recorded that Henty Sertenius 
Smith, aged 98, Queen of the Gypsies, had died recently 'at Battersea, London,' 
and was ' waked for forty-eight hours.' She was well-known on Epsom Downs, 
' where she told fortunes in a richly decorated tent,' but, on August 24, 1907, the 
Yorkshire Post alleged that she died near Birmingham, and that there was a funeral 
bonfire of her effects {vide post, August 24). 

The Daily Netcs, on April 11, 1907, reported that the Parish Council of 
Egginton, near Derby, had petitioned Parlianipnt for legislation against ' the gypsy 
nuisance,' and had suggested a tax of .£10 per annum on each van, and that the 
children should be compelled to go to school. 



122 AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 

During the year there were many newspaper reports of agitation, in various 
towns and villages, for bylaws to regulate the sanitary arrangements at the more 
permanent camps, and to prevent canijnng on commons and vacant land. 

The Daily Neics on April 13, 1907, mentioned that Dr. R. Farrar had been 
directed by the Government to inquire into the regulation of hop-pickers, includ- 
ing the Gypsies, whom he computed at about 10,000 (or one-tenth of the whole), 
including 'half ])ickers, that is childi'en. 'Most of the van-dwellers are Romanies 
or half-bieeds. Many still speak Romany. Their tents are weather-proof, and 
they do not suffer from exposure.' 

On April 1, 1907, Young Scotland (No. 28, vol. iii. pp. 86-9) contained an 
article by Thomas Crichton of Gauldry, Fifeshire, on the tinkers (Gypsies) and 
tramps (hawkers) who camped in the wood near Gauldry. Of the Gypsies he said, 
' They are civil, law-abiding, industrious.' The article was illustrated by a photo- 
graphic view of a group of twelve very swarthy and apparently well-to-do Gypsies, 
outside their cave-dwelling at Granada. A donkey was included in the group ; 
one of the men had a guitar, and one of the women was in a dancing 
posture. 

On April 19, 1907, the Manchester Guardian reported that ' the Waterloo van- 
dweller, A. H. Boswell, refused to move his van from waste land,' as ordered by 
the Limehurst District Council. The Manchester Courier on May 17, 1907, gave 
the name as Arthur Boswell. See report concerning Arthur Boswell at Ashton- 
imder-Lyne, post, p. 129. 

On May 12, 1907, the Referee gave ' Forella, a Gypsy Love-Song,' by Fenella 
Lovell, who ' has written some charming gypsy songs, both in Romany and 
English.' 

On May 17, 1907, the Surrey Mirror reported that a Gypsy named Henry 
Cooper had been summoned for lighting a fire within sixteen feet of the centre of 
the highway at Burstow, and Cooper had written with ' postal orders for 7s. 6d.,' and 
said, ' if there was anything more to pay, he would send it on ! ' He was fined 
10s., including costs. 

The Daily Chronicle of May 17, 1907, reported that Mrs. Pennell, niece of the 
late C. G. Leland,had given his Romany collections to the British Museum, but 
that they were reserved for twenty-five years from the public use, and contained a 
Romany vocabulary and a book entitled Romany Wit and Wisdom. 

On June 9, 1907, Lloyd's Newsjmper gave a photographic view of 'Derby Day 
Gypsies on the Downs.' 

On June 8, 1907, the Surrey Times stated that, on May 26, a census was taken 
of persons living in vans and tents in Surrey, the return being men 294, women 
256, boys under 5, 121, girls 129 ; boys 5 to 14 years old 150, girls 140 ; persons 
14 to 21, 141 ; total 1231. 

New Forest alleged Gypsy village. — On June 3, 1907, the Morning Leader (see 
also Christchurch Times, June 15, 1907, and Northern Echo, Darlington, July 10) 
hud an article on this subject witli photograi)hic views of Thorny Hill church, 'a 
gypsy flower-seller' and 'a typical gypsy cottage.' Thorny Hill is near Bransgore, 
on the outskirts of the New Forest, and 'for many years past' the population has 
been principally Gyp.sies, 'now about 100' [not 700, as stated in /. G. L. S., New 
Series, i. 331]. Marriages between them and the rustics are not uncommon. 
Caravans are seldom seen. The Gypsies live in thatched cottages. In springtime 
a family or two get ' on the move,' and return whoi summer is over. All have 
adopted English names, Scott and Pateman being the iavourites. They are very 
clannish, and quite commonly three generations live together in the same cottage. 
The elder women cling to the Romany headdress ; earrings are de rigueur for both 
sexes. The women go to Bournemouth on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays to 
.sell flowers [the wild ox-eye daisy was a great favourite with them some ten years 
ago]. The men drive them in pony-carts to Chri.stchurch, eight miles distant, and 



AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 123 

thence they go by train to Bournemouth : the double journey costs sixpence, and 
they often invest £-2 in Howers. They keep cows and 'requisition' the Forest 
ponies. 

On June 12, in the Morning Leader, W. G. Eeed, a resident near Thorney Hill, 
challenged the foi-egoing account, stating that 'just three men wear earrings ; 
strawberry-growing, Ijrickniaking, and farming are the chief industries ; there are 
only three families of Scotts and three of Patemans, but there are ten distinct 
families of Broomfields, who are positively not of Gipsy origin.' On June 7 the 
Bampshire Post reported that Robert Pateman and his brother Sydney, Gypsies, 
encamped at Sarisbury near Southampton, were fined for using bad language on the 
highway. 

On June 14, 1907, T.P.'s Weekly contained an account of ' A Tramp Poet,' 
namely Roger Quin, whose grandfather was a travelling tinker from Ireland, who 
married the aunt of Esther Faa-Blyth, Queen of the Yetholm Gypsies. Roger's 
father was also a travelling tinker till he ' settled in Dumfries in the early forties,' 
and Roger was born there prior to 1857. He was educated at Dumfries Academy 
and Glasgow University, and ' held several good appointments,' but ' could never 
settle in any place longer than a few months.' He had lived a roving life for 
many years, sleeping under haystacks or anywhere else, earning coppers by play- 
ing the flute ; not a teetotaller, but very temperate. A jjoem, in twelve stanzas, 
called ' The Borderland,' written by him in pencil, was quoted. The Glasgoiv 
Herald, on Nov. 21, 1907, contained a letter in Romany, asking Quin to com- 
municate with ' Jinnymengro.' 

On July 3, 1907, the Cambria Daily Leader stated that George Smith, a 
notable Gypsy, and his daughter were at Swansea. Queen Victoria visited his 
camp in 1878, when his niece was acting as their Queen and wore a dress which 
cost ^18. The visit is recorded in Queen Victoria's More Leaves from my Joxirnal. 
In 1891 George Smith represented the Gypsies in opposing the ' Moveable 
Dwellings Bill,' which was defeated. He had a letter from Mr. Justin M'Carthy, 
M.P., thanking him, and saying he liad tried to become acquainted with the 
Romany language. The Pembroke Free Press of October 18, 1907, reported that 
George Smith, aged seventy-five, King of the Gypsies, had visited Pembroke for 
the Michaelmas Fair, and his daughter Ada was a palmist. He and his family 
were jxirt of the attractions at, the Liverpool Exhibition, when Prince Victor of 
Hohenlohe and the Mayor of Liverpool visited them. In 1891, at the Grand 
Masonic Bazaar in the Edinburgh Waverley Market, two of his daughters, in 
recognition of their help, received St. Andrew's Crosses. Smith had given his 
family a good education, and considered that every Gypsy should, however short 
his stay in a place, be compelled to send his children to school. He had lost his 
wife and four sons, and was at one time a horse-dealer. His visit to Llanelly Fair 
was reported in the Llanelly Guardian on October 3. 

On July 6, 1907, the Hampshire Observer reported the burial of a young Gypsy 
named Patience Pike, who had died in hospital of pneumonia. The camp was on 
Chesford Head. About forty Gypsies, with crape round their arms, marched from 
the hospital to the cemetery, where an old Gypsy woman, distracted with grief, 
kissed the coffin. The Gypsies afterwards, ' according to their custom,' marched 
back to the hospital, and then dispersed. 

On July 9, 1907, the Manchester Evening Chronicle reported that the Stockport 
magistrates had granted a separation order to the wife t f Noah Eoswell, who had 
deserted her. 

On July 20, 1907, the Coatbridge Leader gave an account of the annual enter- 
tainment, given at Glasgow by Mr. Joseph Wright, to the Showmen's Children, 
including ' the dark-haired olive-complexioned Gypsies of the Boswell and Lovell 
tribes.' A portrait of Mr. Wright accompanied the article, and the Scots I'ictorial 
of July 20, I9u7, gave a photographic view of booths ami caravans wiih tliildien 



124 AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 

' Preparing for Joseph Wright's tea-party,' from a painting by R. Gemmell 
Hutchinson, A.R.A. 

On August 7, 1907, the Daily Disimtrh reported that lightning had struck an 
inn at St. Helens, but had hurt no one. A Gypsy who was in the inn was terrified, 
and threw himself on his knees, and prayed aloud. 

On August 2 and 3, 1907, the Daily Mirror had articles, by Bart Kennedy, in 
praise of the Gypsies. They ' are honest, intelligent, and healthy ; coy, charitable, 
kind-hearted ; noble, clear-eyed, and ragged ; harmless and delightful. They wish 
but to wander.' 

On August 11, 1907, the Sunday CJtronich had two photographic views, showing 
two cheis at a wardo-wooda, and Alma Boswell and his sister, children of Gypsy 
Sarah of Blackpool, at a tan, to illustrate an article headed ' The True-born Gypsy 
Folk ; will the ancient Romany people disappear? ' by Arthur Melton. 

On September 25, 1907, the Liverpool Daily Post reported that Alma Boswell, 
junior, of Blackpool, had been bound over to keep the peace for six months, for 
threats to his stepmother and father ; and on December 24, 1907, the Daily 
Telegraph reported that Alma Boswell, junior, had been sent to prison by the 
Blackpool magistrates for stealing a goose and 22 lbs. of potatoes, presvmiably 
for his Christmas dinner. On July 8, 1907, the Lancashire Pod reported a charge 
of assault brought by Daisy Boswell against Mabel Robinson and Eva Franklin, 
all three being Gypsies living in tents at Blackpool. 

On July 19, 1907, the Manchester Daily Dispatch reported that at Chester 
some parents (name not given), who were charged M'ith neglecting their children, 
were alleged to have sold one of them to some Gypsies. 

Superstitions. — On August 19, 1907, in the Newcastle Weekly Chronicle, John 
James Pescod of Low Fell wrote about Gypsy superstitions, quoting froniGroome's 
Gipsy Tents, pp. 12-13. 

On August 24, 1907, the Yorkshire Post contained an article headed ' Funeral 
Sacrifice in Yorkshire, 2000 years ago and to-day,' a propos of the death of a Gypsy 
King near Hnnmanby. ' At the dawn of the day after his funeral the King's 
caravan was brought down to the seashore, all his personal belongings were placed 
inside, and the whole set on fire. The tribe stood by in silence watching till 
nothing was left, save a little chari-ed wood, pieces of twisted iron, and a pile of 
ashes, soon to be dispersed by the rising tide.' 'A few months ago there was 
a funeral bonfire of the efiects of Queen Henty Smith, who died near Birmingham, 
{(.mte, p. 121, and ,7. G. L. S., New Series, i. 369]. ' In each case the inquirers were 
informed that the belongings were destroyed to save bickering amongst the 
relatives ' [cf. op. cit. i. 358]. ' A fight is the last thing a true gypsy ever wishes 
to shirk ; as a matter of fact, the Romany laws as to inheritance are so strict and 
.so clear as to render disputes improbable.' ' The Brown Children adojjt the only 
method they can devise of sending the deceased's most cherished possessions after 
him.' ' A female gypsy once confessed to a clergyman's wife, quite naively, that 
she had been received into the Church seven times, and that the good people, who 
prepared her for that event, had never failed to give her at least a new dress I ' 
[A Scottish newspaper, in 1907, told how a tinker woman, in Forfarshire, took her 
child to the minister to be baptized, and afterwards told him, ' We aye think 
that they thrive better after it.' During the ceremony she indulged in frequent 
Amens.] ' Even divorce, the most characteristic of all Romany [according to Mr. 
Simson] ceremonies, is seldom now conducted in the old pictures([ue way, when 
the Brown People collected to listen to the Romany [sic /] High Priest, who, with 
a great Ram's horn hung about his neck, assisted at the sacrifice of a horse, over 
the body of which husband and wife joined hands for the last time, before turning 
away in opposite directions.' 

On August 30, 1907, Bertram Smith, in the Daily News, described a visit to an 
old Gypsy woman, who had lived all her life, and brought up her family, in a 



AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 125 

caravan. She said : ' I never could feel at 'ome in an 'ouse, but am always restless 
like after the first few minutes, and like to get near the winder. Rooms is so big 
and lonely. I never feels as if I was gettin' warmed through in an 'ouse, and on 
stormy nights mother never looks to be snug in bed, till the van begins to rock 
a bit.' 

On August 30, 1907, the Bedford Times had articles on 'Bedfordshire 
Gypsies' ; 'The Gypsies of 1830' ; and 'Through Fire and Water.' The second 
item told how in 1877 David Townsend of Kettering wrote in rhymed verse an 
account of the Gypsies of Northamptonshire about 1830, when as a boy he saw 
Gypsy men fiddling at village feasts, and theii- women playing tambourines from 
door to door, for ale, plum-pudding, or money. ' They lived in tents made of two 
rows of rods meeting at the top, with blankets laid over them. Hedgehogs roasted 
on a skewer with their bristles on, and stewed hares, were favourite dishes. They 
were all musicians, but none of them could read music. At feasts the men wore 
large silver buckles on their shoes and clean white stockings, with breeches 
buttoned at the knee, a broad red garter round the calf, and sometimes a red vest 
with silver buttons, and a long black coat of velveteen. The young women 
dressed in white, with a ribbon round the waist, and lace and jewels on their 
bosom. When on the move they carried their possessions in a pair of flat-lidded 
panniers on donkeys, with a child sitting on each pannier. Another donkey carried 
the tent and bedding. They sat cross-legged on the ground. At fairs they 
played with a horizontal wheel and marble [roulette], and a "lucky bag" of 
badgers' skins with the hair on, or sold horses or osier baskets, clothes-pegs, 
skewers, corks, or wooden spoons, or told fortunes. Yet they had a private 
speech, but never would to me one word disclose.' In the third item it was told 
how a schoolmaster, arrayed in cap and gown, greeted an old Gypsy woman, hawk- 
ing baskets at his gate, with ' Kushto divvus, dya ' ; to which she replied, 
' Pretty Gj'psy you ! to go dressed that monkey fashion ! ' 

In the Daily Dispatch of September 5, 1907, Cicely Fox Smith described the 
methods of Gypsy horse-dealers at Turton Fau-, near Bolton, in Lancashire. It 
was reminiscent of a similar description by Borrow. 

The Eastern Daily Press of Norwich, on September 9, 1907, described how 
'Free Lance' [J. Hooper] came across two young Gypsies on Yarmouth Sands, 
one very dark, the other fair, with two extraordinarily swarthy girls in their teens. 
The dark man's wife was a genuine Petulengro, but her husband was 'posh,' and 
when she was asked if her tribe would '' jaio tasaidor to drab the baivlor,' she 
modestly replied that they had not now the good chance. ' Nearly always you 
come upon the Egyptians unawares. Kek Koskipen si'^ to jal roddrlng after 
Romany Chals.' 

The Leeds Mercury of September 19, 1907, narrated that twenty years ago 
a Holbeck woman, in desperate poverty, gave her fortnight-old baby girl to some 
travelling Gypsies, and a few weeks ago suggested to her second daughter, aged 
fourteen, that she should join some travelling show people. ' At Holbeck feast 
last week the two sisters met,' and the elder went in search of her mother, and 
found her in a public-house in a state of having ' had enough,' so she returned to 
the caravan, where she was joined by her sister. 

The Lincoln Echo of September 19 told how eight female excursionists visited 
the Gypsy camp at Blackpool, and oflered threepence each to have their fortunes 
told, and when their grand offer was indignantly refused, went back to the fair to 
ride on the roundabouts. 

T. P.'s Weekly for September 20, 1907, contained 'Some Borrow memories by 
one who knew him.' ' He converted one Gypsy to evangelistic Christianity, and 
the convert delivered the weirdest sort of addresses in a local conventicle, but 
when Borrow died the convert fell from grace.' ' While Borrow was staying with 
Dr. Gordon Hake at Coombe End, Wimbledon Common, some Gypsies encamped, 



126 AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 

and Borrow induced his host to let them take water from his well, but they also 
hel^^ed themselves to other things. Hake represented this to Borrow, who 
eloquently resented the aspersion on his friends, and left the house in high 
dudgeon.' 

The Daily Graphic of September 25, 1907, gave a photographic view of a 
camp-fire concert at a Gypsy hopping-camp in Kent. 

The Morning Leader of October 1, 1907, contained an article by Harwood 
Brierley, headed ' Romany Rye,' chiefly about the Kirk Yetholm Gypsies, Queen 
Esther and King Charles Faa Blyth, with some remarks about Sylvester Boswell 
and King Charles Boswell, who was buried at Rossington. 'It was in the once 
romantic valley of Todmorden in Yorkshire, that Isopel Berners, the tall heroine 
in Sorrow's Lavengro, met "Blazing Bosvile," the big Gypsy tinker.' Extracts 
from the same article appeared in the Greenock Telegraph on November 16, 1907. 

The Southend Standard, October 3, 1907, reported the death and funeral of 
Henrietta Buckley, aged sixty-eight, wife of Sant Buckley, head of the Gypsy 
colony at Eastwood. She had over twenty children, and her grandchildren ran 
into three figures ; she was also a great-grandmother. At the camp a disused 
tramcar does duty as a place of worship. Nearly one hundred attended the 
funeral. 

The Rhondda Leader (Wales) on October 12, 1907, told how Sarah Price, a 
Gypsy, told a servant's fortune at Peu-y-graig, and persuaded her to hand over 
four shillings, and a handkerchief in which to tie them up, and to be kejjt till 
Saturday or Monday, ' to see whether my words will come true or not.' 

The Cornishman, on September 7, 1907, contained a report of a charge made 
by John Slack, horse-dealer and hawker, against Maria Grifl[iths or Boswell, with 
whom he had lived and travelled for eighteen years. Slack said he was not a Gypsy. 
Abraham Boswell, Maria's brother, gave evidence. The charge was dismissed. 
On October 30 the Cornish Telegraph reported that Slack had sued Griffiths for 
£300 deposited in the Looe branch of Barclay's Bank, and about £100 deposited 
in the Post Office Savings Bank, also a horse, waggon, harness, etc., worth £60, 
and for another horse, cart, harness, etc., worth £40, all of which he had sworn in 
an affidavit were his ; but when the case came on for trial, a letter written by him 
admitting that the affidavit was untrue was read, and the case was decided in 
favour of Griffiths. 

The Idler magazine for October 1907 (vol. xxxii. No. 61, pp. 14-23) contained 
an article on 'G.vpsy Life, by A. W. Jarvis and R. Turtle, illustrated by old 
prints in the British Museum' (see J. G. L. S., New Series, i. 192). The illus- 
trations were (1) 'A Spanish Gypsy' woman carrying a cbild [by J. Phillip?]; 
(2) ' The Fortune-Teller,' engraved by C. Turner, after W. Owen, showing an 
old Gypsy woman in a large cloak, wearing a mob-cap tied on with a handker- 
chief under her chin ; (3) ' The Fortune-Teller, or casting the coffee grounds,' 
from an original painting in Vauxhall Gai'dens, showing three ladies at tea al 
fresco, with a Gyjjsy woman holding and pointing into a cup, and wearing a long 
loose gown and shawl, and a soft hood ; (4) ' The Gypsies' Tent,' engraved by 
G. Grozer, after Morland, showing a camp with a low-arched tent with a man 
in it asleep, and two donkeys, two men and two women and four children out- 
side, a wooden tripod is being fixed over some branches, which will form the fire — 
some large baskets lying about probably were the panniers which were carried by 
the donkeys ; (5) ' Gipsy Musicians of Spain,' by Knolle, after J. Phillip ; a 
swarthy young woman seated, playing the guitar and singmg, with another stand- 
ing behind her playing a tambourine and singing ; (6) ' The Little Gipscy ' [by 
Morland ?], a child stiinding in the foreground, the right hand pointing to the 
palm of her left hand, in the background is a kettle on a tripod over a fire, and 
surrounded by a man and two women ; (7) ' Marian,' a middle-aged Gypsy 
woman sitting by a fire, over which han^s a largo can suspended on a cross-bar, 



AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 127 

which is supported by crossed stakes at each end ; she is reading the pabn of 
a young woman, while two other women, by a stile, look on. The letterpress 
gives a rechaitjfe account of the Gypsies, but nothing is said about the illustrations. 
The Lincoln Echo of October 30, 1907, contained an account of a paper on 
'Gypsies in Fact and Fiction,' by the Kev. G. Hall, rector of Ruckland, near 
Louth, ' whose intimate knowledge of and personal acquaintance with the Romany 
people eminently qualify him to deal with the subject.' The article was eulogistic, 
and told how 'an artist one day visited some Gyi)sies in Scotland, and to his 
surprise they told him his name and address, althougli he had only landed a week 
from Australia. He paid them a second visit, and offered five shillings if the 
Gypsy would tell him how she knew. She replied : " Well, my gentleman, you 
went out of the tent with one of the boys to look round the camp, and you left 
your umbrella behind, and my daughter can read. Then you came back to have 
your fortune told." ' 

The Glasgow News on November 5, 1907, and the Scotsman on November 6, 
reported the trial at Glasgow of Andrew Brown, a young tinker, for the murder of 
Andrew Wilson, a pedlar. The crime was committed in August, on the shore of 
Loch Linnhe, near Fort-William, Argyllshire. The two men, with Katie Stewart, 
a pedlar, were travelling with a family named MacMillan, and the two men 
quarrelled out of jealousy for Katie, who had cohabited with the jirisoner for 
nearly two years, but had previously been the mistress of Wilson, who was her 
cousin. The verdict was culpable homicide, and Brown was sentenced to seven 
years' imprisonment. 

The East Sussex Gazette on November 14 reported that at Alresford several 
Gypsies had hoodwinked public-house keepers into buying Turkish carpets, etc., on 
the strength of giving large orders for spirits, cigars, etc, (cf. J. G. L. S., New Series, 
i. 366 : et vide post, p. 128). 

The Globe on November 19, 1907, contained an article headed 'In a Romani Tent,' 
telling of a visit to a grey-haii-ed horse-dealer and his sixty-year-old wife and their 
four children, one of whom was a thirty-year-old son named Rube. The father 
said : ' Ever since my fiither died I have got my living honestly by buying and 
selling horses. I have sold carriage horses to gentle-folk. I have brought up three 
sons and two daughters, and not one of them has ever been in any trouble. I have 
heard my father say that when he was a boy, as many as fifty true-bred Romanies 
sometimes camped together on a heath or common, and when Fenella Lee married 
a Boswell over a hundred Gypsies danced to the wedding fiddling. Now I often 
travel about for months without seeing a Gypsy who is not of my family.' His 
wife added : ' Years ago a Gypsy man here and a Gypsy woman there married a 
house-dweller or one of the show folk, and now travellers have Gyjisy names, but 
are no more Romania than " Black Jake," who called himself the Gyjjsy King, and 
spoke London thieves' patter and called it Romania, and once when I spoke 
Romanis to him he thought it was Welsh. One shooting-gallery girl cast eyes at 
my Rube, but I read her hand for her, and told her she would marry a rich 
gentleman, and now she looks another way if Rube comes along.' Rube thereupon 
got up ' to look after the gries.' 

The Car on November 20, 1907, contained an article headed 'A Run [in an auto- 
mobile] to Kirk Yetholm,' with two views of the village from ])hotographs. 'Old Will 
Faa, claiming descent from John Faa who was protected by James v., was King at 
the beginning of the nineteenth century. His son William succeeded him after 
disposing of the "Earl of Hell," who opposed him. William kept the Queen here 
and was a fine sportsman. He died childless in October 1847, aged ninety-six, and 
his nephew Charlie Blythe, son of his sister Etty, was made King. Charlie died in 
1861, aged eighty-three, and his son David wished his sister, Nell Blackbeard, to 
succeed, but an elder sister, Esther Faa Blythe, was crowned. She habitually wore 
a purple hood and a scarlet state robe when on missions. She died July 12, 1883, 



128 AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 

and two tliousaud persons attended her funeral. She was succeeded by her son 
and grandson, the latter being crowned in 1898, and died childless three years ago, 
and his widow is now in Kelso poorhouse. A hundred years ago there were a 
hundred Gypsies at Yetholm [in 1816, 109 ; in 1835, 100 ; in 1847, 80 ; in 1875, 
about 50 ; in 1884, 45], but barely a score now reside there. We overtook several 
gaily painted caravans thither bound.' 

The Scotch newspapers in 1907 reported the death of (seldom sober) Robert 
Rutherford at Kelso, aged sixty-eight. He was second son of ' Queen Esther ' of 
Kirk Yetholm. His younj^er brother was living at Wark, a Border village. His 
elder brother. King Charles Faa Blythe, died in 1902 {J. G. L. S., New Series, i. 
366). 

The Liverpool Echo on November 21, 1907, reported the death of Ernest Taylor, 
aged sixty-four, a native of Chester, and member of a well-known Gypsy family. 
He was a scissors-grinder, and for four months had travelled with the van of ISIr. 
and Mrs. Rabi Lock, hawkers, sleeping in a little tent alongside the caravan. He 
had a bad cough, and was found dead one morning in his tent [cf. July 19]. 

The Honorary Secretary's analysis of ' Gypsy misdeeds ' {J. G. L. S., New Series, 
i. 391) included charges against Ernest Taylor at Chester on October 5 for being 
drunk when in charge of his four-years-old child ; Albert and Harry Taylor, aged 
ten and eight, for begging at Brentford in May 1907 ; James and Reuben Taylor 
for begging at Llandudno in August ; and Rose Taylor for larceny by a trick at 
Portsmouth in November [vide ante, November 14]. This Rose Taylor and Florence 
Gaskin had married ' travelling Gipsies,' and called at a public-house, where they 
said they were going to have a big christening of twins at Buckland, where they 
were staying, and would probably give the landlord an order for £17 worth of beer, 
spirits, cigarettes, etc., stating the particulars. They 'showed a handful of 
sovereigns,' and persuaded the landlady (so she alleged) to lend them £2 on the 
strength of the order that would come, but as soon as they got the £2 one threw a 
hair rug on the tloor, and said, ' That 's all you U get for your money.' The 
woman, however, stated on oath that the landlady bought one of their rugs for 
.£3, 5s. and paid £2 on account ; and the charge was dismissed [cf. Nov. 14]. 

On November 30, 1907, the Hampshire Observer reported that James and Benja- 
min Gaskin, father and son, travelling Gypsies, were charged with assault. Six or 
seven Gypsy men and women had gone to an inn, and after a time quarrelled 
amongst themselves, and assaulted the landlord, who tried to turn them out of the 
house. James Gaskin said he was born at Newcastle-on-Tyne. 

On November 30, 1907, the Oldham Chronicle reported that thirteen caravans, 
mostly Gypsy waggons, were camped near St. Mary's Church, in the centre of the 
town, and it was alleged that their refuse lay in heaps all round and created a 
nuisance. 

The Western Daihj Mercury on December 4, 1907, reported that Mr. Moore had 
let a piece of land at West End, Redruth, to a number of Gypsies, whose * men, 
women and children were huddled up in tents, without sanitary accommodation 
except an open field, and they hung out dirty rags on lines.' 

Fiihlic Opinion on December 6, 1907, had an article on the 'Distribution of 
Gypsies in Europe.' They preponderate in the Danube region ; their immbers have 
been greatly reduced in North-western Europe by severe enactments ; in England 
and Wales they are still by no means infrequent ; in Scotland the pure Gypsy 
is almost extinct ; 'in Ireland there is even less sign of a Gypsy than in Scotland.' 

The Saturday Review for December 7 and 14, 1907, contained articles by Theo- 
dore Watts-Dunton, on ' Gypsies (reviewing this Society's Journal) and Gypsying.' 

The South Wales Daily News on December 16, 1907, reported an inquest on 
Sarah Lee, a Gypsy widow, aged eighty, who lived in a tent at Pencoitre, Cadnxton, 
near Barry Dock, and sold clothes-pegs, and died suddenly. Her daughter, Matilda 
Head, gave evidence. 



AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 129 

The Christian Herald on December 19, 1907, narrated tliat an old Gypsy named 
Lizzie was ' converted,' and gave up her old and highly cherished pipe, saying she 
would never smoke again ; and at Southend another old Gypsy, Emily Buckley, 
who was a great drunkard, fighter, and smoker, was also 'converted,' but her 
husband said, ' I would rather have her as she was before, because now she makes 
the Lord the boss of the show.' Ultimately the husband also was 'converted' 
[c/. Oct. 3]. 

In the summer of 1907 it was reported that at Ashtead near Epsom, Surrey, 
two Gypsy men, who chased with knives some children, carried oflF two of them, but 
were overtaken and thrashed. 

A Manchester newspaper gave a portrait of Arthur Boswell, who for thirty- 
seven years lived in two vans at Ashton-under-Lyne, paid rates and taxes, and 
' had quite a nice garden,' but he was ordered to remove into a house or quit the 
district. He wrote appealing to the King, whom he addressed as 'Dear Sir' (see 
Report about A. H. Boswell on April 19, ante, p. 122). 

C. B. Fry's Magazine gave a photographic view of seven or eight Gypsy vans 
in their winter quarters, between the railways at Clapham Junction, where they 
paid a small weekly rent. Some of the Gypsies sold flowers or vegetables, some 
made clothes pegs, and sold them at a shilling a dozen. They had sold their 
horses, and would have to buy others in the spring, for about J15 each, at Camden 
Town cattle market. 

A Scotch newspaper recorded that when Adam Smith, the author of The 
Wealth of Nations, was three years old his mother took him to visit his grand- 
father, who lived on the banks of the Eden, and for three days Adam was lost. 
He was found in a wood, where a Gypsy or tinker woman drojiped him, and took 
to her heels when the searchers made their appearance. 

The London correspondent of the New York Sun wrote an account of the 
original of Borrow's Jasper Petulengro (see Lavtngro), whom Dr. Knapp 
stated Borrow's original manuscript named Ambrose Smith. 'A short time 
ago I was near Oulton in the tent of two Petulengroes ; the man was " Jasper's " 
nephew, a handsome, white-haired, grey-eyed horse-dealer, and his wife belonged 
to another branch of Jasper's family, and both knew Borrow. Ambrose was 
a horse-dealer, and often visited Norwich Castle Hill, Mousehold Heath, and 
Oulton, where he camped on Borrow's land. According to Lavengro he married 
Pekomovna Heme, but his nephew believed that Ambrose's wife was a Scotch 
Gypsy. Ambrose had four children, and some of them went to America, where 
the nephew believed their mother died. Ambrose lived to a good old age, and 
died in Lancashire. He generally pitched his tent on Battersea Fields, never 
once slept in a house, nor did he ever own a van, such as are now made for 
Romanies at Harleston in Norfolk, and Soham in Cambridgeshire. He was 
content with a two- wheeled hooded cart, and the customary " beehive " tent.' 

Under the heading of ' A Gipsy Sibyl,' a newspaper narrated how a Gypsy 
once made her way into an officers' messroom, and told a young officer that he 
would be rapidly promoted, make a brilliant marriage, and have a son whom he 
would never see, and would die from a gunshot wound before he was forty. Two 
months later the officer received double promotion on the held for gallant conduct, 
some years later he married an heiress, and just before his child was born obtained 
leave to go home, but his postchaise broke down, and during the delay he joined a 
shooting party, and received an accidental shot in his back and died. 

The Glasgow Herald, in April 1907, had an article by D. S. C. on ' Gipsies in 
Scotland, a disappearing race,' in which was described how the the closing of old 
commons and restrictions on camping out, and the harrying, by police and educa- 
tion officers, had decreased the number. Formerly the Gypsies were at nearly 
every fair, and in sununer their caravans were seen on moors and common land ; 
they lived by barter, taking advantage of ignorance in bargaining, but ' your real 

VOL. I. — XO. II. I 



130 AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 

gypsy is never a thief.' D. S. 0. had formerly met many of the tribes of Faa, 
Blyth, Rutherford, Baillie, Norris, Boswell, Gordon, Caird, Young, Lovell, Lee, 
Douglas, Marshall, Smith, Shaw, and Yorkston. ' Many are doing well as pedlars, 
showmen, and horse dealers ; some are in positions of responsibility and honour.' 
Some historical particulars were given, ending with ' there 's a Kushti sovaben at 
the kunsus of a duro drom.' 

The Glasgow Herald, under the title 'The Tinker's Life,' described the tinkers 
of Perthshire, which is ' more perhaps than any other county beloved by the 
tinker fraternity ; at convenient distances are strips of no-man's land, for example, 
fir woods for shelter from storms, large moorlands for poaching. The principal 
families are the Whites, Reids, M'Callums, and Townleys. Granny Reid died at a 
great age by a mountain stream near Loch Freuchie, and her husband, though well 
over eighty, clung to his old habits. There was once a movement for the regenera- 
tion of the tinkers in Perthshire, but the efforts bore little fruit ; children were 
sent to industrial schools, but they rejoined their parents or sometimes joined the 
militia for a short period, and then reverted to their old ways. ' They used to 
call at a form, and hand in a pan for a little water, and then begged "a wee 
oatmeal," and finally to give it " a simmer o' a boil," so securing their breakfast 
porridge.' 

Another Scottish newspaper described ' The Gipsy of To-day ; the Wanderers 
in Forfarshire and Perthshire.' At Drouley Wood, Forfarshire, there were two 
encampments of tinkers called M'Larens. In a tent of sacking over bent sticks 
two families sheltered ; they comprised four adults and half a dozen children. In 
another was old Hughie M'Laren, with white curly beard and bi-own face. He 
hailed from Argyllshire, but had forgotten his Gaelic, as his wife came from Moray 
and Nairn. She died of pneumonia, and was supposed to have been a minister's 
runaway daughter, but this she denied. Hughie lived with his son or by himself, 
and was seldom far from Sidlaw side. He was a piper. Two photograpliic views 
of tinker pipers were given; in one the piper was squatting at the tent door, with a 
group of several tinklers, men, women, and children by him ; and in the other the 
young tinkler was standing in the road and playing his pipes. Some of the 
younger men worked occasionally in a quarry, but begging was the mainstay of the 
tribe. A farmer's wife .spoke of them as ' oor ain tinks,' and the local policeman 
said ' they 're no bad folk, the tinks. When there 's drink they hae a bit shindy 
amang themsels. They dinna steal. We dinna lat them bide ower lang in ae 
place, but we canna be hard on oor ain tinks. If it was the German Gypsies we 
would sort them.' ' In religion the tinker is a pure pagan. A boy of the tribe, 
when in Forfarshire Hospital, was told by the nurse to pray to God to be made 
well, and he replied, "God ! fa's he?" ; he also asked her, "Do you tak aff your 
claithes every nicht V" 

Irish Gypsies. 

As very little is known about Irish Gypsies (see Public Opinion, ante, p. 128), 
the following items are grouped together. Dr. Douglas Hyde, the eminent Erse 
scholar, states that .so far he has not met with an Irish tinker who knows 
' Shelta.' 

On April 25, 1907, the Alfrdon Jovrnal, Derbyshire, recorded that a woiuan, 
named Margaret Oliver, was charged with stealing a pony and cart, and said, ' I am 
only an Irish Gypsy, and have never slept in a house in my life ; I tell fortunes.' 

On May 23, 1907, the Fall Mall Gazette had an article on ' Irish Gypsies ' by 
Nora Tynan O'Mahony. ' In the old days of our life in the country the " tinkers " 
were amongst our most frequent visitors. A disused dry quarry, witli cave-like 
formations, on the edge of my father's land, made a sheltered bivouacking spot for 
these free roving companies of dark-skinned men and yellow-haired women and 
babies, who rode on their flat carts or barebacked jennets and ponies. Our house 



I 



AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 131 

lay on an upland, stretching from the feet of the Dublin mountains. The tinkers 
came every other week, sometimes over the mountains from Wicklow or Bray, 
sometimes from Naas or Carlow, or places infinitely further distant. Asked whence 
they came, they would reply, " We 're comin' from a place called Mayo down there 
in the west," or " We 're goin' to a town called Drokeda (Drogheda) twinty-wan 
miles below Dublin." They told tales of the troubled times, and the doings of 
their grandfathers at the battle of Oulart Hollow or Vinegar Hill. A couple of 
them were visibly embarrassed when, on the occasion of one of their ultanachies, 
they were asked into our dining-room, and made to drink Bass's ale, which the 
Irish tinker regards as a temperance beverage. Cash or Cooney was the name 
most common amongst them. One named Cash was sprung from a line of famous 
Irish pipers, and a relative of his, old John Cash, was a prize-winner for playing the 
Irish pipes at the Dublin Feis Ceoil [musical meeting] six or seven years ago. At 
this time our tribe were prosperous, because the Government were buying many 
hundreds of mules and donkeys for the war in South Africa. Each company of 
tinkers had a small army of them " on the waj' to Road-aisy " (Rhodesia). One 
might often see in the village shop some old woman of the tribe (the women were 
usually the purse-bearers) take from her bosom a purse full of gold, or a roll of 
notes. 

'The tinkers are very good to their children and women-folk. The children 
had curly red locks, bleached to a flaxen tint, and were perfectly happy, on a wet 
or snowy winter's night, round a Gypsy fire, in the shelter of a heeled-up cart. 

' Lawlessness and dishonesty were attributed to them, but our tinkers never 
did me or mine a wrong worthy of the name. They had easygoing notions as to 
" a taste of grass " for their animals. Repeated inroads on his crops, and more than 
usual pugnacity of the tinkers, once angered my father into putting a lock and 
chain on the gate of the quarry, but they generally got the best of him. 

' Sometimes I have seen half a tribe devoutly bring up the rear of the long 
religious processions in the grounds of the village church, during May and on 
festival days in summer. 

' Our tinkers compared favourably with another company of tinkers whom I 
once saw sweep into a Cork village, and terrorise the women-folk into buying their 
tinware. 

' Another tribe of Gypsies visited our countryside one hard winter, a good many 
years ago. They lived in tents, and were about thirty ; only three were men. 
The tribe had come from Bosnia, and the country people said they were poly- 
gamists, and " rale Turks." They had dancing bears, which the men led about. 
Heavy snow kept them there for many weeks, and the farmhouses about saw more 
of them than their owners wished. The women folk, brown and comely, begged 
for ";i sup of milk," or "a little bit of bacon for the babies."' 

For an account of Roger Quin, grandson of an Irish travelling tinker, vide ante, 
p. 123, June 14, 1907. 

The Malvern Advertiffer, on October 12, 1907, reported a charge of drunken- 
ness against John O'Sliea, ' Gipsy,' at Malvern Links, Worcestershire. 

The Daily Dispatch of November 26, 1907, reported that James O'Neill, a 
travelling Gypsy, had been stabbed by Albert Sykes, a grinder, at Bacup, Lanca- 
shire. 

The Manchester Guardian of October 28, 1907, had an article by Edward 
Curtis headed ' The People of Kerry ; Iberians and Tinkers at Killorglin,' de- 
scribing how two lovers of Ireland climbed seven miles of hill from Glengariff and 
rushed down into Kerry, and three days after rode into Killorglin by twilight. 
' Once a year here the Puck Fair takes place ; a goat of the mountains is its pre- 
siding genius, and it is older than Christianity. West Munster sends its last 
ballad-singers and last fiddlers. Some two hundred houses on a hillside, with an 
avalanche of stones to form a main street and rubbish heap, there you get Killor- 



132 AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 

glin. Ninety per cent, of the people there were of the dark violet-eyed small 
Iberian race. That evening we saw the tinkers, all big and red-haired. No one 
knows whence they come ; they speak no Irish among a Gaelic population ; they 
are bad Catholics, or none ; their language is filthy to an extent rare in Ireland ; 
they rob and fight, and get drunk without cessation. An old Munster song says 
" They 're a cursed race the tinkers." The worst clan of them in Kerry is the 
Coff"eys, who are the source of half the faction fights in the county. Half way 
down the lane was quite a drove of donkeys, some twenty in number. Four or 
five women, with hair of a curious red shade, standing apart and talking in jarring, 
unlovely, un-Irish voices ; these were the women folk and flocks and herds of a 
male tinker who was now drinking in the town. By and bye he came reeling 
from the square ; wiry, gaunt, and with the same peculiar red hair. His language 
was vile, blended with a general invitation to battle, but the fair pace at which he 
got along, with the fact that he passed his women without a sign, led one to sus- 
pect that he was only pretending to be very drunk in order to get out of an 
exasperated town. So he vanished, shouting, ' I 'm Coffey, and I 'm ready to fight 
the whole lot of ye." His wife, aunts, and mother took up his quarrel, to cover his 
retreat, and shrieked from the middle of the lane, cursing the little town with 
aimless fury. The tinker's old mother shouted out a scurrilous taunt of the 
" Black Famine " of sixty years ago — 

" A town without fun or cheer, 
It's ofteu they go without dinner there." 

A half-drunken countryman murmured " aisy, darlin'," and then suddenly yelled 
" Away, ye foul-mouthed pagans." It was time for the tinkers to be gone, and they 
came down the road, their donkeys trudging before them. The tinker's wife half- 
turned as she walked, brandishing her right arm, and shrieked with mock 
enthusiasm "Up Cahir-civeen, Up Killarney, Up Kenmare, Up Tralee — down 
Killorglin." The Iberian population at the doors gave a loud yell of laughter as 
the tinker's women vanished into the dark, and at the next cross-roads doubtless 
they found the tinker waiting for them with blows and curses.' 

On April 20, 1907, the Galloway Gazette reported the death of Michael Sheridan, 
' the Tramp's Doctor,' of the Galloway district, a little, bent, and crippled old man, 
whose specific for lumbago was : ' an ounce o' cayenne pepper, an ounce o' ground 
ginger, and a gill of essence o' turpentine, mix them all together, rub it into the 
byack once and it will be better, twice and it '11 be gone, and if ye rub it in a third 
time shure it '11 niver trouble ye in this wurrld agin.' He was buried in Penning- 
hame cemetery, and no relatives of his were known. His Irish origin was evident 
from his returning thanks to a benefactor with ' God bless ye, yer 'anner, and may 
ye niwer know what it is to want.' 

Invasions. 

As the subject of Gypsy migrations is of special interest, the following items are 
grouped together. 

On May 15, 1907, the Star reported that a band of Gypsies (foreigners pro- 
bably) had settled on land at Tilbury Docks, near London, and that the girls, 
' very scantily clad,' turned somersaults near the main road. 

Servian Gij2)sy Invadon. — On June 7, 1907, the Daily Mail rejiorted that three 
men and three women, Servian Gypsies, had arrived at Fresh Wharf, London 
Bridge, the day previous, and had landed two caravans, one drawn by a donkey 
and the other by a pony. They were dressed in picturesque Servian Costumes, and 
had a bear with them. They passed down Borough High Street. 

On June 17 the Daily Graphic gave a photographic view of them at Cobhara, 
in Surrey, when they numbered four men and three women, had two performing 
bears, a horse, and a white donkey. They were said to be making for Folkestone. 



AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 133 

They were escorted by policemen on bicycles. The Daily Euyress on June 18 also 
gave the same photograph of the party. The Surrey Advertiser on June 22 said 
they reached Cobham via Leatherhead, and left by the Byfleet Koad. On July 6 
the Hythe Advei-tiser reported their arrival at Folkestone : ' the party was made 
up of several men, women, and children, and they had with them two vans, 
several ponies, and two bears. They came from Seabrook, and were escorted by 
the police to Dover Hill, on their way to Dover.' On July 12, the Dover Times 
gave a full report. On one cart was inscribed ' Gustevan Teodorovicks, Nomp- 
teue [Dompteur ?] Animaux Ambulant.' They went back to Folkestone, and 
thence crossed to Boulogne by a cargo-boat. ' Some time ago considerable trouble 
was caused in and near Dover by a company of Servian Gypsies, presumably the 
same.' 

Invasion by .Macedonian Gypsies. — The St. Jameses Gazette, sometime in the 
summer of 1 907, reported that some Macedonian Gypsies were travelling about 
the home counties, as the German Gypsies did in 1906.i A few years ago [1896, 
J. G. L. S., New Series, i. 370] a band from Corfu landed and went to Liverpool, 
but as they could not proceed to America they split up, and roamed all over 
England. In 1906 some foreign Gypsies were taken before the magistrates at 
Chatham, and at a moment's notice deposited one hundred pounds in gold as bail. 

German Gypsy Invasion. — On June 15, 1907, the Bticks Express reported that 
the police had escorted a party of German Gypsies from Pottersbury along the 
Watling Street to Towcester, through Dunscote, Fosters Booth, and Weedon on 
their way to Daventry. They had two bears. 

Servian Gypsy Invasion. — The Yorkshire Post, on November 15, 1907, reported 
that the Hull Immigration Board had refused, on apj^eal, to allow a band of 
Servian Gypsies from Libau to land from the Danish Steamer Georgios I. ; they 
numbered fifteen, and formed three families belonging to Odessa, and wished to 
buy horses and a caravan, and to travel about the country. They had £162, 10s., 
and said that when they had bought what was wanted they intended to send the 
balance to Russia, to enable ten other families, numbering 150, to come to 
England. They admitted that the money was not their own, but was given to 
them to secure a landing. (They asked to be allowed to go to France, but were 
returned to Libau, Eastern Morning News, November 15.) 

For mention of Bosnian Gypsies in Ireland, vide ante, p. 131. 

Section II. — Abroad. 

France. 

Le Matin (Paris), on March 4, 1907, had a long article, inveighing against 'Un 
peril errant, Bohemiens et Romanichels ; la terrcur des campagnes,' with a repro- 
duction of one of Callot's plates, showing Gypsies on march with horses and carts. 
The article mentioned a visit of Romanichels in 1893 to Beauvais, Lille, and 
Amiens, when it was alleged that they brought typhus with them ; that more than 
a thousand were in the suburbs of Paris ; also that in February 1907 a fresh troop 
of Bohemien horse-dealers came from Etampes to Choisy-le-Roi, under Adam Kore 
Giorgan, who had a son lanesche Giorgan, and nephews Kore Sadoche, Friedrich 
Kore, Yanko Micael, Daki Miloche. Tlie women included Paraskina, Maryka 
Parodi, Vorutchana, Schanapitchu, Emarka, as well as Saskia ' la belle,' who was 
to marry lanesche. On the wedding day Adam's band had a conflict with that of 

1 They were sent by the police from Essex into Hertfordshire, then back to 
Essex, thence to Cambridgeshire, Suffolk, and Norfolk. They attacked their 
persecutors, the police, with sticks and brooms, and the police retaliated with their 
truncheons. 



134 AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 

Yaya Witchkiness, and Yaya and liis Avife were stabbed. Next day Adam and 
his tribe had fled, and those who had l)oiijrht horses from him found they had died, 
because they had been made to swallow live eels ! The 1893 band alleged that 
for thirty years they had roamed through France. The article concluded with a 
report of the arrest of thirty-seven members of Jost^ Gai'cia's tribe, for hor.se- 
stealing round about Paris, and that the police at Chalons-sur-Marne were driving 
to the frontier a band of fifty, which had come from Luxembourg. 

On May 28, 1907, the Pall Mall Gazette stated, on the authority of Le Matin, 
that small-pox had broken out at Ivry-sur-Seine, near Paris, and that it had been 
brought to the town by some Gypsies. 

On June 6, 1907, the Globe, in ' Paris Notes,' reported that near La Tremblade, 
Charente Inferieure, some Romanichels had been arrested, and nearly sixty of 
them were examined anthroponietrically, and thirty-two were detained as dangerous 
criminals with previous convictions. The chief was Jean Capello, who received the 
proceeds of their operations and took the lion's share himself (see J. G. L. S., New 
Series, i. 354). 

On June 8 the Globe contained an ' American Tourist's ' account of this gang. 
They passed through Brittany, committing thefts, etc. At Christmas the ' Gypsies' 
were suspected of stealing ^1160. Early in January they camped between Poitiers 
and Niort, and robbed an old peasant woman of £400, and gave a banquet at the 
village inn, whence their patriarch ' Lepere ' presided, and a ball and illuminations 
followed. There were sixty men and women, including Germans, Belgians, Swiss, 
Italians, and French, and they had close relations with other bands of Gypsies in 
various parts of France. They were joined by a Gyjisy from Dunkirk, who was 
'wanted' for a theft of £40,000 ; and one of their gang was sent to Dunkirk in 
his place. Two days later another came from Flanders to collect subscriptions for 
a tombstone to the memory of Anny, widow of a former patriarch, who died in her 
caravan at Bruay-sur-1'Escaut. Lepere collected £20, and handed it to the 
messenger. Later at Niort Lepere died, and was buried in the cemetery there, 
and £48 was paid for his monument. By his will his fortune of about £4000, 
half of which he carried in a leather sack, was divided amongst members of various 
caravans in the North of France. When arrested at La Tremblade the greater 
number of the Gypsies had sums varying from £20 to £40 on them (see J. G. L. S., 
New Series, i. 354). 

On August 12, 1907, the Morning Advertiser reported that twenty-seven 
Gypsies had been tried at Rochefort, for swindling, by persuading country folk to 
hand to them 'for nine days a certain number of pieces of money, in order to 
avert the evil eye ' of some neighbour, who was supposed to be a witch. 

On August 30, 1907, a Copenhagen correspondent, in the Daily Mail, told how 
in Paris Mrs. Levin, who was murdered and dismembered by the Goulds at Alonte 
Carlo, went with three Danish friends to see a Gypsy fortune-teller, who said only 
one of the four would live the year out, and that Mrs. Levin would be murdered. 
The listeners laughed, but the prophecy came true. One of them, I\Ir. Heming 
Just, caught fever in Hong Kong and died in March, another, Mr. Menck of 
Copenhagen, died a few months later, and Mrs. Levin was murdered. 

The South Wales JEcho of September 9, 1907, told how Monsieur Arthur, a 
Gascon, saw on Boulevard Ney, Paris, a pretty Gypsy girl standing in front of her 
caravan, and was invited Viy her into the caravan. The girl's husband staggered 
in, and frightened the gay Gascon away, and he then found that his pocket-book, 
with 150 francs in it, was missing. 

Le Journal Officiel (Paris), on 30th October, contained a full report of the dis- 
cu.ssion in the Chambre des Deputes on the police measures requisite to assure 
security in the country and to terminate the incursions of bands of Romanichels, 
who infested the land (see J. G. L. S., New Series April, 1908). 

Monsieur Fernand David stated that a Paris jvr/e d^ instruction told him of 



AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 135 

bands, which were installed (cantonnees) on the road de la Revolte, at Levallois. 
On July 3, 1907, a band of thirty-five appeared on the Franco-Swiss frontier at 
Moelle-sulaz, where they were detained by the French and Swiss police for three 
weeks, before being allowed to re-enter France. They had come from Paris, and 
comprised three families of seven adults and twenty-seven children. They were 
going to join the rest of their tribe, comprising sixty vans, at the great fair at 
Colmar in Germany. They had divided into small parties to pass the German 
police without attracting attention. P'rom Paris they went to Dijon, where they 
were driven back into the Ain, whence the prefet drove them into Haute Savoie, and 
they then made their way across Switzerland to reach Germany. The three families 
were those of Henri Rodenheimer, Mathias and Goby Reinhardt. On July 1, four 
of them went to the German Consul at Geneva, and obtained a permit from him 
to cross Switzerland by Lausanne, Berne, and Bale. The Swiss police objected 
that the permit did not mention the horses and carts ! In the end the party 
passed through France by Ain, Jura, Doubs, and Belfort, but at Altkirch the 
German police refused to let them enter Germany, and they were still there. 

On July 10, 1906, a band of thirty crossed the Little St. Bernard Pass (cf. 
a similar occurrence in July 1907, on the Great St. Bernard Pass, post) and went 
towards Bourg St. Maurice, where the French police barred their passage, and 
drove them back into Italy, but on the night of the 11th July they recrossed the 
frontier, and the Italian police opposed their return. They were bandied about 
from Moutiers to Albertville, and back again, then into Haute Savoie, whence 
they were driven into Savoy, where the authorities put them on an automobile 
and drove them to the frontier at the Little St. Bernard, where they arrived on 
30th July and were hidden in an old ruined chapel, and given food, tobacco, and 
money, to keep them quiet, and by night were led by experienced guides over 
the mountains into Italy. Sometime afterwards they succeeded in entering France 
from the Swiss Canton Valais. 

In Western France there were Hungarian and German Gypsies, and in Northern 
France Spanish Gypsies. The Gypsies travelled south in winter, and north in 
summer. 

Monsieur Adigard spoke in favour of more complete and efficacious measures 
against the Romanichels, whom he defined as 'without profession, without 
nationality, and consequently, without domicile, who come no one quite knows 
where from, viz. from countries more or less remote and mysterious, as Bohemia, 
Bulgaria, Roumania, the centre and south-east of Europe. What these people 
come from so far to do in our land, under protest of carrying on I do not know 
what professions, such as tinkering (retameur), basket-making {vannier)^ or horse- 
dealing, every one knows, and that in why they ought to interest no one.' Monsieur 
Adigard stated that in August 1906, at Falaise (Normandy), after the very im- 
portant fair of Guibray, a very host of nomads invaded the town, and it took the 
whole garrison an entire day to clear them out and to disperse the columns of vans 
to the four quarters of the land. One column comprised forty-two waggons. 
The most important section went south, towards Orne. 

In June 1907 at Eu, in Seine Inferieure, a company of infantry was required 
to clear the place of the nomads. He also quoted, from the Liberte of June 28, 
1907, an account of a visit of 196 waggons, sheltering about 1000 nomads, to 
Neubourg Fair in Eure. They were guilty of all sorts of misdeeds. Some police 
disguised as horse-dealers raided their camp, whereupon a party of six vans set 
off along the Bourg-theroulde road, pursued by the police on bicycles, but the 
nomads threatened to use their revolvers, and so they escaped. Eighty-five were 
however arrested. 

The Vaily Mirror, on November 1, 1907, reported that a tribe of 100 Gypsies 
had arrived at Nancy, where the chief went to the mayor to make the declaration 
required from all foreigners, and produced i,'3600 in gold, i,'400 in bank notes, 



136 AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 

and bank receipts for a considerable sum. He offered to dejjosit ^1000, as guarantee 
for the tribe's good behaviour, if they were allowed to pursue their calling of 
hawkers. They were mostly natives of Galicia, and were on their way to Germany 
and Hungary. The Standard, on the same day, stated that they were returning 
from Paris, and had travelled to Nancy by railway, and were housed in a disused 
convent, with a picket of infontry to guard them. They Avere tinkers, but refused 
to take a kettle to mend without depositing twice its value with the owner, and 
the owners stuck to the deposit in many instances ! The chief carried his gold 
sewn up in ends of cloth. 

Le Petit Bleu (Brussels), on November 2, 1907, stated that a Gypsy tribe owned 
a vault in the cemetery of Vieux Bourg de Commentry in France, where six of 
the tribe were buried, and for ten years past, on each All Saints day, the tribe, 
under Jacob their chief, visited the grave. 

The Daily News, on November 5, 1907, stated that a Gypsy in the Lille District 
had offered the police 10,000 francs for leave to stay there, and a Gypsy woman, by 
exjiosing her ha}f-naked children, had accumulated a purse full of gold. The 
paragraph concluded with a short account of the Gypsy pilgrimages to Saintes- 
Maries-de-la-Mer in the Camargue, {J. G. L. S., New Series, i. 92-5 and 391). 

The Morning Leader, on December 11, 1907, reported from Paris that, for the 
past two months, a caravan of Gypsies had been halted on the Belgian frontier, at 
Mont St. Martin, where the French police prevented them from entering France. 
The town authorities were supplying them with food, and the Gypsies were quite 
happy ! 

The Tribune of December 12, 1907, reported from Paris that a party of Gypsies, 
travelling from Pace to Eennes, shot and clubbed to death the drivers of a mule 
cart, which blocked their way. 

The Morning Advertiser, on December 20, 1907, reported from Paris that 
Monsieur Jean Cruppi, Vice-President of the Chamber, was hoping to induce the 
Chamber to discuss his report, made eight years ago, on the suppression of vaga- 
bondage and mendicity, which rejiort he believed would 'sj^eedily solve the Gypsy 
problem.' 

Switzerland. 

On May 3, 1907, a correspondent from Geneva wrote, to one of the English 
newspapers, that the Austrian authorities were dispersing numerous bands of 
Gypsies in the Vorarlberg, and as they refused to return home the majority were 
sent across the German and Swiss frontiers, or their fares were paid to distant 
ports and countries. Train loads passed through Basle daily, on their waj'' to 
France, Britain, and America, in a starving and miserable condition, and a large 
percentage were diseased. Ophthalmia was common amongst them, and at Basle a 
woman and child were found to have smallpox. They were flying from Bohemia, 
where they firmly believed a revolution and civil war would take place in a few 
months. 

On July 17, 1907, the Liverpool Post, and on July 27 the Preston Herald, 
reported that twenty-two Gypsies, men, women, and children, were being befriended 
by the monks on the Grand St. Bernard Pass, where they were kept, at a height 
of 8100 feet, by the Swiss gendarmes, who would not allow them to cross the 
boundary from Italy into Switzerland, and by Italian gendarmes who would not 
permit them to return to Italy. See ante, Le Journal Officiel, October 30, 1907, 
for an account of a similar occurrence a year earlier on the Little St. Bernard Pass. 

Oermany. 

The Caian, Magazine of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge (vol. xvi. No. 

3, pp. 192-201), for Eiister term 1907, contained an article on 'Gypsies' by 

Bernard Gilliat-Smith (see J. G. L. S., New Series, i. 192). ' Gypsies and Hindi 

docleasioas have no real genitive case, both decline their adjectives only when 



AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 137 

used as nouns. These modern forms came slowly into existence throughout the 
eleventh century when the old synthetical structure of the Sanscrit was broken 
up, but not quite lost, therefore it is extremel}' unlikely that the Gypsies left 
India before the tenth century. Mr. Gilliat-Suuth briefly traced their history, and 
then described their present condition, as found by him, in Central Europe and 
particularly in Germany [Rhine Province]. Eomanes ' may be still considered 
pure in Greece, Turkey, Roumania, Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Germany, but 
in Germany is breaking up.' ' Whether a noun be masculine or feminine it can 
only take the accusative form when it denotes a living object, and so closely is this 
ride adhered to, that the abstract noun ternepen (youth), when used to denote a 
child, assumes the accusative form ternejjas.^ In Germany they rarely remain 
more than two days at one camp, which is generally near a wood and two cross 
roads, for strategic reasons. A tribe rarely consists of more than five families, 
generally two or three. The women are up by daybreak, to provide breakfast, of 
bread and butter, and coffee. The elderly women remain to attend to the fires, 
the younger ones set oflF to the village. The men smoke, and then go to towns, 
with violins, guitars, and zithers, or to exchange bad for good horses. The women 
never get drunk. The boys catch trout. Towards seven o'clock all return for 
supper. Soup is in a cauldron, and one large wooden spoon serves them all, each 
taking not more than five successive dips, but the spoon goes round five or six 
times ; then follow snails or a hedgehog, fowl, pork chops or boiled beef, with 
potatoes from any field available. Their revels cease at midnight ; most sleep 
under small oblong low black tents, in preference to their vans. By next morning 
the peasants, who may have missed saucepans, spades, paUs, chickens, turkeys, etc., 
find the Gypsies have fled. 

A ustria- Hungary. 

On'March 24, 1907, the News of the World gave a portrait of Countess Vilma 
Festetics, who had married Rudi (Rudolph) Nyary, a Gypsy violinist of Oeden- 
burg. She was twenty-five when she eloped with him, and her father, Count Paul 
Festetics of Hungary, thereupon disinherited her. He had previously, in view of 
another marriage, given her a house worth £10,000, and this she presented to 
Nyary, but her father revoked his gift. In April 1908, Nyary and his wife were 
receiving about J3000 a year, for ajipearing together at the Cafe Splendid in 
Berlin. Rudolph's brother Josef married Kathy, one of Countess Vilma's school- 
fellows (and the divorced wife of a Munich professor), and another brother eloped 
to America with a German baroness {Midland Evening Neios, May 5, 1907 ; Cork 
Constitution, May 11, 1907 ; Nero York American, April 3, 1907). 

On AprU 25, 1907, Pearson's Weekly stated that early in 1907 a story, entitled 
' A Romany Lass,' appeared in that newspaper, and had resulted in a letter from 
' an Austrian nobleman ' relating how, in 1867, when in Vienna, he saw a Bohemian 
policeman roughly treating ' two Gypsies of the Slovac tribe, who travel about as 
tinkers.' The policeman and his prisoners could not understand each other, so the 
nobleman acted as interpreter. Two ladies had given the men a florin each, and 
luckily they happened to repass, and on being appealed to explained that they 
were Hungarians, and had given the money of their own free will. One was the 
Princess P. de M., wife of an Ambassador, and the other Countess K. M., wife of 
a State Minister. The Minister ultimately secured the release of the Gypsies. 
Two years later at Teplitz, in Bohemia, 700 miles from Vienna, the younger Gypsy 
found the friendly nobleman, and presented him with a big pig, which was only a 
sucking pig when, 18 months before, by his fixther's order, he started on his long 
journey in quest of their benefactor. 

On July 22, 1907, the Liverpool Express, on July 26, the Daily Telegraph, 
and on July 30, Neues Pester Journal, reported that near Puszta Danos, near 
Buda Pesth, in Hungary, at a lonely inn, the innkeeper named Szarvar, his wife 



138 AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 

and grown-up daughter, as well as a milkman, had been murdered, all the furniture 
In-oken, and the pliice plundered, and attempts made to set it on tire. A Gypsy 
band of twenty-six persons, including Kolompar-Balog, Martin Surdnyi, and old 
Frau Nemetb, which had left [passed] the place with some good horses was 
suspected, but investigations showed that it was really some neighbours, who 
knew that Szarvar had withdrawn a large sum from the savings bank. Szarvar 
shot the leader, whose companions buried the body in the neighbouring forest. 

On July 24, 1907, the Montreal Star reported from Buda Pesth that the 
(piestion of controlling the Gypsies was being forced on the government, owing to 
' a long list of murders and other outrages committed recently by nomad gypsy 
Ijands at Pusztab and elsewhere in Hungary.' The depredations of these 50,000 
wanderers terrorised the country districts. 

The Liverpool Daily Courier of September 18, 1907, reported that on August 
29, at Hotel Trynten, Eschleo near Marienbad, Arnold Spiegler, otherwise Kousey, 
a Gypsy violinist, played before King Edward VII., and was to play at a concert 
at New Brighton, near Liverpool. 

Servia, etc. 

Peaceful Personalities and Warriors Bold, by Fred. Villiers, London, 1907, 8vo, 
pp. 6-9, describes a visit to Gypsies near Belgrade in 1876, and at p. 8 has a plate 
showing ' Gypsies of the Balkan Peninsula.' 

The Berliner Tage-bldtt, Abend-ausgabe, on March 21, 1907, had a criticism by 
Felix Loreiiz, of Ziyenner-humor, by F. S. Krauss, Vienna. 

On August 22, 1907, The Nation (New York) noticed Dr. F. S. Krauss's 
Zigeuner-Mimor, in vols. vii. and viii. of Der Volksmund, containing 250 stories 
collected from Serbo-croatian Gypsies. 

On May 12, 1907, Lloyd's Newspaper reported that at the Balkan States 
Exhibition, at Earl's Court, London, Stana Z. Zodorowich, a Gypsy, had given 
birth to a daughter, the father being a dancer named Zivoin. 

On June 1, 1907, The Outlook had an article on the ' Passing of the Gipsy,' 
which was mainly historical, but recorded that ' in Transylvania and Hungary are 
the truest lyric poets among the Gypsies. One poetess only has left two hundred 
and fifty Gypsy poems in writing, the Servian wandering Gypsy Gina Ranjici(^, 
who died in 1891.' Mention was also made of amulets and charms. ' In Tuscany 
the deceived maiden lights a candle at midnight, and pricks it with a needle 
several [three ?] times, saying : — 

' ' Thrice the caudle's broke by nie, 
ThricL- thy heart shall broken be ! " 

If the faithless lover marries another, the forsaken one mixes broken crabshell in 
his food or drink, or hides one of her hairs in a bird's nest, to make the marriage 

unhappy. 

Norway. 

The Daily Telegrajyh of September 20, 1907, reported that a few months ago 
a little girl named Gudrun suddenly disappeared from Christiania, and a playfellow 
said a party of Gypsies had carried her oti", and Singsaa, the second-sighted and 
sixth-sensed boy declared that the child was with the Gypsies at Nordre Gueddalen. 
[The girl's body was afterwards found, and the theory of her having been kid- 
napped by Gypsies, or any ore else, was exploded.] 

Spain. 
La Ilustracion Artistica (No. 1212, ])p. 187-8) contained an article by J. 
Gestoso y Perez, entitled ' Gitanos y Gitanas' (male and female Gypsies), illus- 
trated by drawings, by Azpiazu, of Gyp.sies at a horse fivir, and telling fortunes. 
The article supports the statement (vol. i. p. 371) that in Spain it is ' good form' 
among the ' smart set ' to be friendly with Gypsies. ' If you wish to study Gypsies, 



AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 139 

turn your steps to the Triana suburb of Seville, and in the Cava portion enter 
without fear any of the yards, or dirty winding narrow passages, wliich eight or ten 
years ago no one would have ventured into if well dressed without having to stand a 
storm of vulgarities, or indecencies, or jokes, or may be a handful of mud or a well- 
ainied stone, forcing one to retreat, amid loiul roars of laughter. Now Gj'i^sies are 
in demand for the Cafes chantants, and fast saloons, where they are well paid. 
Now you can visit them, and watch their dexterity in forging nails and rude 
objects in iron, while the churumbdyos, or children, devour crusts, or wallow in 
the ashes of the furnaces. In front of one of the doors you may see a young 
fellow in shirt sleeves, green strij^ed trousers, and scarlet waist-scarf, wielding 
enormous scissors, and clipping a donkey most skilfully, and if it is wished he will 
clip any design on its flanks, and finish off with a panel on its back, in which he 
clijis the words, '■' Viva mi amo " (long life to my master). Old women, girls and 
boys are squatting round him, watching him at his work, or mending their ragged 
clothes, or making big and little baskets of oziers to sell in the town, where they 
loudly call " To whom do I sell a basket ? " The Gypsies also frequent the Rio or 
River quarter for horse-dealing, where they exercise most ingenious arts of 
deception.' Tlie article gave some samples of the peculiar way in which the gypsies 
pronounce Spanish, turning I into r, b into g, and v into s; omitting the medial and 
final r of verbs, and the d in past participles, etc. The phrases quoted are those of 
wheedling horse-dealers, and still more wheedling fortune-tellers. The latter make 
a cross on the palm of the hand with the money given to them, and begin 'Be it 
in God's name that thy fate may be pleasant (palante). Thou wilt be loved, and 
not hated. Wherever thou goest they will gladly give thee a seat, for thy presence 
deserves it,' etc. etc., but if any one gives niggardly, then ' there is a flow of biting 
sarcasm and sparkling satire, for the Gypsies are always gifted with quick minds, 
and power of exaggeration, and aptness of expression.' They love flowers, and 
cover their heads and bodices Avith them. They love equally well to deck them- 
selves with a single pink, or a bunch of wild ox-eye daisies. 

The Christian Herald, on May 16, 1907, contained a rough sketch of Spanish 
Gypsies playing and dancing. ' They are found in Spain in large numbers, espe- 
cially in the southern provinces. They have many customs and traditions, so nuich 
like those of the Israelites that some scholars {sic) have supposed they are a 
remnant of the lost tribes.' 

See also 'Granada Gypsies,' ante, section i. (Young Scotland, April 1, 1907). 

U. S. A. 

On January 21, 1907, the Neiv York World related that ' in the village of Gypsies 
at West Farms in the Bronx' (New^ York), Pooley Mace, brother of Jem Mace, the 
English ijrizefighter,^ had his tent, and had come to America thirty years or more 
previously, and about a year ago the tribe was at Denver, Colorado, when Mel- 
bourne Mace, Pooley's son, 'aged about twenty-eight, well educated, dark, tall, 
and athletic,' rescued Ida Hathaway, daughter of a rich rancher there, from an 
unmanageable horse, and eloped with her a month later. She was now about to 
' be initiated into the tribe, with the rites handed down from the days when the 
first gypsies invaded England,' and at the close of the ceremony she was to be 
presented with a horse, ' to own as long as she wants to.' Twin granddaughters 
of Pooley Mace were to ' act as flower-girls at the initiation.' Their portraits, with 
that of Mrs. Melbourne Mace, adorned the tale. 

On February 11, 1907, the New York World related that at Guttenburg, New 



^ On June 16, 1907, the Woking Observer reported that on the evidence of Lord 
Farrer, a Gypsy named Henry Sayers [related to Tom Sayers, the pugilist ?] was 
fined for lighting a fire on White Down, Abinger, within fifty feet of the highway. 



140 AFFAIRS OF EGYPT 

Jersey, the Gypsies ' met in conclave to decide whether forty families should be 
allowed to leave the gypsy nation in America, and establish a new tribe of their 
own.' There were sixty-one families living in the old horse-stalls of the Gutten- 
burg race track, and in tents. The trouble began on November 23, 1906, when 
' all the Bulgarian, Russian, Greek, Brazilian, and Mexican Gypsies in the United 
States met in Blue Island, Illinois, to elect a national chief. Zlatchio Dimitri, of 
Guttenburg, was elected chief of the 641 families repi'esented,' and each family 
was to pay him two and a half dollars yearly, and he was to fight their legal battles 
and help them when in trouble. Joe Adamowitz (or Adams), of Memphis, Tennes- 
see, organised a schism, comprising forty-one families ; and he and his brother 
Nicholas, with Milan Monavitz, of Memphis, accused Dimitri of extorting over 
seventy gold Louis Napoleons from Nicholas. The case was to be tried by the 
Court for Hudson County, Dimitri being admitted to bail in 4000 dollars, which 
' his tribe produced in English gold coin.' Meanwhile his son Frank ruled the 
tribe. Portraits of Frank, and of other members of the tribe, were given. [These 
foreigners had evidently passed through France and England]. 

On March 5, 1907, the New York (German) Herald gave portraits of Reo 
Slatcho Dimitri, and three female fortune-tellers, ' bunt-gekleidete ' (gorgeously 
clad) ; and stated that he was committed for trial at the Quarter Sessions. [He 
was acquitted.] 

The Oriental Rug Home Monthly for May 1907 (No. 5, vol. ii., A. H. Keoleian 
Co., Boston, Mass., U.S.A.) narrated a visit [in the U.S.A. ?] to a band of Gypsies, 
' camping near our village,' who were making sieves and baskets, which they 
traded for bread, flour, or barley. ' Being almost evening, the Gypsies were 
having a great time with their tom-tom drums, and were engaged in acrobatic 
acts.' One told fortunes, another made and sold small fancy baskets at a penny 
(sic) apiece. A Gypsy girl, twelve years old, was dancing. 

On May 25, 1907, the Boston Daily Morning Herald reported that Isabel 
Lovell and Mary Baker, two Gypsy women, had been sent to jail for reading palms 
in the Bronx, near New York. 

On July 27, 1907, an American newspaper reported that, at Chester (U.S.A.), 
several Gypsy women from a camp near that city had been arrested. The men of 
the tribe dealt in horses. 

On August 2, 1907, the New York Times reported that nineteen Gypsies who 
had camped near Spartanburg, under the leadership of Steve John, had been 
arrested for ' flim-flamming' people out of money. The entire camp, with waggons 
and mules, were taken to police headquarters, but only four women, who were 
fortune-tellers, were held for trial. Theodore, son of Steve John, some months 
previously had been charged with the abduction of the girl whom he had married. 

On August 15, 1907, the Neiv York Press stated that a boy named Walter 
Cutler had been kidnapped by Gypsies four years ago, when he was six years old, 
from his home at South Bend, Indiana, but when the tribe was camped at Roby, 
Indiana, a few days previously, he had escaped to his grandmother, who lived at 
South Chicago. 

The Nation (New York) for October 12, 1907, contained an article on 'The 
Tent Folk,' in which, after noticing the opinion of Dr. Hans Gross, of Prague, on 
gypsy criminology, it was stated that this ' dark-haired and dusky race have a 
belief that red or golden hair is lucky ; and here and there, at one time and 
another, they may have carried off a child of this complexion, but the evidence is 
very weak.' 

The Montreal Witness, on December 3, 1907, reported from New York that 
Queen Dora Parse and Princess Belle Marti had seceded from the leadership of 
Queen Bess Staidey, where the three tribes were camping at Westchester. Prince 
John KrusCj of the Kruse-Parse tribe, had fallen in love with Princess Ethel 
Stanley, and they all met to celebrate the engagement, but when Queen Dora led 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 141 

the party to her tent, where the money and jewels intended for the dowry were 
kept with ' the marriage jewels and chain,' she found everything had disappeared. 
She accused the Stanley tribe of the robbery, and Stanley and eight of his tribe 
were arrested, and remanded on bail in 10,000 dollars each, whereupon ' a score 
or more of Stanley's followers rushed to the clerk's desk and threw a shower of gold 
ornaments before him, and left in tears when told that was not the kind of security 
which could be accepted.' 

New Zealand. 
The Bruce Herald, N.Z., on January 14, 1907, recorded the arrival at Milton, 
N.Z., of some Romanies, who camped on vacant land near the railway section, 
' unsanitary and unlovely ; a positive excrescence on civilisation ; working on the 
credulity of a number they seem to acquire much money ; for consunnnate cheek 
in forcing her way into private houses the Gypsy fortune-teller is hard to beat ; 
they are an unsavoury class, undesirable as immigrants ; a few hoodlums were not 
too particular in the remarks they made to the women of the party, and the lan- 
guage of one of the " ladies " in reply was more vigorous than polite. They left this 
morning for Lawrence.' As Gypsies were rare visitors, the newspaper added a 
dictionary definition of ' Gypsy,' and some historical information, followed by an 
article, headed 'Zilla, or a Romany Romance,' describing how prior poetic ideas 
about the Gypsies were dispelled by a visit to the camp at Milton, where, ' amongst 
old kerosene tins, battered jam-pots, pensioned billy-cans, dead marines, and other 
disjecta membra of civilisation, there was a hulking male, his sordid and ragged 
partner, a growing lout, and a small atom of humanity, presumably of the frailer 
sex. The man was prodding the ground with a tent-pole, and the mother was 
slinging pieces of old spouting at the lout, the baby was investigating the jam tins. 
The mother's tones were angry. A native coming by said, " Them 's Gypsies ! " ' 
The article ended, ' My heart is broken ; I have no more to live for now.' 



o 



IX.— WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 
Collected and Edited by John Sampson 

No. G. Dui Xari t'a Pos Xara 

I took down this story several years ago from Matthew Wood at Tal-y-llyn. 
And now, fitly enough, after a week's tramp in Borrow's footsteps, picking up his 
patrin in this spot and that, I read the proofs to Matthew himself in a bita vlija 
on the other side of Merioneth, where I have made a temporary lodiben. This 
must be the village ' beginning with Llan ' which Borrow reached at about one o'clock 
on the Gth of September 1854, and where he ' refreshed himself for an hour or two 
in an old-fashioned inn' before proceeding to his headquarters at Llangollen. 
And the old-fashioned inn must surely be the Cross Foxes, with its white-Avashed 
front, and two forlorn mounting blocks planted at either corner of the house. 

All the immediate neighbourhood is hallowed ground to the pious Borrovian, 
with p'ure kircunii for pilgrim stations, wherein to pledge the master in hard old 
ale. From the hill before us, across the Vale of Edeyrnion, stone circle gazes at 
stone circle, and beneath the "pure bare bdra, as Matthew calls them, the Roman 
Road known as Ffordd Gam Elen, the Crooked Way of Elen, runs over the noble 
peak of Bronwen ('Arthur's Table') to the Pistyll Rhaiadr, which Borrow reached 
from Llanrhaiadr, after visiting the home of Owen Glyndwr at Sycharlh, and the 



h 



142 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

tomb of Huw Mori'is at Llansilin Churcli. The tutelary goddess of the cataract is 
Miss Evans, a younger sister of the 'handsome girl of about thirteen' who showed 
Borrow the path to the waterfall. The earliest visitors' book remaining at Tan-y- 
Pistyll begins in 1856, so that we have lost the still earlier one from which Borrow 
read and translated on the spot a 'stirring and grand' enrjlyn on the Rhaiadr. 

Five miles from us, nestled under Pen-y-pigyn, is the cosy little town of 
Corwen ; on the other side of the Dee the old camping-place where Raleigh, Meyer, 
and I made a three days' halt on our Gypsy tour through Wales, descending in the 
evenings by the ko.stenl p nrj to Borrow's inn, the Owen Glyndwr, where he 
'stopped for about an hour refreshing himself and occasionally glancing into a 
newspaper in which was an excellent article on the case of poor Lieutenant P.' 
Since then Matthew and I have made Korvina one of our favourite meeting- 
places, and not a few of my notebooks have been filled in the Crown, the Harp, or 
the Feathers — a cluster of inns which, as Raleigh remarked, supply every requisite 
for the angelic life. Through here Borrow" travelled on his way to Cerrig-y-druidion, 
stopping to contemplate the deep narrow glen beneath Pont-y-glyn, and instituting 
an invidious comparison between the English poet-laureate and the Nightingale of 
Ceiriog — ' Cut on the top surface of the wall, which was of slate and therefore easily 
impressible by the knife, were several names, . . . amongst which I observed in 
remarkably bold letters that of T. . . . ' Eager for immortality, Mr. T.,' said I ; 
' but you are no H.M., no Huw Morris.' 

The inn at Cerrig, where Borrow stopped to refresh himself, ' was called the 
Lion — whether the white, black, red, or green Lion I do not know, though I 
am certain that it was a lion of some colonr or other.' As a matter of fiict it was 
the white variety, and the present hostess is the granddaughter-in-law of the 
' stout, comely, elderly lady dressed in silks and satins, with a cambric coif on her 
head,' who was then ' the mistress of tlie establishment.' In the ' very handsome 
drawing-room,' which no longer communicates with Borrow's ' sleeping apartment, 
are a portrait of the ' good-looking merry girl of twenty ' and a daguerreotype of 
Dr. Geflery Jones, the ' precise-looking gentleman ' with whom Borrow discussed 
Owen Pugh's translation of Paradise Lost. 

At tlie White Lion, Bala, where Borrow met 'the Wolverhampton gent' of his 
dreams, revelled in the fomous ale brewed by Tom Jenkins of the 'grizzly hair and 
dark freckled countenance,' and dilated on the noble breakfasts set before him, his 
name is still a household word and any Borrovian is received with open arms. 

No one seems to remember anything of Lavengro at the Grapes Inn, Tan-y- 
bwlch, where he called for brandy and water to ' restore the vigour he had lost in 
the hot, stony wilderness ' into which the short cut from Beddgelert had led him. 
But at Ffestiniog there is still in the Pengwern Arms Hotel a portrait of ' old 
Martha' [Martha Owen], who, Ave are told, w^as the landlady 'when Georgie 
Borrows came along,' 'the queer-looking old woman anti(piated in her dress and 
rather blunt in her manner.' And it was in the 'dreary parlour' of the same 
' large old-fashioned house, standing near the Church,' that Borrow glanced over 
the three volumes of Scott's Cavalier [ fVoodstorh] and thought it a ' tiresome, trashy 
publication.' Hereabouts, too, he bickered with and insulted, more suo, the old 
Welshman because he could not show him the chair of Rhys Goch, which really 
lies in the next county. 

Apart from Borrovian associations, our village would seem to be a fortunate 
one for the Romano llai. En route for Corwen Fair, with tlieir grais and vardos, 
manuSnis and tiknos, jukels and muilas, we liad here a week or two ago, encamped 
on the village common, under the trees by the banks of the Ceidiog, a motley band 
of Lockes and Lees. Zachariah Locke, or Jack Boswell as he now calls liimself, 
« because of some trouble he got into,' is a magnificent specimen of manhood and a 
fighting man of great renown, and yet it is thirty-seven years since he took part in 
the famous trip to Norway, of whicli tlie lieroine Esmeralda has so often told me 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 143 

wonderful stories. William Lee is the brother of Oliver, John, and Morjiana, the 
Tcerikani and Iloniaiii tutor of the scholar gj^psy Captain Garnett, and now the 
spouse of burly Beudigo — all old friends of mine. It was in William Lee's 
company, fourteen years ago at Bala, that I first met the harpist Edward Wood, 
and began my studies of the Welsh dialect. Another of the Lees — Deborah — 
with her (jdjo husband and merry half-breed children, is camped in a green lane at 
Hendre, half a mile away. One little donkey carries all their earthly possessions, 
and they seem the most entirely contented people whom I can remember to have 
met. Yet another sister is married to Matthew's son Manfri, a householder at 
Bala. This Purum breed are the progeny of old Henry, an English Gypsy who 
settled in Wales and wedded Taw's sister Alice Wood, a great-iiranddaughter of 
Abram, the founder of the race. The dialect of the Lees differs in some respects 
from that of the Woods, and is probably a compromise between the speech of the 
English Gypsy f;ither and Welsh Gypsy motlier. The verb is regularly inflected, 
but they have abandoned most of the case-endings of the noun and lost many of 
the idiomatic turns of speech used by the pure-bred Welsh kale. 

Besides the loyal Matthew, who travels 2^ard(d i inuri to visit me some three 
times a week, I meet here with other members of the ubiquitous teuhi Abram. 
Returning from Llyn IMynyllod, the mountain tarn with the floating island, a little 
wasted away perhaps since Pennant described it, I find two swarthy fiddlers play- 
ing in the rain outside the Dudley Arms— apparently for the sole delectation of 
the landlord, who stares stonily at them from the porch, an impassive and out- 
wardly unmoved auditor. 

' I hailed the birds in Gypsy speech ; 
The birds in Gypsy speech replied.' 

They are Adolplius and Cornelius Wood bound for the Llangollen Eisteddfod, 
the one playing second fiddle on the genuine instrument, the other — a really fine 
performer— evoking harmony from a substitute rudely fashioned out of a Cadbury's 
chocolate box. Both speak the perfect Eomani of their race with the fluency and 
command of men speaking — what it actually is — their mother tongue. They 
leave early next morning, joined, as I learn, by one of the Lovells, another of the 
later English- Welsh Gypsies. 

But perhaps my best Romani trouvaille, except for some rare words and 
beautiful expressions heard from Matthew, are two little cups, which until a day 
or two ago adorned the china cupboard of Mother Morris of the Cross Foxes Inn. 
They were presented years ago, as a token of gratitude, by 'yr hen Alabaina' to 
the hostess's grandmother, Mrs. Maggie Jones of Pant-y-llyn, a farndiouse where 
the Woods met ever Avith a friendly welcome when travelling with their 
panniered vwilas from grdnza to grdnza. Such was their wont in Wales in the 
old days. It was that gentle soul Edward Wood who, in what may be perhaps 
the only native attempt at Romani poesy, expressed the feelings of an old Gypsy 
woman arriving at a country place, where she had looked forward to the usual 
food and shelter, on finding the house deserted and half ruined and the friendly 
farm-peojjle departed heaven knows whither. 

Kai SI romani gransa ? 
Kai si pus td Uas ? 
Kai si kamll rakli 
Te delas man balov(U ? ' 

Peace, Edward, to thy ashes ! Te bosaves, p'ala, are mi develesko k'er ! 

1 ' Where is the Gypsy barn ? 
Where are the straw and hay ? 
Where is the friendly girl 
That used to give me bacon V ' 



144 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 



Dui Xari t'a Po.^ Xara^ 

/^DOI sas trin paid. trin janas ''pre o drom te dilidn 
hutuikl. Rat 'vids top lendl, Junenas kek kdi te jan te 
ten lodiben. Rati sas, ta janas opri. fniro drom ardl o ve§. 

Dike hita dud td 'vile ke hita Uerdstl. Bukalt sas-le ta kine. 
x^tddr sas p%r6. Dike mesdll ta 'xphen sas opri mesdll. - 
XO<^'d puredir pal, " Jd til are." " i\^rt Java r}ie kek are. Jd 
tuya are." " Nd me, feth." ^ " Tume dui^ sen dinile," ^oJ'o Jak. 

T"are glds Jak td hestds 'ale kl mesdll td 'xplds pesko perr 
pardu. T"d vavir dui dikenas top) lesti. Trasenas te jan aro 
ker. G He o vaver dui are td beste tale td %oZe. 

Ak'i hita purl 'vela. Td xoc'C hita jrwri, " Dikum me kek 
murS akdi bat hers^yl.^ Kdi '^ 'vldn tume 'katdr ? " " Butldki 
roddsa 'me." " L'atdva ine hull tumerjl kaliku." Oili are o 
vodrl. 

'Pre 'cile ar'% 'sarla, td 'doi sas hdri pirt opre o yog, td muza,'' 
td tud : odovd sas o ^(ohen so 'xple. 

Twopence Halfpenny 

There were three brothers. The three were on the road looking for work. 
Night came upon them. They knew not where to go to find a lodging. It was 
night, and they were travelling on an old road through the wood. 

They saw a glinmiering light and they came to a cottage. They were tired and 
hungry. The door stood open. They saw a table and supper ready on it. " Go 
in," quoth the eldest brother. " No, I won't go in. Go in thyself ! " " Not I, 
in faith ! " " Ye are fools, the pair of you," quoth Jack. 

And Jack went in and sat down at the table and ate his bellyful. The other 
two looked at him, they were afraid to enter the house. They went in at length 
and sat down and ate. 

Lo ! a little old woman came. " It is many years since I have seen a man 
here," quoth she. " Whither have ye come this way ? " " We seek work." " I 
Avill find work for you to-morrow." They went to bed. 

They got up in the morning, and on the fire was a great pot of porridge and 
milk : that was what they ate. 

' Every Welsh Gypsy child of the right stock knows why this story is called 
"Twopence Halfpenny"; but, for the benefit of those whose education has been 
neglected, I might quote Matthew's opening words of explanation that this tale was 
about a "bila m«?\s (d na ses-l6 bdredtr nd dui x'''"'" ' <' i>o,s- x'?'"a-" 

2 0]= " and." Cp. J.O.L.S., New Series, i. 151, note 4. 

^Jrlh] Kng. "faith." 

■* Tame dui] more idiomatically, tumurd did, lit. " your two." Cp. Pott, i. 228, 
etc. 

» l,ilr.^67jl]. Cp. J.O.L.S., New Series, i. 316, note 1. 

" AVi] lit. "where." The Welsh Gypsies do not seem to have preserved the 
ablatival form katdr from kdi, corresponding to their akatdr from akdi. 

"> muza] " porridge," " flummery." Cp. Germ. Mus, " pap." 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 145 

Ah'l purl penela i pureder paleski te jal are grdnza te lei o 
hold, te jal k% o ves te perr'l o ves tali. Anjerela I co-^a. Ake-lwv 
te kela % butt. 

Odoi 'vlds bita puro ta puHds leste kon ^ pende leskl te perr'l ^ 
o ve§. Td sis kek dikelas akdva bita onitrses, ojd bita sas-lo. 
Dikds talop'ske^ piri. Dikds les are o ?ms. Dlds les o puro, ta 
kurdds les paste racSlas, fa 'ddi muktds les. 

Ak'l rakli 'vela 'kand '^obenesa. Glds I rakll keri id pukavel 
% vavir dul palerjl te 'ven te rigerdn les keri. Andili les keri td 
cidi les ari 5 vodros. 

Ar % 'sarla ak'o vaver paljala k'o ves. P'endds o puredir pal 
leskl te bita tnilrs sas-lo te kurdds les. T"d vavir pal sanids top 
lestl. G'as peskl 'kand tale k'o veM. Anjerda I co')(a te perr'l 
o vesd. 

Ake Sumonl, ta puctds leste kon * pukadds les te perr'l 6 rukd. 
Ak'o dikela 'kand ; sis dikelas Si. Bard ceros sas-lo manke dikds 
les. JDikds les ari 5 kas tala. " Jd tukl ! " -^oc'ov. bita gdjo 
kurdds les kotorendl. 

Bita rakll 'v'as tale kl yov 'yobenesa. Xoids yov, ta bita rakll 
g'as Keri td pendds I dul paleyl te 'ven tale te rigeren les keri. 
Gile o dul paid tali td andili les keri. Sanids 6 Jak top lendl, 
" Java me tali kaliko mo korkerd." 

Now the old woman told the eldest brother to get the tools from the barn, and 
go to the wood and fell the trees. He took off his coat. There he was doing 
the work. 

Then came a little old mannikin and asked him who had told him to cut down 
the wood. And he could not see this little old mannikin — he was so small. He 
looked beneath his feet. He saw him in the grass. The old mannikin struck him, 
and beat him till he bled, and left him there. 

Now the serving-wench came with his dinner. She went back and told the 
other two brothers to come and fetch him home. They brought him home and 
put him to bed. 

In the morning the second brother went to the wood. The eldest brother told 
him it was a little man that had beaten him. The second brother laughed him to 
scorn. He set off now down to the woods. He took off his coat to hew the 
woods down. 

Lo I something was asking who told him to cut down the trees. Now he 
looked about ; he could see nothing. It was a long while before he espied him. 
Then he saw him in the grass. " Begone," quoth he. The little man knocked 
him to bits. 

The little girl came with his dinner. He ate, and the little girl went back and 
told the two brothers to come down and carry him home. They went down and 
brought him home. Jack laughed at them. " To-morrow I will go down myself." 

^ kon] here plural. Cp. below, note 4. 

- perr'l] less correctly, ior perravSl. Cp. J.G.L.S., New Series, i. 267, note 3. 

^ tal6p'.ike] = tdla 2)6sb', accent of rapid speech. Cp. p. 148, note 3. 

* kon] here singular. Cp. above, note L 

VOL. n. — NO. II. K 



146 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

Ar'l 'sarla g'as tale k'o ve§. Ak'o perr'la ve§. Sundds cumonl. 
DiJcds talop'ske pirB. Dikds 6 bita iiiurs arS 6 Ras. Dlds les o 
Jak % plrdsa. " Fededer te 'Ses konyd," ^ x^*^'^ hita 'inuH. Dlds 
les o hita purd. Tale g'as 6 Jak, td hita puro pos mdrdds les. 

T'd 'ddi sas 6 Jak: sovelas tali kana 'vids I rakll ^phen^sa. 
ICerB g'as I rakli. P'ukadds I du% paleyl te 'ven te rigeren les 
kere. Gili o du% paid k% yov. " Nd," xoto Jak, " muken man 
akdi, td jan tumerji." Gile iierjl dul paid keri. 

Jak vdrtinas ^ les, (d g'as 6 hita purd taldl bdre bdresti. 'Pre 
'cas Jak 'kand, td keri g'as, td pendds I diil paUrjl te jan ari 
stanya te len o graid avrt, star lendeJ^ Lili 5 bdrd ^el6, td gili tali 
o trin I grensa, td cidi o hard Md pdrd'l o bdr. Cidi o graid te 
tdrden les opri, td dike wella * oddi. 

" Jd tu tali" x^^^ V^^- " ^^ "JJ^e," x^^^ vavir, " na Java me 
kek ! " " Java Trie tali," x^^'^ Jak. " P'anden ^ okova seld td rtiuken 
Tnan tale, td kana sunesa man te pend te tdrdes man opri, tdrde ^ 
man opri, td kana pendva vie te mukes man tali, muk man tali." 

In the morning he went down to the wood. He was hewing down the wood. 
He heard something. He looked beneath his feet. He saw the little man in the 
grass. Jack gave him a kick. " Thou hadst better be quiet," quoth the little 
man. The little man struck him. Down fell Jack and the little old man 
half killed him. 

And Jack was lying there when the girl came with his dinner. Back she 
went. She told the two brothers to come and fetch him home. The two went 
down to him. " No," quoth Jack. " Leave me here, and go your way." They 
went away home. 

Jack watched him and the little old man crept under a big stone. Jack got 
up now and went home and told his two brothers to go to the stable and luring the 
horses out. — four of them. They took a stout rope, and the three went down 
with the horses and put the rope over the stone. They set the horses to pull 
it up, and they found a well there. 

" Go down ! " quoth one. " Not I," quoth the other. " I'll not go down." 
" I'll go down," quoth Jack. "Fasten yonder rope and let me down ; and when 
you hear me say ' Pull me up,' pull me up ; and when I tell you to let me down, 
let me down." 

1 konyu]. See J.G.L.S., New Series, i. 27, note 9. 

^ vdrtinas]. See J.G.L.S., New Series, i. 317, note 2. 

' lende] abl., corresponding to Lat. partitive genitive. 

■* ii}ella]Eng. "well." 

•'• P'aniUn . . . tal(% The speaker, it will be noticed, after the first few words 
addresses himself to one brother instead of both. If continued as begun the speech 
would end 'H'd kana sunina man te p^end te tdrd6n man ojyrc, tdnUn man oprc ; t'd 
kana p'endva mii tc muk6n man talf, mnkin man talc." This change from plural 
to singular may, of course, be intentional, but on the other hand it is more probable 
that Matthew, like Jack himself when descending the well, merely hikerdds pes 
6 lav. Cp. later TdrdAn man oprr (plur. ) with Hfitk mati talc (sing.). 

^ tdrdii] all verb-stems in -d and -t form the imperative sing, in -de or 46, with 
accent on the stem syllable. 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 147 

Oh'o dul paid pandili les, (d niukdi les talS. Tali gas hita 
bita ; 5 hita puro kurdds les. " Tdrden man oprB ! " 

Ak'o jala pdpaU tali. BUterdds pes o lav. " Muk iinan tali ! " 
'Vlds ari raikane temestl, td dikds 6 hita puro. Raker dds lesa o 
pvurd. " Kana^ tu'vidn are Icava tern, pendva nrie 6uin6nl tuki 
'kand. Trin fllisind Vatdsa tu. Ari o 'lanano yek jivela 6 hard 
murS dul Ser^nsa." Td X'^'^'^ ^'^^^ puro. " Tu onus kur's ^ les : le 
purl 6url. 'Vava me 'ddi tusa." " TraSdva ine leste!"" " Jd tu 
anli td md trase? Odoi 'vava me tusa." 

Ak'o Jak k% filisin 'kand. Kurdds o guddr. Butuikerl 'vela 
k% yov, td puctds kdi sas 5 rdi. " Ari 5 leer si-lo, wontases tu te 
dikes les ? " " Aua," x^^'^ Jak, " wontsd me te kurd man ^ lesa." 
" Mdr'la tut ! " " Jd tu, td pen leskl te 'vet avrt." G'as % raklt td 
pendds leskl te 'vet avrt 

" Wontsesa cum6n% te x'^^ • " " -^tt," x^^'^ Jak, " av avri, 
kurdva me tusa." " Av akdi td le tl curl." 'Yas 6 Jak purl 
cikall curl. " Soskl lesa 'doid purl cikall 6url ? Le luzl yek." 
" Nd me! kela 'hdid marfl." 

Avri gili o dui 'Ian o guddr. Tali g'as yek sero. "Muk 
man te jivd, Jak. Dava tut sdr miro lovo ! " " Nd ! " Dids 



The two brothers fastened him and let him down. He went down a very little 
way ; the little old man beat him. " Pull me up ! " 

Now he was going down' again. He forgot the word : "Let me down." He 
came into a fair country and saw the little old man. The old man talked with 
him. " Since thou art come into this land, I will tell thee something. Thou wilt 
find three castles. In the first one lives the giant with two heads." And quoth 
the little old man : " Thou must fight with him. Choose the old sword. I will 
be there with thee." "I shall be afraid of him." "Go on and fear not. I will 
be there with thee." 

Now Jack came to the castle. He knocked at the door. A serving-maid came 
to him and he asked where the master was. " He is in the house, dost thou wish 
to see him ? " " Yes," quoth Jack ; " I want to fight with him." " He will kill 
thee." " Go, bid him coiue out." The girl went and bade him come out. 

"Dost want something to eat?" "No," quoth Jack. "Come out. I will 
fight with thee." " Come here and get thy sword ! " Jack chose the rusty old 
sword. " Why dost thou choose that rusty old sword ? Take a clean one ! " 
" Not I ! This one will do for me." 

The two went out before the door. Off went one head. " Let me live, Jack ! 



1 «"a;ia]=" since," lit. "when." 

^ Kilr's = lfirds. 

•' trdXe]. A few verb-stems in -,s take unaccented -c in the imperative sing, as an 
alternative to the simple stem form. 

^ kurci man]. Cp. p. 148, te h'lr^s tut mansa. These interesting reflexive forms 
may perhaps mark a distinction in Welsh Romani between "to beat" and "to 
fight."' Cp. French battre and se batlre. 



148 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

vavir .^iro. Mardds les. Td 'kdia sas I ')(dr6r)% jiliHn, qjd 
Jcdr'nas ^ Id. 

Ak'o Jak 'kandjala hi vavir rupaiil fllisin. Bdro murs odoi, 
trim hrensa. L'as o Jak I cikall curl, fa dlds o Jak dul seri tali. 
" Md mar man, Jak. Muk tnan jidd. Dava tut me % filisindke 
klizind." " Nd me ! " x"^^'^ Jak, td tali cfas o vavir sero. 

Ak'o Jak jala kl vavir sunakaieski jiliHn. T"d bdro milrs 
odoi, td sas les stdr seri. " Akdi 'vesa til te kurs tut mansa ? " 
" Aua," x^^'^ '^^^- ^drdds les te lei peski curl, td 'yas puri 
cikall curl. Td 'vrl gili. Bids o Jak trin .seri tali, " Md mar 
man, Jak. Dava tut mi klizind. " Nd me ! " x^^'^ J^^^ ^^ ^^^^ 9'^^ 
6 vavir sero. 

Lesk'ro ^ sas sdr % jilisind, td o ldi)d, td sas raikant rdnt We % 
trin filisind. Ak'o Jak j aid j)' ski ^ 'kand, t'% rdnl lesa. Jala pale ke 
vavir rupant filisin 'kand, td 'yas odoia rdnl. Ak'o jala kl vavir 
xdrerfl filisin 'kand, td 'yas odoia rdnl. Td gili b stdr td 'vili 
k'o tan 'doi kdi 'vlds b Jak tali. 

bita puro ses odoi td 'celas leskl. Bicadds o Jak I trin rdnid 
opri, td o dm paid sas opri. Ak'o puro wontaselas mas. G'as 5 
Jak pale kl filisin td keradds mas leskl. 

G'as o puro opri bita bita. Ah'6 'cela o puro. Wontselas rmis. 
Dlds les mas. Glds pdpali 'pre bita. 'Gas : wontselas mas. Dlds 
les o Jak mas. Jala bita pdpali opri. " De man bita mas." Sas 

1 will give thee all my money 1 " " No." He struck at the other head. He slew 
him. And this was the copper castle, — so men called it. 

Now Jack went to the next castle, the silver one. A giant with three heads 
was there. Jack took the rusty sword and struck ofif two heads. " Do not kill me, 
Jack. Spare my life. I will give thee the keys of the castle." "Not I," quoth 
Jack, and off went the last head. 

Now Jack went to the other castle, the golden one. And a giant was there 
who had four heads. " Dost come here to fight with me ? " " Yes," quoth Jack. 
He called him to get his sword, and he chose the rusty old sword. And they 
went out. Jack struck off three heads. " Do not kill me, Jack. I will give thee 
ray keys." " Not I," quoth Jack, and off went the last head. 

All the castles were his and all the money, and there was a beautiful lady in 
every castle. Jack set off now and the lady went with him. He went back to the 
silver castle and fetched that lady. Then he went to the copper castle and got that 
lady. And the four went on and came to the place where Jack had come down. 

The little old man was there waiting for him. Jack sent the three ladies up, 
and the two brothers were at the top. Now the old man wanted meat. Jack 
went back to the castle and cooked meat for him. 

The old man went up a very little way. Then he stopped. He wanted meat. 
Jack gave him some meat. He went up a little way again. He stopped. He 

» k'ur'nas]. Cp. J.O.L.S., New Series, i. 316, note 3. 

^ Li'skWo]. Note lexk'ro for Innlv, when used not attributively but predicatively. 

^ jal/,p'xkl]. Cp. p. 145, note 3, and J.O. L.S., New Series, i. 260, note 3. 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 149 

X Jakes keJc. Sets les hita bit a manke julas avri. Junelas kek 
so te kel. G'as are poci td tdrdids peskl curt avri, td cindds hita 
mas leske Jiereste, td duis les I pureskl. Opre g'as o Jak. 

dul paid td dul rdnid gile peyjl, td tnukdi % uglimen^ 
Jakeskl. T"d jnireder pal 'yas 'I raikani rdnl. T'o vavir pal 
'yas I vavir rdnl, td riiitkde % uglirfien % Jakeskl. 

P'uctds o Jak kdi gili. P'endds akdia rdnl kdi gili, td g'as peskl 
sig sig pala lendl. Tildas len pose kayeri. Janas te romeren. 
Dikds I rdnl pale te dikel o Jakes. " Mlri si 'doid," x^^'^ Jak. 

' Yas Id Jak td romerdds Id. Mukdds I vavir rdnl I pureder 
paleskl te ro7)ierel. 'Doi sas o vavir pal 'kand, td 'yas I uglimen 
rdnl. Ak'o trin paid td trin rdnld. 

Wontsena te jan tali 'kand kl filisind. Jak rakerdds I 
puresa te rigerel len tali. " Rigerdva me tumen tali : mus te des 
onan ^phen sdr 'vava tali." " Aua," xoco Jak, " dava tut dosta 
'Xphen." " Lava tumen tali." Rigerdds len sdr tali. 

G'as o puro I Jakesa. Cidds o Jak yeU pal td yek, rdnl 're I 
^drerjl jiliHn. Cidds o vavir pal ari rupanl filisin. T'o Jak 
g'as kl sunakaieskl filisin. Td Jak rigerdds o hita puro sdr 
peske divesd. 

Oke me kedom. 

wanted meat. Jack gave him some. He went a little way further up. " Give me 
a little meat." Jack had none. He had only a very small piece when he set out. 
He knew not what to do for him. He felt in his pocket and pulled his knife out, 
and cut a little flesh from his leg and gave it to the old man. Jack got to 
the top. 

The two brothers had gone away with two of the ladies, and had left the ugly 
one for Jack. The eldest brother had taken the beautiful lady, and the second 
brother the other lady, and they had left the ugly one for Jack. 

Jack asked where they had gone. The lady told him where they had 
gone, and he made haste after them. He caught up to them by the church. 
They were going to be married. The lady looked back at Jack. "That one 
is mine," quoth he. 

Jack took her and married her. He left the other lady for the eldest brother 
to marry. There was only the second brother now, and he took the ugly lady. 
There are the three brothers and the three ladies. 

They wanted to go down to the castles. Jack spoke to the old man about taking 
them down. " I will carry you down ; thou must give me food as I come down." 
"Yes," quoth Jack. "I will give thee plenty of food." "I will take you down." 
And down he carried them all. 

The old man went with Jack. Jack put one brother and one lady in the 
copper castle. He put the other brother in the silver castle. And Jack went to 
the golden castle. And Jack kept the little old man all his days. 

I'here I have done. 

' iKjlimeii] like gladimtn, etc., is an example of the not infrequent (but in- 
correct) use of the suffix -men, which properly forms past participles of loan-verbs. 
See J.G.L.S., New Series, i. 155, note 3. 



150 THE HOUSE OF THE OPEN DOOR 

X.— THE HOUSE OF THE OPEN DOOR 
By Alice E. Gillington 

BEYOND the grey Priory church, which has overlooked the 
twin rivers of the Stour and Avon since the Doomsday 
book was written and the laws of the Red Forest King enacted, 
stands a tall white house, possibly of Georgian era, but in all 
probability much older in the rear part and out- buildings, whose 
windows open on to the wide water-meadows, the Creek, the 
Salmon-Run, and beyond all, the heather-capped ironstone head- 
land that juts out into the open sea. 

If you should inquire your way to this house — ' 'Tis the one 
with the green bushes about 'n,' say the townsfolk, 'close by 
Stony Lane.' 

True ! Without it has the green bushes about it, and the 
secrets of the woodlands are pictured within its walls. Outside 
a row of bushes along the railing bars it off from Purewell's narrow 
street. 

Inside, the glamour of the forest surrounds one, with its scenes 
of misty dawns and rosy after-glows, golden noondays and dreamful 
gloamings over green lawns and heather-covered hills, gloomy 
woods and silver fords ; its songs and legends, its past history and 
present-day romance — these two being merged in one. 

For three generations has this house in Purewell been the 
dwelling-place of the Gypsy's Friend, each of whom were members, 
in his or her turn, of the oldest living family in the Priory town. 
To find the story of the first friendship, one must go back to a 
dark night over a hundred years ago, when the grandfather of 
the present generation was summoned in haste to the bedside 
of a Gypsy woman lying dangerously ill in the depths of the 
Forest. The Gypsy who had ridden over to fetch him, and 
who doubtless had good reasons of his own for concealing the 
way to the camp, having blindfolded the doctor, laid hold of 
his horse's bridle and led him through the wild recesses of the 
woods to the tent where the woman la3^ But from that time 
forward he gained the firm and fast friendship of the Romany 
folk, after trusting himself fearlessly in their hands in the midst 
of the lonely Forest in the dark watches of the night. 

Secondly, his son, following his father's profession, followed 



THE HOUSE OF THE OPEN DOOR 151 

also in his footsteps forest-ward — he in his turn becoming known 
as the Gypsy's Friend. 

Lastly, the two daughters, whom at his death he left to live 
on in this same tall, white, three-storied house, with its thick- 
hedged, high-walled, old-fashioned garden, its many rooms, 
spacious entrances, and long passages, its dark oak floors and 
panelled wainscots, blue willow-patterned china, red damask 
curtains and oaken settles, became by calling and inheritance 
the Gypsy's Friend. 

Particularly is this title applicable to the Gypsy painter (the 
elder sister being a flower-painter), who has earned her living by 
her brush from her childhood up. And she dates her first 
attraction to the Gypsy race in general from the time when, 
a young student in Paris, she came across a Romany model 
in the studio of her master, M. Chapelin, who was descended, 
according to his own belief and his tribe's tradition, from 
Ishmael the son of Hagar. 

To this day there is hearty welcome in her house for the way- 
faring stranger and all who take the road. And the name of the 
Lady Goddards, as our Hampshire Gypsies designate them, is 
a passport into the hearts of some of the most distrustful, the 
surliest and wildest, as well as the most charming, of our south 
country travellers. Moreover, be it said, their name has saved 
many an unpleasant situation, when the novice to Romany ways 
and manners has made her debut on the stage of camp life. For 
instance, that August afternoon on Sholing Heath, when you fled 
from an infuriated dai, mad with drink and jealousy and hatred 
of the Gorgio, across the common, and Betsy Page's mother dragged 
you by the hand into her own caravan. 

Or again, that winter's evening when you had to wait till long 
after nightfall in a strange camp, along with the ancient crone 
who travels in a dwarfish green caravan and is believed by the 
other Gypsies to be very wicked, waiting to see Lovinya, who 
was ' took bad with the Viper's Dance ' ; and Vanlo Bower's 
young wife, wonderfully picturesque in her yellow head-kerchief, 
her rosy coral beads, her striped silk diklos, came in to help 
you, and afterwards led you up the dark road homeward. 

For their Lady Goddard has painted all the forest-born 
Gypsies, their chavis, grais and vardos, and they take delight in 
the part they played in the making of the picture. 

Chuckled the old flower-seller over her basket of ' beowtiful 



152 THE HOUSE OF THE OPEN DOOR 

dafFs' or 'bit o' laylock' as she jogged along the road in her 
short ragged gown, up to her knee-high boots, with a battered 
hat on her head and a frowsy pipe in her mouth : ' She be one 
o' we, my dear ! The Lady Goddard have a-lived in the Forest 
along o' we ! Take a bunch o' bulrushes, my dear, and help a 
poor old doomun ! She 've a-tented along o' we, she have ! ' 
Tatchipen si, she has lived the Forest life in the tents of the 
Forest people, and here has portrayed all the everyday incidents 
of Gypsy life. 

So let yourself be led by Gypsy hands, blindfolded though 
you may chance to be by Gorgio misgivings and prejudices, 
through the Forest by day and night, and ' you shall see what 
you shall see.' 

First and foremost ^stands Mary Stanley, the granddaughter of 
the Gypsy queen, with the dark forest for a background, framed in 
the very oak that once formed part of the Miraculous Beam in the 
Priory roof. Then we pass on to ' Halting in the Ling.' It is 
four o'clock on Magpie Green, one of the many 'lawns which 
wind in and out of the holly-shelters on Thorney Hill. Holmsley 
lies away in the distance. The day, with its 

' Queenly crimson deep in the heather, 
And diamonds of the dew at morn 
Flashing their rainbow drops together,' 

has already begun for this group of Gypsies who have just un- 
harnessed the horses from their three caravans, which loom red 
and yellow and tawny brown to the still misty grey. The water 
has to be fetched for breakfast soon, and the fires lit ; you can 
hear the high-pitched voice of the chahlos, and the soft voice of 
the (led, hushing the betichavi in her arms, her dark face turned 
to the dawn; you can hear the awakening whispers of the wind 
in the heath, 

' For thee and for me, my child, 
Wandering folk and poor, 
There are jewels of price on meadow and moor, 
When the wind blows wild.' 

And now the scene shifts to 'Lighting-up Time: the Candle in 
the Ground.' Faded is the 

' Gold alight in the sky, 
And royal red in the heart of the heather ' ; 

twilight creeps up the bypaths between the brackens, and the 




MARY STANLEY (IN THE FOREST) 

By Amelia Goddard 

{Bt/ permission of Brigadier-Oeneral The Hon. E. M. Sluart Wortley, 
C. B. , C. M. G. , D. S. 0. , M. V.O.) 



THE HOUSE OF THE OPEN DOOR 153 

nearing shadows of night keep step with a horde of way-spent 
travellers trudging heavily back to their tan. A flood of yellow 
light pouring forth from one of the tents shows a juvel, her brown 
face aglow in the light of a candle tied to a stick thrust in the 
ground, which a boy, kneeling dark against its radiance, has just 
set aflame with a brand from the fire. Its beacon-torch is leading 
home the lagging feet of that knot of wanderers, diml}'' discerned 
through the dusky trees, whose ' wayfaring day is o'er,' to 

' The House of the Open Door.' . . . 

' And all the night the stars go by, 
Waving their silver swords together.' 

And the night-hawk whistles softly over the darkened heath, and 
the bog-withy breath travels to and fro over the swiftly running 
streams. 

Again the scene changes, and one is standing on the open 
common, amid a troop of raklos who are riding up a drove of 
rough Forest ponies, whilst a buxom raJdi holds up the sod of 
grass with which she is ' Strewing the Pateran ' for the rest of 
the tribe, some of whom are already following up the trail behind 
the oaks and hollies. 

There is another story woven in Avith this picture, of a silver 
ring worn on the artist's hand and a secret kept for sixteen years. 
But this you must learn from the painter herself some day. 

Once more the scene shifts, and one finds oneself in the ' Holly 
Shelter' on Thorney Hill, amongst a motley throng of men, 
women, and children; there is warmth and colour everywhere; 
autumn glow, fire-glow, and glow of Gypsy faces. The smoke 
of burning furze-fuel floats through the green forest spaces ; you 
hear the chavis' saviben and roviben, the chais rapid rokerin 
and the gilyin' of the chablos, as they raise their peculiar sing- 
song nasal chant, in strict time, as if to a fiddle and tambourine 
accompaniment, the old Forest ballads, passed orally down from 
one generation to another : the forest-murder legend of the 
' Brake o' Briars,' the forest love-tale of ' The Green Bushes,' and 
the oft-told tale of ' The Three Gypsies ' :— 

' There was three Gypsies all in a row, 
And they sang brisk and bonny, ! 
They sang so high and they sang so low 
Till downstairs came the lady, I 



154 THE HOUSE OF THE OPEN DOOR 

They gave to she a nut-a-meg brown, 
And a cake of the very best ginger, ! 
But she gave to they a far better thing. 
For she gave them the ring from her finger, ! 

Now there was three gypsies all of a row, 

And they was hanged all just so ; 

For they was hanged all of a row 

For stealing the yellow castle's lady, O ! ' ' 

But that was in the old days, before the great colony of Gypsy 
flower-sellers Avith their tents had given way to the brick-kilns 
down in Gypsy Hollow, and the red brick house had made an 
ugly blot every here and there among the squatters' cobwalls and 
thatched roofs. Bitterly do some of the older Gypsies regret that 
they were fools enough to sell the very ground under their feet — 
at a high value — to the insatiable brick-making and house-building 

^ This ballad, a variant of ' The Gypsy Laddie,' and concerned, as the words 
'yellow castle's' (Earl of Cassillis') in the last line indicate, witli the elopement of 
the Countess of Cassillis and Johnny Faa, is more complete than another version 
collected from English Gypsies by Mr. Sampson (J.G'.L.S., Old Series, ii. 84-5). 
The words and melody, as sung at Thorney Hill, Hants, in Jul}' 1908, by Thomas 
Pateman, a middle-aged Gj'psy, are as follows : — 




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And they sang brisk and bonny, ! 
They sang so high, and they sang so low, 
Till downstairs came the lady, O ! 

They gave to she a nut-a-meg brown, 

And a cake of the very best ginger, O ! 

But she gave to them a far better thing. 

For she gave them the ring from her finger, ! 

Now she pulled ofiF her silken gown, 
And wrapped the blanket round her, ! 
She was resolved and rakeish too. 
To gang with the draggle-tail Gypsies, O ! 




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THE HOUSE OF THE OPEN DOOE 155 

Gorgio; and they would regain their lost footing if they could. 
Meantime, the brown roof and the yellow walls of some of these 
squatters' cottages shelter many a Gypsy family, and the old 
Forest ballads are still sung, to the carousal of cakes and ale, as 
they gather round the wide hearth or group themselves against 
the summer twilight of open door and diamond pane. Still the 
Seven Firs on Thorney Hill stand as landnjarks from the Forest 
to Wimborne and from Wimborne to Salisbury, and beckon to 
the ships passing up and down channel. Still the magpies flash 
from tree to tree above Gypsy Hollow. 

Yet ' the tall white house with the green bushes about it,' 
down Purewell Street, knows the sisters no longer : for the Forest 
has taken back its own. And to the cottage at Lark's Gate, close 
to where the Seven Firs keep watch on Thorney Hill, Gypsy- 
painter and flower-painter, a-wearied with the increasing struggle 
for existence and the world's rush and unrest, have followed 



When her new lord he did return 

Enquiring for his lady, ! 

One of the servants did say, ' Sir, 

She 's gone with the draggle-tail Gypsies, ! ' 

* Come saddle me my milk-white steed, 
Come saddle me my pony, ! 
That I might ride both day and night 
Until I find my lady, ! ' 

O, he rode high and he rode low, 

And he rode over the valley, ! 

And who should he see but his own wedded lady 

Along with the draggle-tail Gypsies, ! 

' Now how could you leave your house and land ? 
How could you leave your babes also ? 
Or how coidd you leave your new- wedded lord 
To gang with the draggle-tail Gypsies, ? 

'Last night you laid on a good feather-bed. 
Along with your tender babes also ! 
And now to-night in a cold open field. 
Along with the draggle-tail Gypsies, ! ' 

' I will return to my house and land ; 

I will leturn to my babes also ! 

And I will return to my new-wedded lord. 

And forsake all the draggle-tail Gypsies, ! ' 



Now there was three Gypsies all of a row. 

And they was hanged all just so ; 

And they was hanged all of a row 

For stealing the yellow castle's lady, O ! 



156 THREE GERMAN GYPSY MELODIES 

the pateran themselves into the wild, sweet heart of the Forest, 
to find a halting-place on life's hard journey in the ling, a shelter 
in the hollies, a light at eventide and a hearty welcome in the 
hearts of their Gypsy friends. And here the two painters work 
and wait, till for them, too, 

' Tlie wjiyfarino- day is o'er ; 
Thou and I, together we lie 
In the House of the Open Door ; 
But for you and for me . . . 
"Wandering folk and poor. 

There are dreams of delight on meadow and moor, 
When the wind blows wild ! ' 



XI.— THREE GERMAN GYPSY MELODIES 
By Bernard Gilliat-Smith 

1. — Trin Bersta Dives Ai 

THIS song Avas taught me by two twin boys, Bapo and Bi, 
aged about ten. They both sang, and one of them also played 
the harp. Some weeks later Miima revised the words for me. 
The song is by far the best I have heard from Gypsy lips. It is to 
be sung slowly and with infinite feeling. The amount of pathos 
which they put into the words nd-kova k'rdu ine gar was quite 
indescribable. Their young voices trembled on nd ad libitum, 
hurried over kova Urdu me, and returned to the note of <jdr a 
little more reassured, but still near unto weeping. Altogether a 
good song, Avhen sung by Bapo and Bi. 

2.— Mnlo ta Terni Tkii 

This little song was likewise sung by the twins, Bapo and Bi, 
to the accompaniment of the harp, d faute de guitarre. 

3. — Zenclo Ruk o Bolepen 

The directions for the proper rendering of this song are as 
follows : — 

Gather together ten men of shady character. Make them 
drunk. Give them violins and guitars, and let them stand about 
on a country road so as to effectually prevent a miller's cart from 
passing until the song is over. They will then begin. The first 



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THREE GERMAN GYPSY MELODIES 157 

four chords will be played with much vigour by both violins and 
guitars. The very essence of ' naughtiness ' will be expressed in 
the guitar-strumming of the second bar. The song will be more 
shouted than sung, and the instruments will be played fiercely. 
After the words pale kola Udte there will be a grand pause, while 
the players exchange leers and winks of expectation. Then a 
crash and the stamping of ten feet at the word hid ! Again the 
guitars alone as above, then the last words yelled. The miller's 
cart can now pass. 

With regard to the song Efta P'rdl, the words of which were 
printed in my article on the Gypsies of the Rhine Province, I have 
received a note, for which I am very grateful, from Miss D E. 
Yates, in which she quotes the song given by Liebich (ch. ix. p. 101), 
wherein are mentioned efta 2:)rdla. The same song, with the 
accidental omission of lines 5 and 6, quoted with a Latin render- 
ing by Miklosich in his Mundarten {ill. p. 28), has, she tells me, 
been translated as follows by Charles G. Leland {English-Gipsy 
Songs, pp. 186-7) : — 

The Lady and the Lord 

The lady with her flowing hair 
Has covered her lover o'er. 

' There are men who wish to see me here 
Are hiding behind the door. 
What can we do together ? — 
What canst thou do for me ? ' 

' I will not let thee go, my love, 
Though I lose my life for thee. 
Thou hast seven brothers. Though my heart 
Should leap upon their sword, 
Whilst thou art mine and I am thine 
I ever will keep my word.' 

Professor Pischel ^ gives a slightly difterent rendering of the song 
taken down by me. I have evidently mistranslated the line 
Me Jcrdit les win. It does not mean ' I will get him out,' but 
rather ' I will bring the matter to a successful issue.' Cf. German, 
durchfuhren. 

1 'Vier Lieder der deutschen Zigeuner': Apophoreton iiherreicht v. d. Graeca 
Halensis. (Festsch. z. 47. Vers. D. Philol. und Schulm., pp. 129-135. Berlin, 1903.) 



158 



THREE GERMAN GYPSY MELODIES 



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THREE GERMAN GYPSY MELODIES 



159 



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WHITER's ' LINGUA CINGARIANA ' 161 



WRITER'S 'LINGUA CINGARIANA' 
By Lady Arthur Grosvenor 

' Thank you, boy : here 's Parr's health, and Whiter's.' 

'Who is Whiter?' 

' Don't you know Whiter ? I thought everybody knew Reverend Whiter the 
philologist, though I suppose you scarcely know what that means. A man fond of 
tongues and languages, quite out of your way — he understands some twenty ; 
what do you say to that ? ' 

' Is he a sound man ? ' 

' Why, as to that, I scarcely know what to say : he has got queer notions in his 
head — wrote a book to prove that all words came originally from the earth — who 
knows ? Words have roots, and roots live in the earth ; but, upon the whole, I 
should not call him altogether a sound man, though he can talk Greek nearly as 
fast as Parr.' 

' Is he a round man 1 ' 

' Ay, boy, rounder than Parr ; I '11 sing you a song, if you like, which will let 
you into his character : — 

■' Give me the haunch of a buck to eat, and to drink Madeira old, 
And a gentle wife to rest with, and in my arms to fold, 
An Arabic book to study, a Norfolk cob to ride, 
And a house to live in shaded with trees, and near to a river side ; 
With such good things around me, and blessed with good health withal, 
Though I should live for a hundred years, for death I would not call." 

Here 's to Whiter's health ' 



THUS in the twenty-fourth chapter of Lavengro wrote George 
Borrow of the Rev. Walter Whiter, M.A., friend of Porson, 
Fellow of Clare Hall, Cambridge, and rector of Hardingham, Norfolk, 
from 1797 until his death in 1832. BorroAV had no personal 
acquaintance with this eccentric philologist, but having seen his 
Etymologicon Universale in the City Library, Norwich, where it is 
to-day, he must have known, though he omits to mention it, that 
Whiter was a Gypsy scholar who held extravagant ideas as to the 
value of Romani. For in 1888 Groome, attracted as he tells us by 
the word ' Gipsey ' in the titles of these wonderful volumes, collected 
therefrom twenty-six words which proved that ' Mr. Whiter him- 
self, or an informant {1 George Borrow), had clearly some know- 
ledge of Romany, gained independently and not from books,' and 
reprinted in the Journal of tJte Gypsy Lore Society (First Series, 
i. 102-4), sundry speculations which showed more than ordinary 
interest in the subject. Struck by the kinship of Latin and 
Sanskrit, of which Gipsey is acknowledged to be a dialect, and by 

VO. II. — NO. II. L 



162 writer's 'lingua cingariana' 

the similarity of the race-names Romans and Romany, Whiter 
ventured to sug^srest : — 

' It will perhajis be discoA'^erecl by some future enquirer that from a horde of 
vagrant Gipsies once issued that band of sturdy Robbers, the companions of 
RomuUis and of Remus, who laid the foundations of the Eternal City on the banks 
of the Tibur. ... It is curious, likewise, that some should have observed the 
resemblance between the Cloak or Blanket, thrown over the shoulders of the 
Gipsies, and the Roman Toga. I was not aware, that this resemblance had been 
noticed, Avhen I ventured on the above conjecture. Martinius, under the article 
Cingarus, has the following passage : "Brodanis, lib. 8. Miscellan. cap. 17. ait ipsam 
Romanam Togam eandem pene cum ea fuisse, qua, quos Galli Bohevios, Itali 
Cingaros nominant, amiciuntur." This is, I think, exceedingly impressive and 
singular. The mode in which the Gipsies wear the Cloak or Blanket, which is 
thrown over their shoulders, is certainly unlike any other mode of wearing a 
similar covering ; and the Romans, we all know, were so marked and distinguished 
from every other people by the dress of their Toga or Cloak, that they were called 
the Gens Tooata : 

" Romanos rerum dominos, Gentemque Toqatam." ' 

Had Groome turned to Whiter's earlier work, the Etymologicon 
Magnum (Cambridge, ISOO), of which only the first part was 
published, he might not only have added to his list of words, but 
have also avoided the mistake of hinting that Whiter's Romani 
had a Borrovian origin. The greater part of the preface of that 
book is devoted to an apology for his enthusiasm : — 

'I may be doomed perhaps to encounter the smile or the frown of fastidious 
levity, when in tlie course of these discussions, I shall gi'avely appeal to the 
authority of the Gipsey Language, which we have ever been accustomed to regard 
as the idle jargon of a forlorn and abandoned crew, — 

'■ So witherM and so wild in their attire, 

" That look not like the inhabitants o' the Earth 

"And yet are on't." 

The Gipsey Language, as it is now spoken, may probably be considered as the most 
ancient form of Speech, which is at present extant in the world. The causes, by 
which the mutation of other languages has been aftected, have not extended their 
influence to the fate and fortunes of the wandering Gipsies ; and with them only 
is preserved a faithful record of Primeval Speech. It has been imagined, that the 
Gipsey Language is a dialect of the Sanscrit ; and I regard it as the important link, 
by which the Sanscrit is connected with the Coptic or the ^Egyptian. The reader 
will find in a succeeding page a specimen of the Gipsey numerals ; and he will there 
discover a similarity to the Greek Language, which will at once justly excite his 
wonder and his curiosity. With the .^Egyptian origin of the Greek Language, and 
with the athuity of the Greek to the Latin, we are perfectly acquainted ; and it 
will afford us a new source of meditation, when we learn that the Gipsies — the 
^Egyptians or the Copts, are in their own language called Romans or Romani. Thus 
it is, that the great revolutions of mankind may have been originally effected by this 
despised and rejected race. . . . Tlie Eastern Scholars have been strongly 
impressed with the marvellous resemblance, which exists between the Latin and 
the Sanscrit ; and I am myself enabled familiarly to illustrate the Laws of the 
Twelve Tables by the Dialect of the Gipsies. — In our own age a language has been 



writer's ' LIXGUA CINGARIANA ' 163 

lost : It shall be my province to record and preserve another. I have already 
advanced far in the prosecution of this design ; :ind the Grammar of the Gipsey 
Language I consider as a prelude to my enquiries into the mysteries of Sanscrit 
Literature, which will afford me a future theme of ample and important 
discussion.' 

A Romany Rai, chancing upon this passage, might not perhaps 
have mourned the loss of the grammar, for the specimens which 
are scattered throughout the book show that it must have been 
more entertaining than instructive ; but he could not have failed 
to lament that so early and probably so valuable an Anglo-Romani 
vocabulary had perished, for Whiter's promise remained apparently 
unfulfilled at his death. As a matter of fact, events happened 
otherwise, and it was the discovery, among the manuscripts of my 
late friend the Rev. T. W. Norwood, of a vocabulary by Whiter 
which directed attention to his Etymologicon Magnum. This 
vocabulary, with his own Norfolk collections and other Gypsy 
matter, was sent in 1858, by Goddard Johnson of East Dereham, 
as a gift to Mr. Norwood, who had read a paper on the Gipsies 
to the British Association at Leeds. Mr. Norwood studied and 
returned them, so that it is now impossible to tell whether Goddard 
Johnson possessed the original manuscript of Whiter's complete 
work or only words and phrases copied from it ; or whether the 
lists Avliich are headed ' From the Author of the Lingua Cin- 
gariana ' in Mr. Norwood's note-book represent everything that 
passed through his hands, or mere extracts. 

At the foot of the first vocabulary Mr. Norwood has written : 
' Mr. Goddard Johnson tells me that the author of the Lingua 
Cingariana was " the Rev. Walter Whiter, formerly Rector of 
Hardingham (in Norfolk), . . . the compiler of a very learned 
Etymological Dictionary which went through a second edition." 
Mr. Johnson adds some curious details about this old clergyman's 
ways : " he w\as a ver}' singular and remarkable man in his habits." ' 
So thought Baron Merian, who in a letter to Dr. Samuel Butler of 
Shrewsbury school (quoted in the Dictionary of National Bio- 
graphy) wrote: 'I pity Whiter. A great etymologist, perhaps the 
greatest that ever lived. A genius certainly, but it seems, like 
most eminent artists, dissolute.' The oddness of his character is 
writ large in his works, and his sense of humour is exemplified by 
a reference in the index of the Etymologicon Magnum to one of 
his own books : — ' Specimen of a Commentary on Shaksjware. 
The author of the Etymologicon Magnum compelled to adopt the 
doctrine of that obscure writer.' 



164 writer's 'lingua cingariana' 

That Whiter 's words were collected from English Gypsies, and 
not from foreign visitors, is proved by the prevalence of the d and 
d sounds in such words as haukero, sheep; baulo, pig; bauro, 
large ; chaw, grass ; gaujo, gorjo, man ; gawje, woman ; Jcaulo, 
black ; mauro, bread ; maur engro, baker ; mauto, drunk ; pauno, 
white, Hour ; raune, raunee, lady, madam ; sau, all ; saula, saido, 
morning ; staur, four ; comauva, I love ; congU, comb ; hopper, 
blanket; cosht, kosht, wood; nok, nose; nok-engro, snuff; posh, 
half ; roker, talk ; yog, fire ; and also by the presence of a number 
of words and forms which are characteristic of English Gypsy : — 
duvol, God ; liernafious, turnips ; kek, not ; coosa, coos4, a little ; 
kooshke, good ; mela, meiU [pi.], ass ; otvalay, howale, yes ; 2^osh- 
7n/»:ous, handkerchief ; riiikano, beautiful ; scoodilla, dish ; starna, 
deer ; tcheeros, time ; trin korisher, a shilling. 

That his vocabulary was original is equally evident. It 
includes words and forms such as bouv, oven ; maraze, frost ; "tnau 
lako, [false] ; parmnoosh, dream ; shirke, stars ; tabe, tabela, light ; 
which could not have been borrowed from printed sources : he 
twice mentions the ' venerable Braminess ' who taught him, and 
refers to his ' collection of Gipsey words.' Bryant and Grellmann 
he knew from the Annual Register and Raper's translation re- 
spectively, and his opinion of their work is summarised in the 
index of his Etymologicon Magnum: — 'Bryant (Mr.) His con- 
jectures false and futile. Grelhnan. His History of the Gipsies an 
idle Compilation.' He quotes them occasionally, often with a 
contemptuous acknowledgment, as ' that inaccurate catalogue to 
be found in Grellman,' and he reproves Bryant for having ' repre- 
sented the names for Death by Moloo and Miraben; in both 
which words he is mistaken,' and for confounding adjective and 
noun in ' A country, Bittutheim.' He shows himself keenly con- 
scious of the difficulty of recording an unwritten tongue : — ' Nothing 
is so common through the whole compass of language, as to find 
words derived and formed from the omission or the addition of the 
term representing the article. In taking down a spoken language 
from the mouth of another, especially if the speaker be himself 
ignorant of the nature and form of his own language, the greatest 
care and attention nmst be paid to this circumstance. Mr. Bryant 
and the Collector of Gipsey words in Grellman have been betrayed 
into various mistakes arising from this source; and particularly 
from confounding sentences with words.' And lastly he avoided 
with conspicuous success the usual mistake of confusing Romani 



whiter's 'lingua cingariana' 165 

with ' the Vulgar Tongue, or, as it is commonly called, the Slang 
Language ' : — ' This language has been sometimes confounded with 
the Gipsey ; though they have nothing in common but a few 
terms occasionally adopted from that race, because Gipseys have 
sometimes consorted with other beggars.' 

The Etymologicon Magnum contains a few words which 
are not in Mr. Norwood's manuscript ; for instance, chaw, 
grass ; chiva hen, I am alive ; craftnis, buttons ; nicra hen, I am 
dying; and zimin, broth. It seems probable, therefore, that 
Whiter's interest was aroused while he was at Cambridge by the 
simultaneous publication in 1787 of Bryant's list in the Annual 
Register and Raper's translation of Grellmann, and that he made 
these collections after that date, and at some time before June 5, 
1800, when he added the preface to his work, which had 'been in 
the press during seventeen months.' After 1800 his interest in 
Gypsies seems to have flagged, for there is nothing except the 
vocative Raunea in his Etymologicon Universale, in which 
Romani occupies a very inconspicuous place, to show that he had 
added to his vocabulary, nor did he repeat the enthusiastic praise 
which appeared in the preface of his earlier work. 

The two groups of phrases and the fifteen vocabularies are here 
reprinted exactly as they appear in Mr. Norwood's note-book, 
without addition, subtraction, or change of any kind. A few 
queries, conjectural readings and translations, which Mr. Norwood 
had added, are enclosed within square brackets, and for the sake 
of completeness the words from Whiter's two etymological works 
are printed at the end. 

Gipsy Talk. 

From the Author of the Lingua Cingariana. 

1. Pooro Gaujo. An old man. 10. Sosedovo? What is that? 

2. Poore Gawje. An old woman. 11. So pen-esse? What do you say ? 

3. [?] Mishta dousta seele siai [sore 12. So leer -esse? What do you do ? 

shan\ They are all very well. 13. [?] Wistis \_Nadis ?] tovello pauno, 

4. Sa shan sau ke teero ker F How She can't wash it white. 

are all at your house ? ' 14. Pii-o se wodder. The door is open. 

5. Sa see pal te pen ? How are your 15. Panlo se wodder. The door is shut. 

brother and sister ? 16. Peer-asse[-esse^^mengacoosc. Let us 

6. Boot nashfelo shorn. I am very ill. walk a little. 

7. Kerij'ovva. I am going [home]. 17. Kolako or ovava divous. To-mor- 

8. Ja'nna here. They go home. row. 

9. Ja'lla here. They go home.^ 18. Comora. The parlour. 

^ How are you all ? ^ jgg goes home. 



166 



whiter's 'lingua cingariana' 



19, 

20. 
21. 

22. 
23. 

24. 

25. 

26. 

27. 

28. 
29. 
30. 
31. 
32. 

33. 

34. 
35. 
36. 
37. 
38. 

39. 

40. 
41. 
42. 
43. 

44. 
45. 

46. 
47. 

48. 

49. 
50. 
51. 
52. 
53. 
54. 
55. 



Pray podous. Upstairs. 

Tatsohapen se. It is true. 

Rohera tatschapen. I will tell the 

truth. 
Me duvoleska. For God's sake. 
So se te nav ? What is your name % 
Saja'lla te hootc? How goes your 

trade 1 
Mishti prastella. He runs very 

fast. 
Lei To take. 
Mishti dekella Tee divous. [He looks 

well to-day.] 
Yiv ella. It snows. 
Ella yiv. It snows. ^ 
Plookte. Sheets. 
Paramoosh. A dream. 
Poker ella dove chave. The two 

boys talk.2 
Ke-nan [w] se divvos. Now it is 

day. 
Duvos se. It is day. 
Romado. A married man. 
Kek, mau lako. No, it is not so. 
You sit down. 
telay. [I will 



sit 



The sun is set. 



Tu besh telay. 
Mai boshdva 

down.] 
Beshto s'o ham. 
Bauro peera. A large boiler. 
Kcr pane. Make water. 
Kera vella pane. The water boils. 
Tabe yog. Light the fire. 
Tatto se bouv. The oven is hot. 
Drai chivo maraclc. Put the cake 

there [in]. 
Bosh a mengry. A fiddle. 
Bosh a mongro. A fiddler. 
Dotto hohbin a, menga. Plenty of 

victuals for us. 
Avree se yog. The fire is out. 
Lai tcheure. Take the knife. 
Mai kairovo Us. I will do it. 
Mai kaidom adovva. I did that. 
Manr engro. A baker. 
Adovau see. It is it. 
Mai don-^ia los. I did it.^ 



That gentleman 



That lady 
They both 



56. Dooi. Two together. 

57. Av eta. Come hither. 

58. Ki av Palla. Come here, my lad. 

59. Kotche kosht. Burn the wood. 

60. Aprai yog se. It is upon the fire. 

61. Jcjt nessa so se dovai? ' Jenessa,' 

what is that ? [Do you know 
what that is ?] 

62. Lil. A book. 

63. Den ap [1] Reading. {Belling o'prc.'] * 

64. Del Ria apray. 

reads aloud. 

65. Del a raunee apray. 

reads aloud. 

66. Ri te Raunee den apray. 

read aloud. 

67. Mai lovo les. I will have. 

68. Lai les adravo vast. [Take it in 

your hand.] 

69. Dinnalo siofello. A foolish fellow. 

70. Jalla Gauje te . . . The man is 

going to . . . 

71. Ke nau jessa sau te hobbin. Let 

us all now go to breakfast. 

72. Jennessa so se kotcha - woodros ? 

[Know you what is Burn the 
bed ?] 

73. Dotta ki omn [?] ke divvos. We 

[have] here eat [-en] enough [to- 
day].^ 

74. Mistis [I Nastis] shimava gaujee. 

The old woman could not hear.^ 

75. Ki ja see poora gaujee ? Where 's 

the old woman going ? ^ 

76. Bauro drom. The highroad. 

77. Cobbinengro. A trencher. 

78. Mishto sovauva, -essa. 

well. 

79. Cannee. A fowl. 

80. Sau mishta dotta dovai. 

enough that.] 

81. Jan tbka. Go there. 

82. Owalay. Yes. 

83. Romane shon ? Are you Romany ? 

84. Dotta Romane pen chiv. [? Enough 

Gipsy talk.] » 



I slept 



[All well 



^ For delta yii\ 

* For kaidom me leu. 

* I have eaten plenty to-day. 

^ Where goest thou, old woman ? 



2 That boy talks, or those boys talk. Qf. 371. 

* They read. 

" 1 cannot hear the woman. 

" Plenty Gypsies say chiv (instead of chib). 



whiter's 'lingua cingariana' 



167 



Gypsy Speech 

a Lingua Cingariana. 



I. Numbers. 



Yel. One. 
Dooc. Two. 
Trin. Three. 
Staur. Four. 
Panj. Five. 
Shouv. Six. 
Efta. Seven. 
Okto. Eight. 
Ennea. Nine. 
Des/i. Ten. 
(The rest are Sorrow's. ) ^ 
95. De5c/i to i/el*. Eleven. 
Deschta-dui. Twelve. 
Deschtatrin. Thirteen. 
Deschta store. Fourteen. 
Deschta pansch. Fifteen. 
Deschta shov. Sixteen. 

101. Deschta hefta. Seventeen. 

102. Deschta octo. Eighteen. 
Deschtenneah. Nineteen. 
Besh. Twenty. 
Trianda. Thirty. 
Storanda. Forty. 



85. 
86. 
87. 
88. 
89. 
90. 
91. 
92. 
93. 
94. 



96. 
97. 
98. 
99. 
100. 



103. 
104. 
105. 
106. 



Etc. (See the Persian Nos.) 



II. Of Man. 



107. 


Gorjo. Man. 


108. 


Mush. Man. 


109. 


Monish. Man. 


110. 


Yov. He. 


111. 


Yoy. She. 


112. 


Gorje. Woman. 



113. Juval. Woman. 

114. Monishney. Woman. 

115. Chavo. Boy. 

116. Raklo. Boy. 

117. Tikno chavo. Infant boy. 

118. Chi. Girl. 

119. Makle. Giil. 

120. Tikna chi. Young gu-1. 

121. Bi. Sii-. 

122. Raunc. Madam. 

123. Palla. Brother. (^tXot, fellow.) 

124. Pen. Sister. 

125. Dad. Father. (Celtic). 

126. Di. Mother. 

127. Grallis. King. 

128. Pirene (o). Sweetheart. 

129. Loobne. Scortum. 

130. Bo mane. Gipsy. 

131. Bomane chel. Pack of Gipsies. 

132. Duval. God. 

133. Beng. Devil. 

III. Of the Earth. 

134. Poov. The earth. 

135. Chik. Mud. 

136. Tern, temma. Country. 

137. Cosht. Wood. 

138. Book. Tree. 

139. Poos. Straw. 

140. Kas. Hay. 

141. Gav. Village. 

142. Forus. Market. 

143. atarapen. Prison. 

144. Giv. Com (general). 



' Whiter's vocabulary seems to have been collected before 1800, and his interest 
in Romani had abated considerably by the time he published his Etymologicon 
Universale. It is therefore improbable that he would himself have obtained con- 
tributions from Borrow. Moreover, although W. P. Courtney says in the 
Dictionary of National Biography that Borrow made Whiter's acquaintance. 
Professor Knapp states quite definitely that, although he had seen his larger work, 
he ' knew nothing of tlie writer personally.' The earlier of the numbers in question 
resemble those in Borrow's Lavolil, but besh and trianda, if plagiarisms, would have 
been taken most easily from Grellmann, hefta and storanda are original forms, and 
the reference to Persian is quite in Whiter's manner. There is no evidence that 
either Goddard Johnson or Mr. Norwood tampered in any way with Whiter's 
words, and the conclusion is inevitable that these numerals from 11 to 40 are 
Whiter's own, but, as the differences of spelling indicate, that they were not written 
at the same time as the numbers one to ten. Who was responsible for the note, 
' The rest are Borrow's,' is not apparent : perhaps it was a conjecture of Mr. 
Norwood's. 



168 



WHITER S 'LINGUA CINGARIANA 



145. BarUr's giv. Barley. 

146. Chasna's giv. Oats. 

IV. Of the Heavens. 

147. Kam. Sun. 

148. Tchun. Moon. {Cynthia.) 

149. Shirke. Stars. 

150. Dood. Light. 

151. Divous. Weather. 

152. Baval. Wind. 

153. Brisk ndo. Eain. 

154. Yog. Fire. 

155. Panee. Water. \ 

156. Piak. Water./ 

157. Bauro Panee. River. 

158. Doriav. The sea. 

159. Deriau. The sea. 

160. Maraze. Frost. 

161. Bero. Ship. 

162. Doriav-engro. Sailor. 

163. Pane-engro. Waterman. 

164. Yiv. Snow. 

165. Toov. Smoke. 

166. Beuje. A flower. 

V. Of Time. 

167. Divous. Day. 

168. Saida. Morning. 

169. Bate. Night. 

170. Tcheeros. Time. (Katpof.) 

171. Ke divous. To-day. 

172. Ovava divous. Yesterday. 

173. Kalako divous. Yesterday. 

174. Kolako divous. To-morrow. 

175. Besh. A year. 

176. Kxirkoos divous. Sunday. 

177. Congre. Church. 

178. Ora. Hour, watch. 

179. Lini. Summer. 

VI. Of Food. 

180. Maura. Bread. (See Welsh.) 

181. Mass. Meat. 

182. Kal. Cheese, (caille.) 

183. Kil. Butter. 

1 84. Koro. A pot. 

185. Knhhin, kob. Victuals, (cibus.) 

186. Dousta. Plenty. 

187. Pour. Belly. 

188. 7'churc. Knife, ((cftpw.) 

189. Prongle. Fork. 

190. Trhaur. Plate. 

191. Scoodilla. Dish for tea, etc. {Sco- 

della, Ital. ; Scutula, hut.) 



192. 
193. 
194. 
195. 
196. 
197. 
198. 
199. 



200. 



Tchauro. A large dish. 

Kola, kail, koha. To eat. 

Piena. To drink, {irivw.) 

Toad. Milk. 

Goodlo. Sugar or honey. 

Mauto. Drunk. 

Moul. AVine. 

Maracle, or marakel. A cake. 

(See Irish and Welsh for -de 

and -kel.) 
Poovengre. Potatoe. {Pomme de 

Tcrre.) 

201. Hernafious. Turnips. 

202. Tatte Pane. Gin, etc. 

203. Pauno. Flour. {Panis, Lat.) 

204. Vinni. Beer. {Vin^im, Lat.) 

VII. Of the Person. 

205. Mooc. Face or mouth. 

206. Dan. Teeth. (Dens, Lat.) 

207. Vast. Hand. 

208. Vastay. Hands. 

209. Vaungaste. Fingers. 

210. Peero. Foot. 

211. Per ay. Feet. 

212. ErrxLT. Legs. 

213. Nok. Nose. 

214. Chong. A knee. 

215. Kan. Ear. 

216. Trupous. Body. 

217. Bel. Hair. 

218. Chib. Tongue. 

219. Wishto. Lips. 

220. Sharo. Head. (Kcipa.) 

221. Sauva, salla. To laugh. 

222. Kotter. A guinea. 

223. Trin korisher. A shilling. 

VIIL Or Dress. 

224. Shubar. Gown. 

225. Vangle. Ear-rings. 

226. Kan-engrc. Ear-rings. 

227. Vangaste. Finger- ring. 

228. Mira-da. Beads. 

229. Ghouha. Coat. 

230. Chirka. Shoe. 

231. Chirhengro. Buckles. 

232. Bi-engri. Waistcoat. 

233. Stady. Hat. 

234. Gad. Skirt. 

235. I'osh-nikous. Handkerchief. 

236. Vongle. Comb. 

237. Kolov. Stocking. 

238. Plashia. Cloke. (TrXeVw.) 



WHITER S 'LINGUA CINGARIANA 



169 



IX. Of Animals. 

239. Matchka. Cat. 

240. Greuvnc. Cow. 

241. Baulcero. Sheep. 

242. Jugal. Dog. 

243. JugU. Bitch. 

244. Gri. Horse. 

245. Grasne. Mare. 

246. Baulo. Pig. 

247. Conengro. Hare. 

248. Shoshi. Rabbit. 

249. Pappin. Goose. 

250. Pappines. Turkey. 

251. Retza. Duck. 

252. Kanne. Hen. 

253. Boshena. Cock. 

254. Pore. A tail. 

255. Chirreda. Bird. 

256. Mela. Ass. 

257. Matcho. Fish. 

258. Starna. Deer. 

259. Pishama. Bee. 

260. Kakaratchka. Magpie. 

X. Of a House, etc. 

261. Kair. House. 

262. Pen. Cabin. 

263. Vodros. Bed. 

264. Woder. Door. 

265. Klitsen. Key. {Clavis, K\eio), 

(cXf y. ) 

266. Kopper. Blanket. 

267. Cacdve. Kettle. 

268. Pekemengro. Gridiron. 

269. MomeU. Candle. 

270. Bar. Flint. 

271. Poutan. Tinder. 

272. Lell. Book. 

273. Penge. To learn. 

274. Koia. A trough. 

XI. Of Trades. 

275. Cacdv-engro. Tinker. 

276. Petal-engro. Farrier. (Petal, 

pedilson, Tre'SiXo, calocus.) 

277. Grasko [gresko] petaUes. Horse- 

shoe. 

278. Morovomengro. Barber. 



XII. Particles 

279.;;Sra. How. 

280. Saa. How. 

281. Sara. How. 

282. Sei. Where. 

283. Ki. Where. 

284. So. What. 

285. Kek. Not. 

286. Nau. Not. 

287. Howale. Yes. 

XIII. Verbs. 

288. Kan, kol. Eat. 

289. Trash. Fear. 

290. See, shan. Are. (Sa shan Ria is 

' How do you do, sir ? ') 

291. Shorn, ovva. Am. 

292. Esse. Are you. 

293. Ella. It is. 

294. Ella, na, ena. They are 

295. Auva, essa. I was. 

296. Roker. To talk. 

297. Pen. To talk. 

XIV. Adjectives. 

298. Toolo. Fat. 

299. Tchuro. Poor. 

300. Sau. All. 

301. Goodie. Sweet. 

302. Shootlo. Sour. 

XV. Pronouns, etc. 

303. Mai. I. 

304. Tu, te, tot. You. 

305. Yov. He. 

306. Yoy. She. 

307. Dovo. That. 

308. Teero. Your. 

309. Los. Him. 

310. La. Her. 

311. £:m<?. Much. 

312. Boot. Much. 

313. l>osfa. Much. 

314. Mishto. WeU. 

315. Padel. After. 

316. Pa«aM. After. 



Conversations on the Foregoing. 



317. Sa shan Ri ? How do you do, sir ? 

318. Sa shan Raune ? How do you do, 

ma' am ? 

319. Mishta dosta para karau tot. Very 

weU, I thank you. 



320. Comauva la viishto. I love her 

dearly. 

321. Comauva los. I love him. 

322. Ne comauva los. I hate him. 

323. Como-hen (or pen). I love. 



► 



170 



WRITERS 'LINGUA CINGARIANA 



324. So se Homane? What is it in 362. 

Gipsy ? 

325. Sa shall Palla ? How are you, 

friend % 

326. Rinkano Chi. A beautiful boy. 

327. Binkana Chi. A beautiful girl. 

328. Pila-pen. To woo. 

329. Kotcha-pen. Morbus venereus. 

330. Bitto Racklo. A little boy. 

331. Bitta RakU. A little girl. 

332. Posh Romanes, posh Cawje kunties. 

Half Gipsy, half English 
language. {bis=posh.) 

333. Beng te lei tot. The devil take 

you. 

334. [?] Nevi Foras. New Market. 

335. Moola jaiu te poov. The corpse 

goes to the grave. 

336. Vassavo divous. Bad weather. 

337. Kooshke divous. Fine weather. 

338. Tatto divous. A hot day. 

339. Chillelo. It is cold. 

340. Tatto-se. It is hot. 

341. Kindu hen. I am wet. 

342. Shuku-shom. 1 am dry. 

343. Dood-se. It is light. 

344. Avrai se yog. The fire is out. 

345. Aprai se yog. The fire is up. 

346. Kisse haval koloko ratee. Much 

wind last night. 

347. Kaulo se. It is dark. {KcXaivos, 

coal.) 

348. Paum. White. 

349. Saulo se. It is morning. 

350. Kalake rdtee. Last night. 

351. Jau te souto. Go to sleep. 

352. Souto. Sleep. 

353. Mishta dosta souto yom. I slept 

well. 

354. Nistis souvdva he rat. I could not 

sleep to-night.^ 

355. Aj)rai s'o kam. The sun is up. 

356. Jawte vodros kam. The sun is set. 

357. Teldy s'o kam. The sun is set. 

358. Besh teldy o kam. The sun is set. 

359. .S'o se ora ? What o'clock is it ? 

360. Kol dousta kobhin. To eat plenty 

of victuals. 

361. Paxiro pour. A full belly. 



363. 
364. 
365. 

366. 

367. 
368. 
369. 

370. 
371. 

372. 
373. 

374. 

375. 
376. 
377. 
378. 
379. 
380. 
381. 
382. 
383. 
384. 
385. 
386. 
387. 
388. 

389. 
390. 

391. 
392. 



.A^, 



393. 
394. 
395. 
396. 



Nistis kauva ke divos. I could not 
eat to-day. {Ker is the verb of 
action.)^ 

Kerabe te yog. Light the fire. 

Avi-d se yog. The fire is out. 

Kerdve coosa pane. Boil a little 
water. 

Bohalo shom. I am hungry. 

TroshaJo shom. I am thirsty. 

Ma kairava los. I did it (a man).^ 

Mai kairava los. I did it (a 
woman).-' 

Kair yog. Make the fire. 

Dooe meile seeka kolla. Two jack- 
asses are eating together.* 

Oka tchiire. Give me the knife. 

Pie.na les kokoro. They drink it 
themselves. 

Okis scammin ; pesh poshee mandee. 
Here 's a chair ; sit by me. 

Shootlo. Sour. 

Goodlo. Sweet. 

Lalle moul. Eed wine. 

Kaulo bel. Black hair. 

Per-de. A traveller. 

Nok-engro. Snuff". 

Vassave chib. A bad-sjjoken one. 

Kooshke chib. A well-spoken one. 

Shu7i. To hear. 

Rif tot. Dress yourself. 

Sottu-se juggal. The dog's asleep. 

Kistdva gri. I am going to ride. 

Klitsen de woder. Lock the door. 

Jawte hairier. Go, build your 
cabin. 

Tahela movielc. Light a candle. 

Pengc les kohoro. They learn it 
themselves. 

Gri. A horse. 

Ch-esho. Of a horse, {-sho is the 
articular postfix as in Hindo- 
stanee). 

B. — Adjectives are formed by add- 
ing -lo or -elo to the substantive ; 
as — 

Bouk. Hunger. 

Boukelo. Hungry. 

Shoot. Vinegar. 

Shootlo. Sour. 



' I cannot sleep to-night. 
* I am doing {or will do) it. 



- I cannot eat to-day. 
The distinction of gender is imaginary. 
* Verb singular instead of plural. Dooe meiU see ka kona (are which eat) would 
iiave lieen more correct. AV/a, occurs in No. 294 as a plural verbal termination, 
showing that \Vhitcf s Gypsies, like Wester Uoswell, were a little lax in this 
respect. C/. 9 and 32, 



whiter's 'lingua cingariana 



171 



From Whiter's Etymologicon Magnum, Cambridge, 1800. 



397. Romani. Name of the Gipseys in 408. 

their own language : Preface. 409. 

398. Shnbar. A gown : p. 18. 

399. Copper. The blanket or covering 410. 

stretched over their tent, and 
afterwards a blanket in general : 
pp. 18-19. 

400. Craftnis. Buttons : p. 26. 

401. Cacdve. A kettle : p. 33. Means, 

I believe, ' the kettle,' and cave is, 
as I imagine, the true representa- 
tive for the name of the vessel. 411. 
... ke or ka is, I believe, one of 
the Gipsey articles. If, however, 412. 
it be not the article, it is the ter- 
mination of a case, according to 
Grellmann (p. 153) both in the 
Gipsey and in the Hindoo lan- 
guages ... in the Gipsey pro- 
nunciation it [the penultimate 
letter of cacave] is long, cacdve ; 
let me add for the honour of 
Gipsey prosody, that some of 
the MSS. of Julius Pollux read 

402. Sova. Sleep (verb). Lat. sopio : 413. 

p. 54-6. 414. 

403. Soto. Sleep (noun) koItos. Some- 415. 

times used as a verb : p. 56. 416. 

404. Ga te soto, ga te vodros. Go to 

sleep, go to bed : p. 56. Ga is 417. 
sounded as jav:, with the g soft ; 

and I have represented it by g, 418. 

in order to shew its identity 419. 

^vith our word go. 420. 

405. Nistis sovava ke rat. I did not 421. 

sleep to-night : p. 56. 422. 

406. Coma ben. I am loving, I love : 

p. 60, coma ben, p. 376. 423. 

407. Coma tot. I love you : p. 60. 

When they [the Gypsies] inform 424. 
you that it [the word for ' love '] 
is coma hen and coma tot, they 425. 
mean ' I am loving ' or ' I love ' ; 
and the latter is ' I love you.' 426. 
In Mr. Bryant's collection love is 427. 
represented in one word commo- 428. 
ben ; and in that inaccurate 429. 
catalogue to be found in Grell- 430. 
man, a kiss is called in Gipsey 431. 
Tchumoben, though in the par- 
allel Hindoo we have it, as I 432. 
conjecture, Tschnina. 



Peri. The feet : p. 85-6. 

Foras. A market town. Latin, 
forum : p. 86. 

Neve foras. Newmarket : p. 86. 
In talking with a venerable Bra- 
miness of that order, and having 
occasion to translate the word 
New - Market into the Gipsey 
language, I was informed that 
Neve Foras would be the exact 
translation. 

Gav. A village : pp. 87, 92, 
104. 

Banker 0. A sheep : p. 165. In the 
Gipsey language Banker o signi- 
fies a sheep ; and what is ex- 
tremely curious, the venerable 
Braminess, who taught me this 
part of her language, informed 
me likewise that some Blacks 
from the coast of Africa, whom 
.she had accidentally seen, had 
used a similar term for that 
animal. In their language a 
sheep was chy banker o : p. 166. 

Bomi. Man : p. 172. 

Gobbin. Food : pp. 178-9. 

Giv. Wheat : pp. 180-6. 

Zimin. Broth : p. 183. Greek 

Nistis kau-va ke divve. I did not 

eat to-day : p. 183. 
Chaw. Grass : pp. 183, 184. 
Tern. Country : pp. 202, 212. 
Little : p. 202. 
Tooth : p. 242. 
Tongue : pp. 242-3. Persian 



Bad-spoken per- 
Good-spoken per- 
Fingers : 



Bitta. 

Dan. 

Chib. 

Zxibann. 
Vassave chib. 

son : p. 242. 
Koosh ke chib. 

son : p. 242. 
Favg-gaste, Fangaste. 

pp. 266, 272. 
Vaste. Hand, fist : p. 273. 
Yog. Fire : p. 296. 
Bel. Hair : p. 321. 
Chave. Boy : pp. 373-5. 
Chi. Girl : pp. 375-6. 
Chiva ben. I am alive : pp. 373-6. 
Cheeva. Life : p. 450. 
Tikno chave. Young child : p. 375. 

Greek t€kvco, t(kvov. 



172 



avhiter's 'lingua cingariana' 



433. Mera ben. I am dying : p. 376. 438. Trin. Three : p. 476. 

Ben, as in our language, and 439. Staiir. Four : pp. 476-8. 

other dialects of the Teutonic, 440. Pange. Five : p. 476. 

signifies 'I bin' or 'am.' Ml. Sho^iv. Six : p. 476. 

434. Molo. Corpse : p. 376. 442. Efta. Seven : p. 476. 

435. Mar. Death : p. 370. 443. Okto. Eight : p. 476. 

436. Yek. One : pp. 476-8, 490. 444. Ennea. Nine : p. 476. 

437. Dooe. Two : p. 476. 445. Desk. Ten : p. 476. 



From Writer's Etymologicon Universale, Cambridge, Vol. I., 
1822 (Preface dated 1811); Vol. II. {i.e. Part 2 of Vol. I.), 
1822 ; Vol. III., 1825. 



446. Poor. Earth : Introduction, 107. 

447. Paune. Water : Introduction, 

108. 

448. Okto. Eight : i. 128. 

449. Yek. One : i. 222, 337. 

450. Se. Is : i. 290, 312, 338. 

451. So, sa. How, what : i. 312. 

452. So se Romane. What is it in 

Gipsey ? i. 312. 

453. Sa shan Ria, Sa shan Raunea? 

How do you do, sir ? How do 
you do, madam ? i. 312. 

454. Sa. How : i. 339. 

455. So. What : i. 339. 

456. Ki. Where : i. 339. 

457. Efta. Seven : i. 508. 

458. Yog. Fire : ii. 849-50. 

459. Ri. Gentleman, sir : ii. 1004. 

460. Raune. Lady, madam : ii. 1004. 

461. Rato. Night : ii. 1069. 

462. Rome.^ Man : ii. 1215-19. The 

English cant term Rum was 
originally derived from the 
Gypsies : ii. 1220. 

463. Romani. Name by which the 

Gipseys distinguish their own 
tribe : ii. 1223. 

464. Petal-engro. Farrier : iii. 32. 



465. Cucave-engro. Tinker : iii. 32. The 

term engro means ' in,' ' engaged 
in,' ' concerned in,' and is added 
to substantives for the purpose of 
expressing the occupation of a 
person. 

466. Gre sko petalles. Horse-shoe : iii. 

32. 

467. Gre, gri. Horse : iii. 32. Sko is 

the post positive article denot- 
ing ' of.' 

468. Stmir. Four : iii. 37. 

469. Padel. After : iii. 47. 

470. Besh. Down : iii. 38-47. 

471. Beshte s'o kam. The sun is set, or 

down : iii. 47. 

472. Besh telsc. Sit down : iii. 47. 

473. Okhis scammin, besh-poshe mandee. 

There 's a chair, sit down by me : 
iii. 47. 

474. Okhis. Greek e/cet : iii. 47. 

475. Scammin. Latin, scamnum : iii. 

47. 

476. Vassave. Base, bad : iii. 38-47. 

477. Vassave chib. Bad tongue, bad- 

spoken person : iii. 47. 

478. Ba^ikero. Sheep : iii. 232. 



For convenience of reference an alphabetical index of all Whiter's 
words and forms, excepting the personal terminations of the 
indicative present (No. 291 to 295), is added. A few of the 
mistranslations which appear in the vocabularies have been 
already corrected in footnotes, and these, as well as many others, 
are marked ' mistr.' in the index. Verbal inflections are grouped 

' Tliis word appears to have been taken from Bryant, though, unlike the cases 
of borrowing which occur in the Etymologicon Mognum, no acknowledgment is 
made. 



writer's 'lingua cingariana' 



173 



together under the verb-stem, which is enclosed in square 
brackets. 

Whiter's spelling is not quite consistent : au generally repre- 
sents d (baido, gaujo, mauto, staur, raune), but the same sound 
is sometimes expressed otherwise, as in chatv, gawje, gorjo ; ai is 
usually e (aprai, kaidom, lai, iniai), but there are also telay, 
vastay, te ; and for the sound which is heard in the English word 
'rare' he has sharo, hero, kair. The final i is almost always 
written e {avr4, congle, congre, rakle); but not invariably, for 
there are also avree, cannee, mandee, ratee, and stady : and for % 
he has teero, peero, piena. For u Whiter usually wrote oo (boot, 
coose, dood), but in greuvne, reuje, shun, tcheure he used other 
symbols. His final i represents the diphthong ai {chi, di, gri, hi, 
ri, hi-engre), but he wrote meile. His ou seems most commonly 
to stand for o, as in boukelo, bouv, souto, divous, chouha, moul, 
podoiis, poiitan, pour, souvava, sJiouv, dousta, trupous, kioum. 
With regard to consonants it need only be mentioned that his g 
is hard except in ga, and perhaps in penge, and that the guttural 
aspirate is represented variously as in kobbin, gobbin, and hobbin. 

Alphabetical Index. 



adovva, that [ille] : 52. 
aduvau, rendered ' it,' 54. 
dovai : 61, 80. 
dove, mistr. ' two ' : 32. 
dovo : 10, 307. 
adra, in : 68. 

drai, mistr. ' there ' : 45. 
a menga, for us : 48. 
menga (in peerasse menga, let ns 
walk): 16. 
apray, wp, upon, with dava = to read: 
64, 65, 66. 
ap: 63. 

aprai : 60, 355. 
aprai : 345. 
prarj : 19. 
[av-, to come.] 

av : impcrntivc : 58. 
av eta: emphatic im,pcratire : 57. S. & 
C, ava td. Gilliat-Smith, av-tdr", 
J. G. L. S., New Series, ii. 5. 
avree, out : 49. 
avrai : 344. 
avre : 364. 
bar, flint : 270. 
baukero, sheep : 241, 412, 478. 



baulo, pig: 246. 

barter's giv, barley : 145. 
bauro, large : 40. 

bauro drom, highroad : 76. 

bauro panee, river : 157. 
baval, wind : 152, 346. 
bel, hair : 217, 378, 428. Cf. Bryant's 
parallel forms, jjan and 2Jen, sister ; 
and Sep and sap, serpent. 
beng, devil : 133, 333. 
bero, shijj : 161. 
besh, year : 175. 
besh, twenty : 104. 
[besh-, to sit.] 

besh : imperative : 37, 472, 473. 

pesh : imperative : 374. 

besh, mistr. ' down ' : 470. 

beshte, set: j;. part. : 471. 

beshto, set : p. part. : 39. 

besh teluy [heshte lay], set : jJ- part. ; 
358. 

boshuva [ — beshuva], I will sit : 38. 
bi-engre, waistcoat : 232. 
bitto, little : masc. : 330. 

bitta: fern. : 331, 420. 
boot, very, much : 6, 312. 



174 



writer's 'lingua cingariana' 



boote, trade : 24. 
[boshav-, to play music] 

bosh a mengry, tiddle : 46. 

bosh n mongro, fiddler, 47. 
boshena, cock : 253. 
bouk, hunger : 393. 

bokalo, hungry : 366". 

bouhelo : 394. 
bouv, oven : 44. Paspati, bov, four. 
Borrow, Lavolil, 26"), bo. Pott, ii. 
405. Sampson, J. G. L. S., Old 
Series, iii. 74, buv, .stove. 
brish ndo, rain : 153. 
cacd'vc, kettle : 267, 401. 

cacave-engro, tinker : 465. 

cacfiv-engro, tinker : 275. 
chavo, boy : 115, 117. 

chave, boy, c^hild : 429, 432. 

chavd, rendered 'boys' : 32. 
chaw, grass : 418. 
-chel (in romanc chel, pack of Gipsies) : 

131. 
chi, girl : 118, 120, 327, 430. 

chi, mistr. ' boy ' : 326. 
chib, tongue : 218, 381, 382, 422, 423, 
424, 477. 

chiv, 1 tongue : 84. 
chih, mud : 135. 
chillelo, cold : 339. 
chirka, shoe, 230. 

chirk-engro, buckles [ = buckle] : 231. 
chirrecla, bird : 255. 
[chiv- ( —jiv-), to live.] 

chiva ben,\yde\ mistr. 'I am alive': 431. 

chceva, life : 431. 
[chiv-, to put.] 

chic : imjjerdtice : 45. 
chong, knee : 214. 
chouha, coat : 229. 
[com-, to love.] 

comauvd, I love : 320, 321 ; with ne 
= I hate: 322. 

coma, I love : 407. 

coma beti : 406 ; comO-beu or -pen : 
323 ; como ben : 406 ; love, n. 
abstr. : mistr. ' I love.' 
camera, parlour : 18. 
congic, comb : 236. 
congrr, church : 177. 
C008C, a little : 16. 

roosa : 365. 
craflnis, l>utton3 : 400. 
[da-, to give.] 

del a, she gives (in del a . . . apray, 
reads) : 65, 



del, he gives (in del . . . apray, reads) : 
64. 

ella, mistake for della (in ella yiv, it 
snows) : 29. 

den, they give (in den apray, they 
read) : 66 ; (in den ap, mistr. 
' reading ') : 63. 
dad, father : 125. 

dan, tooth : 421 ; mistr. 'teeth' : 206. 
de, the : Engli.sh article mispronounced : 

387. 
[dek; to .see.] 

dekella, he looks : 27. 
desh, ten : 94, 445. 

desch ta yek, eleven : 95. 

deschta-diii, twelve : 96. 

deschtatrin, thirteen : 97. 

deschta store, fourteen : 98. 

dcschta pansch, fifteen : 99. 

deschta shov, sixteen : 100. 

deschta hefta, seventeen : 101. 

deschta octo, eighteen : 102. 

deschtenneah, nineteen : 103. 
di, mother : 126. 
di7inalo, foolish : 69. 
dlvos, day : 362. 

divous, day : 17, 27, 167, 171, 172, 
173, 174, 176, 338; 'weather': 
151, 336, 337. 

divve : 417. 

divvos : 33, 73. 

duvos : 34. 
dood, light: 150, 343. 
doriav, sea : 158. 

deriau : 159. 

doriav-engro, sailor : 162. 
dosta, much, very : 313, 319, 353. 

dotta, enough : 73, 80, 84. 

dotto, plenty : 48. 

dousta, very, plenty : 3, 186, 360. 
drom, road : 76, 
dui, two : 96. 

dooe : 371, 4.37. 

dooe : 86. 

dooi : 56. 
duvol, god : 132. 

me duvoleska, for God's sake (dat.) : 
22. 
efta, seven : 91, 442, 457. 

hefta, 101. 
cnnea, nine : 93, 444. 

eniieah : 103. 
errur[ = herda], legs : 212. 
fangaste, fingers : 425, 

fang-gaste : 425. 



writer's 'lingua cingariana' 



175 



vaungaste : 209. 

vangaste, finger-ring : 227. 
fello, Eng. ' fellow ' 69 (in dinnalo 

siofello, ' a foolish fellow). 
for us, market : 142. 

foras, mai'ket-town : 409. 

nevi foras : 334 ; neve foras : 410 ; 
Newmarket. 
gad, shirt : 234. 
gaujo, man : 1. 

gorjo, 107. 

gaiije [tor ganjo] : 70. 

gaujee : 74, 75 ; ga.ivje : 2 ; gorje : 
112 ; woman. 

cawje konnes l = gdjikanes], English 
languas;e : 332. 
gav, village ; 141, 411. 
giv, corn, wheat : 144, 415. 

barhr's giv, barley : 145. 

grasna's giv, oats : 146. 
goodlo, sweet : 301, 376. 

goodie, sugar, honey : 196. 
grallis, king : 127. 
grasne, mare : 245. 

grasna : 146. 
greuvne, cow : 240. 
gri, horse : 244, 386, 391, 467. 

gre : 467. 

grasko : 277 ; gresho : 392 ; gre sko, 
466 ; of a horse. 
hernajious, turnips : 201. 
[is- : verb substantive.] 

shorn, I am : 6, 291, 342, 366, 367. 

shan, thou art : 290, 317, 318, 325, 
453. 

shon, thou art : 83. 

shayi, ye are : 4. 

se, is : 10, 14, 15, 20, 23, 33, 34, 44, 
49, 60, 61, 72, 324, 340, 343, 344, 
345. 347, 349, 359, 364, 385, 450, 
452. 

s' [ = si]: 39, 355, 357, 471. 

see : 54. 

si: 69. 

see, are : 3, 5, 290, 371. 
[ja-, to go.] 

j'ovva, I am going : 7. 

ja see, thou goest : mistr, ' [she] is 
going ' : 75. 

jalla, [he] is going : 70. 

ja'lla, [it] goes : 24 ; mistr. ' they 
go': 9. 

jessa, let us go : 71. 

ja'nna, they go : 8. 

jau, go : imjieraiive : 351. 



jan, go : imperative : mistake for jau : 

81. 
jaw, go : imperative : 404. 
ga, go : imperative : 404. 
jaw [? for jaivs], ' [he] goes ' : 335. 
jarvte, go : emphatic imperative : 388. 

Cf. av eta. 
jawte, gone : ? jaw'd to : 356. 
[jen-, to know.] 
jeimeasa, knowest thou : 72. 
jen nessa, 61. 
jugal, dog : 242. 
juggal : 385. 
jugle, bitch : 243. 
jural, woman : 113. 
ka, [that, rel. 2^ron.'] (in seeka) : 371. 
[ka-, to eat.] 

kauva, I eat : 362 ; kau-va, mistr. ' I 

did eat': 417. 
kau, [imj)er.] defined ' eat,' ' to eat ' : 

193, 288. 
kola, [he eats] mistr. 'to eat' : 193. 
kolla, [he eats] used for ' they eat ' : 

371. 
kol, [eats] defined ' eat,' ' to eat ' : 288, 

360. 
ki oum, [I have eaten] mistr. ' we 

eat': 73. 
hobbin, breakfast : 71. 
hobbtn, victuals : 48. 
gobhin, food : 414. 
kobbin, victuals : 185, 360. 
kob, victuals : 185. 
koba, defined ' to eat ' : 193. 
cobbinengro, trencher : 77. 
\kairier-, to build a house.] 

hairier : imperative : 388. 
kakaratchka, magpie : 260. 
kal, cheese : 182. 

kalako (in kalako divous), yesterday : 
173. 
kalake (in kalakc rutee), last night : 

350. 
kolako (in kolako divous), to-morrow : 

17, 174. 
koloko (in kolako ratee), last night : 
346. 
kam, sun : 39, 147, 355, 356, 357, 358, 

471. 
kan, ear : 215. 

kan-cngrc, ear-rings : 226. 
conengro, hare : 247. 
kanne, hen : 252. 

cannee, fowl : 79. 
kas, hay : 140. 



176 



writer's 'lingua cingariana' 



kanlo, dark, black : 347, 378. 
ke [ = aka], this. 

ke dlvos : 362 ; ke divous : 27, 171 ; 
ke divve : 417 ; ke divvos : 73 ; 
to-day. 

ke rat, to-night : 354, 405. 
ke, at : 4. 

kek, no, not : 36, 285. 
ke nau, now : 71. 

ke-nan, [for kenau], 33. 
ker, house : 4. 

kair: 261. 

ken', [home] : 8, 9 ; keri : 7 ; (loc). 

kairier, build a house : 388. 
[ker-, to do, to make.] 

kairovo, I will do : 51. 

kairava, [pres. or fut.] mistr. ' I 
did ' : 368, 369. 

ker -esse, doest thou : 12. 

kaidom, I did : 52. 

mai don-ma [} = kaidom me^ : 55. 

ker, make : imperative : 41. 

kair, make : imperative, 370. 
[kerav-, to cook, to boil.] 

kera vella, it boils : 42. 

kerdve, boil : imperative : 365. 

kerdbe : imperative : mistr. ' light ' : 
363. 
ki [aki], here : 58. 
ki, where : 75, 283, 456. 

sei, where : 282 : 1 mistake for kei. 
kil, butter : 183. 
kindo ben, [wetness] mistr. ' I am wet ' : 

341. 
kisse, much : 311, 346. 
[kixt-, to ride.] 

kistdva, I will ride : 386. 
klitsen, key : 265. 

klitsen, lock : imperative : 387. 
koia, ' trough ' [lit. ' thing '] : 274. 
kokoro, themselves : 373, 390. 
kolov, stocking : 237. 
kooshke, fine, good : 337, 382. 

koosh ke, 424. 
koppjer, blanket : 266. 

copper : 399. 
korisher, groat (in trin korisher, shil- 
ling) : 223. 
koro, pot : 184. 
kosht, wood : 59. 

cosht: 137. 
[kotche.r-, to burn.] 

kotche : imperative : 59. 

kotcha (in kotcha-wondros) : 72. 

kotrha-pev, morbus venerens : 329. 



kotter, guinea : 222. 

kurkoos (in kurkoos divous), Sunday : 

176. 
la. See yoy. 
[la-, to take.] 

lovo, I will have : 67. 
lei, [he takes] defined ' to take ' : 26. 
te lei [opt.], may he take : 333. 
lai, take : imperative : 50, 68. 
lalU, red : 377. 
-le, they: enclitic p'on. "(in secle, they 

are) : 3. 
les. See yov. 
Ill, book : 62. 

lell : 272. 
lini, summer : 179. Pasp., nildi. S. & 

C, lilei, Ulei. Pott, ii. 322. 
loohni, scortum : 129. 
mai, I : 38, 51, 52, 67, 303, 369 ; ? 55 
(in Mai don-ma), 
ma, 55, 368. 

mandee, to me : prepositional : 374, 
473. 
mar, death [ = mar-, ' to kill '] : 435. 
maracle, cake : 45, 199. 

marakel : 199. 
maraze, frost : 160. Grellmann, Ed. i., 
mrascha, der Mond (omitted in 
Ed. ii.), mrascha, der Thau {mra- 
schu, Ed. ii.). BischofF, mohraso, 
Eis. Liebich, moreso, der Eiszap- 
fen ; umraso, Eis. Von Sowa 
(Eastern dialect), mrdzo. Frost. 
Finck, mrdzo, Eis, Eiszapfen. Pott, 
ii. 194 and 453. 
mass, meat : 181. 
matchka, cat : 239. 
matcho, fish : 257. 
mau lako, rendered ' it is not so ' : 36. 

Borrow, malleco, 'false.' 
mauro, bread : 180. 

maur engro, baker : 53. 
mauto, drunk : 197. 
me, my : po^s. adj. : obliq. : 22. 
mela, ass : 256. 

meilc, jackasses : 371. 
[mer-, to die.] 

mera ben, death : 433 ; mistr. ' I 
am dying.' 
mira-cla, beads : 228. 
mishto, well : 78, 314 ; 'dearly' : 320. 
mishta : 3, 80, 319, 353. 
mifhti : 27 ; ' very fast ' : 25. 
momile, candle : 389. 
momele : 269. 



WHITER S ' LINGUA CINGARIANA 



177 



monish, man : 109. 

monishney, woman : 114. 
mooe, face or mouth : 205. 
moola, corpse : 335. 

molo, 434. 
[morov-, to shave.] 

morovomengro, barber : 278. 
moul, wine : 198, 377. 
mush, man : 108. 
7iashfelo, ill : 6. 
7iau, not : 286. 

ne, 322. 
nav, name : 23. ' 
neve, new : 410. 

nevi : 334. 

iiistis, [it is impossible] : 354, 362, 405, 

417. 

mistis : 74. 

wistis : 13. 

nok, nose : 213. 

noh-engro, snuff: 380. 
0, the : 17, 39, 64, 69, 172, 355, 357, 

358, 471. 
oTcis, here is, there is : 374. 

okhis : 473, 474. The s is probably 
derived from the word scammin, 
which follows. 
oka, mistr. ' give me ' : 372. 
okto, eight : 92, 443, 448. 

octo : 102. 
ora, hour, watch, o'clock ; 178, 359. 
owtday, yes : 82. 

howaU : 287. 
X>adel, after : 315, 469. 
pal, brother : 5. 
palla, brother, friend [voc] : 58, 123, 
325. 
pallau, after : 316. 
pane, water : 41, 42, 365. 
panee, 155. 
panne, 447. 

tatte pane, gin, etc. : 202. 
bauro panee, river : 157. 
panc-engro, waterman : 163. 
jianj, five : 89. 
pange : 440. 
pansch : 99. 
[pand-, to shut.] 

j)anlo : p. part. : 15. 
pappin, goose : 249. 
pappines, [geese] mistr. ' turkey ' : 
250. 
[parakar-, to thank.] 

2}ara karau, I thank : 319. 
paramoosh, dream : 31. Cf. Sampson, 

VOL. XL — NO. II. 



J. G. L. S., Old Series, iii. 77. 
paramissa, story. Pott, ii. 359. 
Groome, In Gipsy Tents, p. 162. 
pauno, white : 13. 
paune : 348. 
pauno, flour : 203. 
pavro, full : 361. 
peera, boiler ; 40. 
[peer-, to walk.] 
peer-asse, let us walk : 16. 
per-de, traveller : 379. 
jyeero, foot : 210. 
per ay, feet : 211. 
pere, feet : 408. 
[pek-, to roast.] 

pekemengro, gridiron : 268. 
pen, sister : 5, 124. 
pen, cabin : 262. Probably the sufiix 

of an abstract noun : e.g. lodipen. 
[pen-, to say.] 
pen-esse, sayest thou : 11. 
pen, ? they say : 84. 
pen, to talk : 297. 
pengc, learn : 273, 390. This may be 
the reflexive pronoun in a sentence, 
pengc les kokoro, where the verb 
(e.g. sikena) is lost. But in that 
case, there would be a redundance 
of reflexives, and just as Whiter 
wrote ga for jaiv, he may have 
written penge for penjer, the im- 
perative of the verb which Borrow 
recorded as penchava, 'to think.' 
Cf. Mik. viii. 53. In this case the 
sentence would mean 'know (or 
learn) it yourself (sing.). Or per- 
haps penge is simply pende, 'they 
said.' 
per-de. See peer-, 
petalles, horse-shoe [pL] : 277, 466. 

petal-engro, forrier : 276, 464. 
[pi-, to drink.] 
piah, [I drink] mistr. 'water' : 156. 
iriena, they drink : 373 ; mistr. 'to 
drink ' : 194. 
[pirav-, ' to woo.'] 
pila-pen, wooing : transl. ' to woo ' : 

328. 
pireno, sweetheart : 128. 
pirene : 128. 
piro, open : 14. 
pishama, bee : 259. 
plashta, cloke : 238. 

plookte, sheets : 30. 
podous, stairs : 19. 



178 



WHITEU'S ' LINGUA CINGAIUANA ' 



pooro, old : 1. 

poor a : fern. ; 75, 

poore : fern. : 2. 
poos, straw : 139. 
poov, earth : 134, 446 ; grave : 335. 

poovengre, potato : 200. 
pore, tail : 254. 
posh, half : 332. 
poshe, by [near] : 473. 

poshee : 374. 
posh-nilous, handkerchief : 235. 
pom; belly : 187, 361. 
poutan, tinder : 271. 
[prast-, to run.] 

prastella, he runs : 25. 
pronglc, fork : 189. [Cant or slang.] 
raMo, boy : 116. 

racMo: 330. 

raUe : 119, 331 ; girl. 
rat, night : 354, 405. 

rate : 169. 

rato : 461. 

ratee : 346 ; rdtee : 350 ; loc. 
raune, lady, madam : 122, 318. 

raune : 460. 

raunee : 65, 66. 

raunca : 453. 
retza, duck : 251. 
reuje, flower : 166. S. & C, roozho. 

Pott, ii. 280, s. V. rosa. 
ri, gentleman, sir : 66, 121, 317, 459. 

ria : 64. 

ria : voc. : 290, 453. 
[rif; to dress.] 

rif : imperative : 384. 
rinkano, beautiful : 326. 

rinhana : fern. : 327. 
[roler-, to talk.] 

rokera, I will tell : 21. 

rolcer ella, [he talks] : mistr. ' they 
talk': 32. 

rolcer, to talk : 296. 
romani, the name Gypsy in their own 
language : 397, 463. 

romane : 83, 84. 

roraane, Gypsy : 130, 131. 

romane : 452 ; romdnd : 324 ; in Gypsy. 

remand chel, pack of Gypsies : 131. 

romanes, Gypsy language [adv.] : cf. 
cawjc honnefi : 332. 
rome, man : 462. Probably frnin 
Bryant. 

romi : 41.3. 
[romer-, to marry.] 

romado, a married man : p. part. : 35. 



rool; tree : 138. 
[.s'o-, to laugh.] 

sauva, [I laugh] mistr. ' to laugh ' : 

221. 
salla, [he laughs] mistr. ' to laugh ' : 
221. 
sa, how : 4, 5, 24, 279, 290, 317, 318, 
325, 451, 453, 454. 
saa : 280. 
sara : 281. 
sau, all : 4, 71, 80, 300. 

sun, 3 [? mistranscription for sau]. 
satda, morning : 168. 

saulo : 349. 
scammin, chair : 374, 473, 475. 
scoodilla, dish for ten, etc. : 191. S. & 

C, skooddlin, skoodilin. 
se. See is-, 
shan. See is-, 
sharo, head : 220. 
shirks, stars : 149. Pott, ii. 197. 
f<hoot, vinegar: 395. 

shootlo, sour : 302, 375, 396. 
shoshi, rabbit : 248. 
i^hom. See is-, 
shov, six : 100. 

shouo : 90, 441. 
shubar, gown : 224, 398. 
shuko, dry : 342. 
[shun-, to hear.] 

shunava, [I hear] mistr. ' [she] heard ' : 

74. 
sMm, to hear : 383. 
•so, what: 10, 11, 12, 23, 61, 72, 284, 

324, 359, 451, 452, 455. 
[sov-, to sleep.] 

sovava, [I sleep] mistr. ' I slept ' : 405. 

sovauva : 78 ; mistr. ' I slept.' 

souvdva : 354. 

sovessa, [thou sleepest] : 78. 

sova, [to] sleep : 402. 

souto yom, I slept : 353. 

soto, [j). part.] : 403, 404 ; souto : 351, 

352 ; sleep. 
sotto, asleep : 385. 
stady, hat : 233. 
starapen, prison : 143. 
starna, deer: 258. S. & C, stadni, 

deer, stag. 
staur, four : 88, 439, 468. 

store : 98. 
storanda, forty : 106. 
ta, and: 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 
102. 
te : 5, 66. 



writer's 'lingua cingariana' 



179 



[tab-, to light.] Paspati, tapava, 

^chauffer, bruler ; tavdva, tdbiovava, 

tdpiovava, tabardva, tabiardva. 

Mik., viii. 81. 

tabela, [he lights] mistr. 'light' 

[imper.]: 389. 
tabe, light : imper. : 43. 
tatschapen, truth : 21 

tatsohapen : 20 ; mistr. ' true.' 
tatto, hot : 44, 338. 
tatto: 340. 

tatte pane, gin, etc. : 202. 
tchaur, plate : 190. 

t'chatiro, large dish : 192. 
tcheeros, time : 170. 
tchun, moon : 148. 
tchure, knife : 188. 
tcheure : 50. 
tchure: 372. 
tchuro, poor : 299. 

<e, the : 363. = English ' the ' mispro- 
nounced. See de. 
te, to : 71, 335, 351, 356, 404. 
te, that [conj.] : 70, 333. 
teero, thy : 4, 308. 
te, thy : 23, 24. 

vo, [for to] (in adravo vast) : 68. 
teldy, down : set (of sun) : 357, 358. 
telay : 38. 
telay : 37. 

telse : 472. Groome suggests misprint 
for telae. 
tern, country : 136, 419. 

temma, [pi.] : 136. 
tikno, young, infant : 117, 432. 

tikna : fern. : 120. 
tood, milk : 195. 
toolo, fat : 298. 
toov, smoke : 165. 



[tov-, to wash.] 

tovello, she washes : 13. 
[trash-, to fear.] 

trash, [to] fear : 289. 
trianda, thirty : 105. 
trin, three : 87, 97, 223, 438. 
troshalo, thirsty : 367. 
trupous, body : 216. 
tu, thou : 37, 304. 
te: 304. 

tot, thee [ace] : 304, 319, 333, 384, 407. 
toTca, to thee [dat.] mistr. ' there ' : 
81. 
vangaste, ^nger-rmg: 227. SeefangastS. 
vangle, ear-rings : 225. 
vassavo, bad : 336. 

vassave : 381, 423, 476, 477. 
vast, hand : 68, 207. 
vaste : 426. 
vastay, hands : 208. 
vava, other: 17, 172. 
vinni [lovina], beer : 204. 
vodros, bed : 263, 356, 404. 

woodros : 72 (in Jcotcha woodros). 
wishto, lips : 219. 
woder, door : 264, 387. 

wodder : 14, 15. 
yek, one : 85, 95, 436, 449. 
yiv, snow : 29, 164. 

yiv ella, it snows : 28. 
yog, fire : 43, 49, 60, 154, 344, 345, 363, 

364, 370, 427, 458. 
yov, he : 110, 305. 

les, it [ace] : 51, 67, 68, 373, 390. 
las, it [ace] : 55, 368, 369. 
las, him [ace] : 309, 321, 322. 
yoy, she : 111, 306. 

la, her [ace] : 310, 320. 
zimin, broth : 416. 



180 REVIEWS 



REVIEWS 

ANGLO-AMERICAN ROMMANY : A Reply 

IN the July number of the Journal of the Chjpsy Lore Society, Mr. John 
Sampson has seen fit to fulminate furiously against my short monograph 
on the ' Englisli-Rommany Jargon of the American Roads ' {Journal of the 
American Oriental Society, xxviii. 271-308), implying throughout his critique that 
I have copied my material exclusively from Leland's Gypsy treatises, instead of 
testing it properly on the roads. 

There is a curious method of thug-criticism which I had hitherto believed to be 
inherently French, which may be best exemplified by an illustration from Mr. 
Sampson's conscientious martellade. In my article (p. 273) I expressly state : ' In 
the following glossary, my comparison of Rommany words with modern Hindu 
forms simply indicates a connexion in root and does not in any case imply my 
belief that Rommany is derived from any modern Hindu idiom.' Yet the truly 
Gallic INIr. Sampson, in his review (p. 82), accuses me of 'jumjiing at a bound from 
American Gypsy to Sanskrit or Hindu ' ! In other words, he purposely ignores my 
very clear explanation just cited, that I have compared Rommany and Hindu words 
merely to show the Hindu connexion of Rommany, even in this corrupt dialect, but 
without attempting to pass through any intermediate steps ; and he, therefore, 
attacks my act of placing Rommany and Hindu side by side, imjilying that I 
believe in a ^^gr saltum derivation, in spite of all that I have explained. This form 
of attack is so manifestly unfair that it has made me wonder as to the nationality 
of my critic, his name being suited to at least two possible attempts at 
derivation. 

Since my transatlantic petulengro has chosen me for his anvil, I should perhaps 
explain my connexion with Rommanes (not Romnimus). When about twelve years 
of age. Professor H. A. Sill of Cornell University and myself proceeded to learn 
Rommany, first from Sorrow's and then from Leland's works, not, needless to say, 
for purposes of philological investigation at that time, but simply to manufacture 
a secret language. We made such a language — a real language with English- 
Rommany vocabulary, supplemented when necessary by Spanish-Rommany and 
with Continental-Rommany endings ; an idiom quite as real as the extraordinary 
dialect invented by Mr. Sampson in which to write his Omar Khayyam, which 
production, he may be glad to learn, has diverted us immensely, because it so 
closely resembles our own Zamenhofiau attempts. When we reached fifteen years 
of age, we began to visit real Rommanies, and by speaking in the poggctdo jib we 
had no difficulty in making ourselves understood. We were, in short, genuine 
aficionados, at that time of course entirely ignorant of real Gypsy life. Since 
then, however, I must assure Mr. Sampson I have carefully tested on Rommanies 
every word given in my glossary, and can only add that my critic's attempt to 
question my good faith and stamp me as a Rommany forger cannot be justified 
either by the facts or by ordinary critical good taste. 

In reply, then, to his rather hysterically-worded charges, I state : — 

I. Yes, I have learned Rommany largely from Leland in princiino and have 
tested his words on Rommanies in a hundred camp.'?. I have heard janwar, 
'animal,' also pronounced jowivar ; mun, 'forehead'; patti, 'hub' and 'knob'; 
archich, 'lead' (metal) only once; here I should have added the word ' rare ' ; 
.thrdam, 'greeting,' borrowed from Yiddish-Hebrew DI^K' ; barya for 'sea,' which 
I was mo.st careful to state may be a perversion of darya (p. 276) : Mr. Sampson 
again ignores this clear statement of mine, of course purposely ; lunter, ' boast,' 



REVIEWS 181 

The word katsimengro I tried myself on a Rommany worQan and found that she 
understood it. I have also heard jellico for ' apron,' and only the other day dre tub, 
' in amazement,' ' surprised.' 

II. I confess to erring as to the name Harriott mentioned by my critic (p. 80). 
I do not see why my allusion to Harriot is 'jaunty,' however. It is simply an 
error which I freely confess. 

III. With regard to Jcovuskaruk, I heard that word once in the mouth of an 
aged Rom near Philadelphia. I thought then that it was a corruption for kov akai 
ruk, but could not account for the -sk-. I accept Mr. Sampson's explanation (p. 80) 
that this form originated from a misprint, which misprint being repeated by some 
Rommany Rye has been thus remembered by a few Roms. As another example 
of an extraordinary word I will mention katardkshus, which an old Gypsy woman 
at Newark, N.J.,' once told me was her word for the kettle-iron. Being doubtful 
of it, I did not incorporate it in the glossary. 

I will at present take up no more of your space, save to add that already my 
little glossary, confessedly incomplete, has nonetheless served in the hands of one 
student of English- American Rommany as a useful primer. More than this I have 
no wish to claim for it, and I echo my critic's wish that some one else may make 
other and more valuable collections in this jargon ; for jargon it is, whether spoken 
by Roms or deodorised by Sampsons into a quasi-poetical lingo for the utterance 
of ideas, the simplest expression of which would be unintelligible to almost every 
Rom on the roads : I refer of course to the unfortunate attempt to translate Omar 
Khayyam already mentioned. J. Dyneley Prince. 



Bie Zigeuner in der Bukowina. Von Dr. Johann Polek, K.K. 
Universitats-Bibliothekar. Sonderabdruck aus dem Jahrbuch 
des Bukowiner Landes-Miiseums xiii. u. xiv. Czernowitz, 
1908. 

However fond one may be of cuckoos, a caged cuckoo is a pitiful object : and 
his brother the Gypsy in a state of slavery can hardly be expected to provide an 
entertaining study. And it is to the later phases of the history of the enslaved 
Gypsies of Bukowina, — Gypsies sunk to such a depth of thraldom that their very 
slavery became infectious and tainted even free men and women who intermarried 
with them — that Dr. Polek has devoted the first part of his study of the Gypsies 
of that province. To the later phases only : of their early history he tells us 
nothing save a single sentence from a law passed by Alexander the Good. That 
sentence —whereby they are granted ' free air and land to wander in, and fire and 
iron to tinker with ' — has already been quoted several times by authors who have 
dealt with Moldavian and Wallachian Gypsies : but strangely none of them, not 
even Dr. Polek, give us any further details about the law. Yet it would seem to 
be a point of some importance, as it was passed in 1417, the very year in which 
chroniclers tell us those strange bands of pilgrims under Counts and Lords of 
Lesser Egypt were first observed in Western Europe ; and the country where it 
was passed was Molda-\da, which Grellmann ' regarded as the most likely starting 
point of those Avanderers. If we may judge, too, by a single sentence, the terms of 
the decree are sufficiently remarkable from their unlikeness to the other early 
documents relating to the Gj'psies. Permission to ' stall the monkery ' as tinkers 

^ Hinloriacher Venuch ilber die Zigeuner, Zweite Aufl. (Gottingen, 1787), 
pp. 203-4. 



182 REVIEWS 

does not seem'a natural privilege to grant to holy pilgrims on their way to receive 
the Pope's blessing, nor yet to the right worshipful Panuel, Duke of Little Egypt 
and Lord of Hu'schorn. How comes it that the Gypsies were known for what 
they were in Moldavia years before Western Europe awoke to the true state of 
afiairs ? Unless there is something in the rest of the law to contradict the sup- 
position, it may fairly be counted strong support to the other evidence which goes 
to prove beyond a doubt that they had already been settled for some considerable 
time in South-East Europe before they began their march in the early years of the 
fifteenth century. Possibly it was in Moldavia that they learned sufficient of 
European superstitions and ways to know the advantage of a pilgrim's guise : and 
the fuU text of a law passed in that very year might perhaps throw some light on 
the reason of their migration. But a single sentence is a slender foundation to 
build upon : and one cannot help regretting that Dr. Polek has not thought it 
worth while to quote a little more of Alexander's law. 

Again, it does not seem the natural result of a law granting people liberty to 
wander, that the greater part of those privileged persons should sink to a state of 
slavery. Yet Dr. Polek, like his predecessors, passes without even a hint of surprise 
from the law of Alexander to the attempts made towards the end of the eighteenth 
century to free the enslaved Gypsies. Surely there must be records of persecution 
and edicts of oppression such as exist and have been published in most other 
countries. Yet even soj it is hard to see why some were taken and others left : 
for it was only one — though far the largest^ — of the four classes ^ into which the 
Gypsies of Bukowiua were divided in the eighteenth century who wei'e enslaved. 
The other three still retained their freedom. Is it possible that they were later 
comers who had entered the country after their brethren were enslaved ? Again 
one requires facts to work upon, and the facts are not forthcoming. 

I do not wish to imply that Dr. Polek is wanting in thoroughness, he has 
shown the most exemplary — almost wearisome — thoroughness in dealing with 
what would seem the least interesting part of the subject. To me, at least, it is 
singularly difficult to arouse in myself any interest in political and sociological 
squabbles, and as such the preliminaries to the freeing of the Gypsies of Bukowina 
may fairly be regarded. Those who can, will find that the servant problem, still so 
fruitful a tojjic for tea-table talk, was even more important in Bukowina, when it 
became a part of the Austrian Empire. There were practically no servants except 
Gypsy slaves. And the monied classes showed no keenness for any others, because 
the Gypsies enjoyed the privilege of being outside the law, and therefore outside the 
reach of taxation, except an insignificant poll-tax. The early Austrian governors 
were trying feebly to wrestle with the problem of how to get taxes from jwople 
who could not be classified to tax, when the whole aspect of the affair was altered 
in 1782 by the imperial edict abolishing slavery in the Austrian dominions. One 
would have thought that that settled the question ; and so the hapless governor. 
General Enzenberg, no doubt imagined when he published it in Bukowina. 
But unfortunately that province suffered from a ridiculous superabundance of 
rulers, and one of the other powers that Avere, the Hofkriegsrat, at the earnest 
request of the landed proprietors, decided that the new law was unjust and oppres- 
sive. Enzenberg sent pitiful letters to its president without effect ; and then made 
himself publicly ridiculous by countermanding the edict : and the Hofkriegsrat wrote 
a letter containing the extraordinary assertion that it was not acting in defence of 
slavery. ' Off with his head ' would seem the directest course to take with so un- 

' Dr. Pclek's numbers on p. 5 seem to be quite unintelligible unless ' Zigeuner ' 
and ' Zigeuner-Familien ' are synonymous, which, even if an allowable German idiom, 
is certainly very confusing. 

"^ Jiobi, slaves ; Lingurari, spoon-makers ; Uraari, bear-leaders ; JR^tdari, miners 
and gold-washers. 



REVIEWS 183 

conscientious an objector. But as Joseph had not the Queen of Hearts" partiality 
for that argument, matters drifted until a new element of confusion was introduced 
by the dissolution of the monasteries a few years later. Again one would have 
thought that it followed naturally that a monastery which no longer existed as 
such, could not have any claim to slaves. But it took much squabbling and some 
compensation before the slaves who no longer had masters were declared free. 
Whether the other enslaved Gypsies have ever won their freedom, Dr. Polek 
somewhat strangely nowhere clearly states. Perhaps things were allowed to take 
their natural course, and slavery died without further legislation.^ 

It is interesting to note that slavery does not seem to have destroyed the 
wandering instinct. Though orders were given as early as 1787 that all nomadic 
Gypsies must either settle or quit the land, and stricter regulations on the same 
point were passed in 1802, the Buluhaschen - or Gypsy chieftains made a formal 
appeal in the latter year, alleging that they would prefer to wander. Katurally 
the request was refused, though a few years later some families obtained a special 
permission to remain in tents owing to d ifficulties in incorporating them in parishes. 
One must, however, admit that there were exceptions to the rule, as some of the 
freed Gypsies from the monasteries grumbled at the change, finding that they had 
to provide for themselves instead of relying on their owners for deficiencies in time of 
need. But they were admittedly only a small number, probably the ' white Gypsies' ^ 
mentioned earlier in the pamphlet as being practically indistinguishable from the 
rest of the inhabitants of Bukowina both in appearance and in their mode of life. 
These, however, must have been the exception even in the days of slavery : and 
the wandering instincts of the rest were doubtless largely preserved by the custom 
prevailing among the slave-owners of allowing the surplus number of the slaves a 
year's grace to wander, when they had more than they could accommodate. And 
even now. Dr. Polek says, they dwell chiefly in mud-huts or tumble-down cottages, 
though since 1850 there have been hardly any Gj^sies counted as nomadic. In 
spite of their years of drudgery, their employments, too, are the same as those of 
other Gypsies, the making of spoons, buckets and other wooden things, tinkering 
and acting as musicians : and one may reasonably doubt whether in reality they 
are as ' settled ' as they look on a census-list. 

As a second part Dr. Polek promises us a monograph on their manners and 
customs which, if they have preserved customs as well as they have folklore,* 
should be of the highest interest. E. 0. Winstedt. 

^ On p. 20 Dr. Polek refers to a law of 1811 abolishing slavery in Austrian 
domains ; but as he adds ' it did much towards exterminating slavery,' it does not 
seem to have been taken much more seriously than its predecessor. 

■^ These Buluba.schen were under a prince who was, as usual (of. /. G. L. S., New 
Series, i. 98), not a Gypsy, but a native noble. 

3 Have these any connection with the ' white Gypsies ' discovered by Krauss 
along the banks of the Drina (cf. Krauss, Ziytiinerhumor, Leipzig, 1907, p. vi.)? or 
were they merely Gypsies who had intermarried with natives ? 

•• Cf. Miklosich, Uber die Mundarten . . . der Zigeuner, Theiliv., v., ' Marchen 
and Lieder der Zigeuner der Bukowina.' Wien, 1874-5. 



184 



NOTES AND QUERIES 



NOTES AND QUERIES 

12. — Lalere Sinte 

Mr. Perkins has very kindly sent me the solution of twelve of the words taken 
down from the Ldlere Sinte, which gave me so much trouble. They appear to be 



all Hungarian. 




Bernard Gilliat-Ss 


Journal, p. 7. 


HUNOARIAX. 


Meaning. 


Dunjha 


Dunna 


Das Deckbett 


Geha 


Keh 


Das Asthma 


Hamo 


Ham 


Das Pferdegeschirr 


Bungordje 


? Burgonya 


Der Erdapfel 


HariStnj ) 
Baristnj ) 


Harisnya 


Der Strumpf 


Hera 


L(5here 


Der Klee 


Lagato 


Lakat 


Das Schlosz 


Horko 


Horog 


Der Haken 


Seza \ 
Sedzaj 


Csesze 


Die Tasse 


Erekr^ 


Orok 


Ewig 



13. — Some Gtpst Customs 

Many years ago I heard from some of the Smiths of the existence of the follow- 
ing customs. I should be glad to know whether they are racial or purely 
tribal : — 

(1) When a girl is already engaged, if a suitor comes to court her, she with- 
draws from the tent, and seats herself on the ground apart from the camp, 
loosening her hair so that it falls all round her, and covers her face : this indicates 
that she is already plighted. 

^2) A woman is unclean for a month after childbirth ; during that time she 
must not touch any dish, cup, or cooking utensil except with gloved hands : if 
she does they must be destroyed. She has her own cups and dishes for food, 
which are broken when the month is over. 

(3) No Gypsy will allow a dog to eat from or lick a dish intended for human 
use : if a dog does so the dish must be destroyed. 

D. F. DE l'Hoste Ranking. 

[Regarding ceremonial purity see Liebich, Die Zigeuner, Leipzig, 1863, page 51 ; 
'Kair^ngro' in J.G.L.S., Old Series, ii. 382; Sampson in J.G.L.S., Old Series, 
iii. 58 ; and Gilliat-Smith, J.G.L.S., New Series, i. 129. According to Rodney 
Smith the custom is not confined to cases of childbirth, but extends to any 
illness. ' A sick person has a spoon, plate, and basin all to himself. When he 
has recovered or if he dies they are all destroyed ' {Gipsy Smith, his Life and 
Work by Himself, p. 7).] 



14. — Gtpst Initiations and Expulsions 

In the April number of the Journal our late President pointed out the advan- 
t ages of internal Gypsy jurisdiction in early days. Perhaps the following extract from 
the Tim€s for October 5, 1842, may be of interest as an instance of a late survival 



NOTES AND QUERIES 185 

of such jurisdiction. It deals with an expulsion ceremony, a thing which, so far as 
I can find, has never been described elsewhere.* That alone is sufficient to excite 
suspicion ; and the mock coronations of recent date hardly tend to allay it. But 
on the other hand, to judge by the description, secrecy and exclusion of Gorgios, 
rather than attraction of them, seem on this occasion to have been aimed at ; and, 
indeed, one may doubt whether in those days a Gypsy ceremonial would have had 
much pecuniary value. At any rate, the paragraph is worth quoting. It reads as 
follows : — 

' A short time since a very remarkable circixmstance took place in the New 
Forest, Hampshii-e, in the instance of a gipsy of the name of Lee having been 
rejected from the fraternity. The spot where the scene took place was at Bolton's 
Bench, near Lyndhurst. Between 300 and 400 gipsies, belonging to difi'erent 
tribes, including ' the Lees, Stanleys, and Coopers, were assembled upon this un- 
usual occasion. The concourse consisted of a great many females, and so secretly 
had the meeting been got up, that scarcely a person residing in the neighbourhood 
was aware that a circumstance of the sort was about to take place. The oflender, 
a handsome-looking man, apparently between 30 and 40 years of age, was placed in 
the middle of a ring, composed of the King of the gipsies and the patriarchs of 
difi'erent tribes. This ring was followed by a second, made up of the male jsortion 
of the assembly, and an exterior circle was formed by the women. The king, who 
was one of the Lees, a venerable old man, and one who looked as if he had seen 
upwards of 90 summers, then addressed the culprit for nearly an hour, but in 
a tongue that was perfectly strange to the bystanders. The address was delivered 
in a most impressive manner, as might be conceived by the vehemence of the 
gesticulations which accompanied it. None but the gipsies themselves had the 
slightest knowledge of the crime which had been committed by the ofl'ender, but it 
must have been one evidently very obnoxious to the tribe, as the act of expulsion 
among them is an exceedingly rare occurrence. As soon as the king had finished 
his sijeech to the condemned man, he turned round and harangued the whole of 
the gipsies assembled, and expressing himself in English, informed them that 
Jacob Lee had been expelled from among them, that he was no longer one of the 
fraternity, and that he do leave the camp of the gipsies for ever. The king then 
advancing towards him spat upon him, and the circles which enclosed him, 
simultaneously opened to admit of his retreating from among them, whilst they 
smote him with the branches of trees as he left the ground. The meeting then 
broke up, and the parties assembled went their difterent ways, some of them 
having come to -witness the tribunal from a considerable distance. The whole 
ceremony, which took place under an aged oak in the forest, was a very imposing 
one, and being a very unusual, almost an unprecedented occurrence in these parts, 
created an intense degree of interest among the bystanders.' ^ 

What an opportunity for Borrow to have missed ! As he did miss it, and none 
of the bystanders appear to have been able to unravel the mysteries of the Eomany 
speech, I suppose Jacob Lee's sin is buried with him, unless some of our older 
members have heard the tale from Gypsy lips. 

The patriarchal potentate who officiated may well have been King Joseph Lee, 
who died two years later at the age of eighty-six (cf. Pott, Die Zigeiiner, ii. 205). 
At any rate his memory would go back to the middle of the eighteenth century, 
when the kingly oflBce among the Gypsies was popularly believed to be more than 

* The infliction of the punishment of expulsion by German Gypsy chiefs ia 
mentioned by Liebich, Die Zi'jeuner (Leipzig, 1863), p. 40; but the ceremony is 
not described. 

^ The description was quoted in the Staatszntung, 18th October 1842, No. 290, 
and thence reprinted by Heister, Ethnographische und geschickfliche Notizen ii.her 
die Ziyeuner, Kunigsberg, 1842, p. 160. 



186 NOTES AND QUERIES 

titulary.' Otherwise Fielding would hardly have introduced the Gypsy trial 
in Tom Jones (bk. xii. ch. xii.). The latter is presumably purely imaginary, 
and may be counted a reminiscence of Bampfylde Moore Carew's life, and referred 
to the comijany of ' JSIaunders ' rather than to the Gypsies. But it is noticeable 
that Fielding at least escapes the pitfall into which most authors before and many 
after Borrow fell, and does not make his Gypsies cant and ' cut ben whids.' Some 
cant he knew, as other characters in Tom, Jones use it ; but his Gypsies use 
neither cant nor the local dialect of the other country folk. Instead they speak a 
broken English, of which the use of d for th, a genuine Gypsy idiosyncrasy, is a 
prominent feature. And though the trial scene and the king's assertion that the 
Gypsies count shame 'the most grievous punishment in the world' (cf. W. A. 
Cragg's note on a Gypsy marriage, J. G. L. S., New Series, ii. 93) look at first 
sight ludicrous, it is noticeable that Liebich (p. 40) mentions shame (prasajyenn) 
as one of the penalties inflicted by the German Gypsy chiefs on their subjects, 
apparently distinct from banishment, though he later speaks as if the two 
were synonymous. Compare also Wlislocki on the ' Vehmgerichte ' among the 
Balkan Gypsies {Ethnol. Mitt, aus Ungarn, iii. (1896) p. 174), where it is stated 
that unfaithful wives are declared melales ' disgraced ' and are banished for 
a time. Can we count Fielding one of the ajicion, or had his police-court 
experiences taught him the simple fact that Gypsies difiered from tramps ? I fear 
the latter, as he seems to have accepted Mother Squii'es' Gypsy claims without 
a qualm, though they are as doubtful as everything else in the Canning case. 

The Canning case among its other miscellaneous interests is noteworthy as 
an instance of an attempt at adoption of a Gorgio into a ' Gypsy ' community. An 
unsuccessful attempt it proved — if ever made — as Elizabeth refused to 'go their 
way ' ; but there were not wanting damsels of a more ' pleasant and conformable ' 
disposition. Witness the following extract from Dodsley's A7imial Register for 
September 2, 1769, on a 'Gypsy admission festival.' Two gentlemen riding over 
Hounslow on the preceding Tuesday, fell in with a ' gang of Gj^psies, about twelve 
in number, who were boiling and roasting in the modern taste, al fresco, on 
account of a conversion as they called it ; this conversion consisted of rubbing or 
dyeing a fine young girl, about seventeen, with walnut-shell, it being the first day 
of her entering into the society.' Then was she converted indeed, but hardly 
into a tatchi Bomani chai ; the ceremony savours rather of the mummery of the 
maunders. Perhaps it formed part of the 'requisite ceremonies' performed on 
Carew before his admission to that company. Richard Head, at any rate, under- 
went a similar ordeal some years earlier ; 'being now ale mode de Tatterdemallion, 
to compleat me for their purpose, with green walnuts they so discoloured my 
face, that every one that saw me, would have sworn that I was the true son 
of an Egyptian ' (R. Head, English Rogue, 1668, i. 38). But he calls the com- 
piany indiilerently ' maunders ' and ' Gypsies,' and the canting vocabulary collected 
from them is sufficient to prove that the former is the truer appellation. Certainly 
the 'Rum-Mort,' whose attractions converted him, was no true daughter of an 
Egyptian, as she added to her other eccentricities ' a skin artificially discoloured 
tawny.' 

Whether actual Gypsies ever resorted to such a trick save in the case of 
necessity is more than doubtful, though Morwood {Oiir Gipsies, p. 34) relates 'on 
good authority,' that many Gypsy mothers rub children of a few wrecks or months 
old with a dark liquid made by boiling together the roots of 'a certain wild plant 



I 
I 



' He may have succeeded another ' King ' whose death in 1830 was thus 
chronicled : — ' Aged 105, at Sevenoaks, W. Lee, well-known by his periodical 
visits to dififerent parts of the country, under the denominalion of " King of the 
(iipaies" ' (Maidstone JoumcU, July 1830). 



NOTES AND QUERIES 187 

and young walnuts, or the leaves of a walnut tree, and then Jay them in the sun 
or by the fire, to enhance their dark beauty.' * 

' The walnut tree supplies our lacke ; 
What was made faire, we can make black. 

• . . . . 

We can paint when we command. 
And looke like Indians that are tand' 

as The Brave English Gipsey sings.- According to an old German work Zwey 
nutzliche Traddtlein — Das Erste : Wunderliche und wahrhajftige Beschreibung 
der Cingaren oder Ziegeuner. . . . Von C. B. L. M. V. R. (1664), an oint- 
ment containing among other things nicotine, was similarly used by ' die faiilen 
Deutschen Haluncken,' who masqueraded as Gypsies, and had at least one virtue 
' dass sie keine Leuse bekommen.' And Miss Gillington kindly refers me to G. B. 
Dewar's Faery Year (Lond., 1906, p. 267) for a statement that Black Horehound 
was used by Gypsies as a dye. But she suggests that it should rather be Water 
Horehound or Gypsy Wort, referring to Sowerby's English Botany (vol. vii.) for 
a quotation from 'the old herbalists' that 'those strolling cheats called gipsies do 
dye themselves of a blackish hue with the juice of this plant, the better to pass 
for Africans by their tanned locks and swai'thy hides, to bubble the credulous and 
ignorant by the practice of magic and fortune-telling ; they being indeed a suck 
of all nations, living by rapine, filching, pilfering, and imposture.' Gerarde, I find, 
gives the same information : ' Some also thinke good to call it Herha ^gyptia, 
because they that counterfeit themselves Egyptians (such as many times wander 
like vagabonds from citie to citie in Germanic) do use with this herbe to give them- 
selves a swart colour, such as the Egyptians and the people of Afrike are of.' 
This information was stolen by Gerarde without acknowledgment from Dodoens, 
Stirpiiiin Historiae Pemptades se:c, sivc libri xxx. (Antwerp, 1583): and Dodoens is 
also responsible for the statement that Water Horehound is called ' in Brabant Water 
Ajidoren, and of some Egyptenaers crnyt, that is to say, the Egyptians hei'be, 
bycause of the Rogues and runnegates whiche call themselves Egyptians, do colour 
themselves blacke with this herbe.' ^ It is noticeable that this herb, according to 
Castore Durante {Herbaria Novo, Venetia, 1602, p. 275-6), has the virtue attri- 
buted to the ointment used by the deutsche Haluncken, 'L'acqua . . ammazza 
ancora i vermini del corpo, il che fa parimente la poluere delle foglie.' Is it for 

^ Thomasius refers to the same practice with oil instead of the walnut mix- 
ture. But one would like to know how good the authority was. Heister (Notizen 
ilher die Zigeuner, Kcinigsberg, 1842, p. 50) also mentions the usage, probably draw- 
ing his information from Thomasius. Liebich (p. 21) asserts that Gypsy children 
are actually born with white skins, which soon turn dark. He makes no mention 
of any staining process ; indeed, he remarks that the fact that the Gypsies naturally 
retain their darkness in any country disproves L)r. Foissac's assertion that the dark- 
ness of Indians is due among other things to the use of dyes. Certainly the skin 
and what little hair there was on a Gypsy — or rather poshrat — ipfant a few weeks 
old, which I latelj' saw, was fair enough. But when I commented on the discrepancy 
l)etween its fair hair and skin and its dark Romany eyes, I was reproved for my 
ignorance by its puri dai, who assured me that it would eventually be as dark as 
herself. She herself, slie asseverated, had been fair as a child ; and, when I saw her, 
she was as black as Lucifer, — who indeed, if one may believe the traditional 
portraits of angels and devils, mubt have undergone a similar transformation. 

- Ballad Soc, Roxhuryhe Ballads, hi. (1875), p. 329. 

* A Nieive Herbal . . . Fir.st set forth in the Doutche or Almaigne tongue, by that 
learned D. Rembart Dodoens . . . translated out of French into Engliah by Henry 
Lyle (London, 1578, p. 257). 



188 NOTES AND QUERIES 

any such reason that Bhick Horehound is, as Miss Gillington tells me, still known 
by Surrey children as 'Bugs and Fleas'? The Rev. John H. Steggall, curate of 
Great Ashfield, near Ixworth, Suffolk, about the middle of the last century, had his 
face stained with willow peelings by the kind-hearted poshrat family (the father 
was a Gorgio, the mother a Hearue), who adopted him when as a child {circ. 
1 799) he fled from a brutal schoolmaster ; ^ and the future author of Bedford's 
Questions for Junior Classes, and founder of Tayford School, was similarly 
treated to a preparation of walnut juice when kidnapped by a Gypsy woman 
at Portsea (E. Godfrey, English Children, London, 1907, p. 251). But in both 
cases there was a pressing necessity for a quick transformation, which there can 
hardly have been in the case of that ' fine young girl ' ; and in the second 
instance one would be glad to see the ' Gypsy ' woman's birth certificate. 
Thomasius indeed states that the Gypsies willingly incorporated^ — and kid- 
napped — strangers, changing their names and staining them with ' drows ' 
(Dissertatio Phil, de Cingaris, Leipzig, 1671, § 63). But one may be pardoned 
doubts as to the reliability of his authority, Henric. Barlaeus, for anything more 
than the case of kidnapping of an African girl — who cannot have required much 
staining — by Spanish Gypsies.^ Probably the information was ultimately derived 
from Guler's Rhaetia (1616) ; and Guler was one of Stumpf s pupils, and held that 
the original Gypsies really returned to Egypt at the end of their seven years' 
pilgrimage, while their place was taken by a set of masquerading rogues, who 
' dared to make themselves black by means of an ointment.' * It is noticeable that 
an early authority on the English Gypsies, Samuel Rowlands, quoted in my 
note on 'Gypsy Parliaments,' speaks of Giles Hather's company as 'causing 
their faces to be made black,' and Decker and Coryat both bear witness to the 
use of a dye.^ Whether Popham or Callot suffered any such transformation 
does not seem to be recorded ; but Callot's case proves that the Gypsies in early 
days were not so exclusive as one imagines ; and if there is any truth in the 
story of the Gorgio origin of the Stanleys, quoted by Woodcock {The Gipsies, 
1865, p. 148), on the authority of one of the clan, they were not altogether 
exclusive in England in the eighteenth century. "^ 

But that statement is very difficult to reconcile with other facts. It was made 
by a dying Stanley to a friend of Woodcock forty years before the publication of 
his work, that is to say, about 1825. According to him his great-grandfather was 

' Cf. John H. Steggall: A real history of a Suffolk man . . . ky himself. 
Enlarged ed., London, 1859, p. 9-10; and Morwood, Our Gijmea, p. 215. 

- Cf. Mtinster, Cosmographia (Basileae, 1554, p. 268), 'Recipiunt passim et vires 
et foeminas volentes in cunctis provinciis.' 

•* A description of an admission festival among Spanish Gypsies may be found in 
Cervantes' //tt Gitanella (The, Gyjisy Lovers: English translation by Rev. \V. H. 
Kent, London, 1908, p. 38) : ' First, they set about clearing one of the best cabins in 
the camp, and adorned it with branches and strewed it well with rushes. They 
then seated Andrea [the neophyte] on the trunk of a cork-tree, and put into his 
hands a hammer and a pair of pincers, and to the sound of two guitars . . . they 
made him cut two capers. After which they proceeded to strip one of his arms and 
bound it about with a new silk riband, drawing it quite tight with a sort of garrotte- 
sLick.' After that they told him he was engaged to Preciosa. WHiether the cere- 
mony was all initiation or partly betrothal is not clear to the reader ; nor, I fancy, 
was it to the writer. 

* Cf. ./. G. L. S., Old Series, i. 280. 

' Cf. J. G. L. S., Old Series, iii. 249 for a quotation from Dekker's Lanthornc 
and Candlelight (Lond., 1609), and New Series, i. 288 for one from Coryat. 

' Nor earlier, if we may believe 7V/e Brave English Gipsey: — 

' Some decay "d iiiongst gallants strives 
To leadc the English Gipsies lives.' 



NOTES AND QUEIUES 189 

' a principal officer in the army uf the commonwealth ; but the family, falling to 
decay, my fiither took iq) with the wandering life of the Gipsies ; among them I 
was born, and have continued to the present time. I am now in my eightieth 
year.' Who was that great-grandfather ? The only Stanley mentioned in the 
Dictionary of National Biography as distinguishing himself in the Civil Wars 
is James Stanley, the Martyr Earl of Derby, a prominent Royalist. Royalist 
and Roundhead may well have meant the same thing to a dying Gypsy ; but, 
though his statement is supported by no less an authority than Sylvester 
Boswell, who thought the Stanleys ' origined in Lord Derby . . . about two 
hundred years ago' (Groome, In Gipsy Tents, p. 110'), he can hardly have 
been a descendant of that Stanley, as the direct line died out in the third 
generation, and the title went a-begging to a distant cousin. A more likely 
candidate is one Peter Stanley, mentioned in Seacome's Memoirs of the House of 
Stanley (p. 178). He, too, was an 'eminent Royalist' like his more distinguished 
relative ; and ' his Estates were sequesterd to the great Impoverishment and loss 
of himself and Family.' The family seems to have fallen on evil days, and Sea- 
come could only trace it to the grandson, another Peter, who had three sons, Edward, 
Thomas, and William. Edward succeeded to the estate such as it was ; ' but how 
his younger Sons were disposed of in the World,' Seacome could not discover. It 
certainly might have been one of those younger sons, who as a youth disposed of 
himself to the Gypsies about 1740, the date required according to the chronology 
of the dying Gypsy's statement. If we accept that statement, the Gypsy Queen 
'Mistress Paul Stanley, wife of Mr. Paul Stanley, who died November 1797' 
(George Smith, Gipsy Life, p. 66), must have been the wife either of the original 
founder of the clan or of his immediate successor. But how does the story fit with 
that of Charlotte Stanley, whose adventures are related by Kohl (circ. 1840) as 
ancient history ? ^ It would no doubt supply a reason for her adoption, if we 
suppose that some of her more fortunate Gorgio relatives adopted her, and for her 
name, too, as her best known ancestress, the wife of the Martyr Earl, was also 
named Charlotte. But whence came the deejjly rooted wandering instinct that 
bade her flee back to the Gypsies as her people, if she was the granddaughter, 
as she apparently would be, of a Gorgio ? Even if we suppose that the original 
errant Stanley married a full-blooded Gypsy lass, and that the nomad spirit came 
from her, we are not out of the wood ; for in Hoy land's day (circ 1816) the Stanleys 
were reckoned one of the most numerous Gypsy clans, and Crabb's convert, 
William Stanley, numbered the members of his clan as upwards of two hundred 
(Crabb, Gipsies' Advocate, 3rd ed. p. 163). Gypsies are notoriously prolific, and 
poshrats and mumpers are not far behind them in that particular ; but unless the 
wife of the founder of the clan shared the unenviable peculiarity of an Italian 
woman, noticed some years ago in the papers, whose misfortunes invariably 



' Sylvester's opinion on Gypsy families is given more fully by Crofton in Notes 
and Queries, 5th ser., ii. (1874), p. 349. According to him the Lees were only two 
hundred years old as a family, and are mixed nigger (!) and Bengauler ; and the 
Smiths came over from Ireland about two hundred years ago, but were probably 
real Gypsies. 

- It cannot, however, I find, have been particularly ancient, as her portrait, 
when a child of four or five years old, was painted by J. N. Robinson, who was 
born in 1796. It is noticeable that the portrait, if genuine, rather supports the 
Gorgio origin of the clan, as ' the child's hair is flaxen, and the complexion and 
features light' (/. G. L. S., Old Series, ii. 317). Unfortunately I have been unable 
to see Mrs. Pennell's article on 'Gypsies and Gypsying'in Wide Awake (Boston, 
1890, Christmas Number), which contains information about the portrait ; and also 
A. Kegan's article in the Globe- Democrat for 26th May 1889, on 'A King's Nephew: 
how Owen Stanleigh was crowned years ago in England,' which may throw light 
on the early history of the Stanleys 



190 NOTES AND QUERIES 

came in batches of ten or more at a time, it is difficult to see how the sum total 
of over two hundi'ed could be reached within ninety years. Moreover, though 
one might assume the Stanley, who was 'elected king of the Gipsies' about 1791 
and executed three years later (Groome, p. 108), to be the son of the original 
founder of the clan, and Mrs. Stanley, the Dowager Queen of the Gyp.sies of the 
counties of Wilts, Hants, and Dorset, who died at PaddletoAvn in March 1821 in 
her 101st year {Hull -Rockingham Neivspwper, March 17, 1821), to be his wife, 
no amount of manoeuvring can bring Richard, Thomas, Peter, and Elizabeth Stanley, 
who were convicted of being dangerous rogues in 1682 {J. G. L. S., New Series, 
i. 33), into the family tree. And what of William Standley, yeoman, of London, 
who was sentenced to be hanged in 1594, because he had 'consorted for a month 
with EgyiJtians' (J. G. L. S., Old Series, i. 21), but soon reprieved? Did he 
relapse again after his reprieve, or perchance leave his name, or one that should 
bear it, as a legacy among them, and so found the clan ? At any rate, with regard 
to Woodcock's tale, it is perhaps best to remember that ' an old man's wit may 
wander ere he die ' ; also that the great-grandson of a distinguished general 
might command a higher price from the benevolent than the great-grandson of no 
one at all. 

The Boswells themselves have a suspicious ancestor in a king of that name, 
who died and was buried at Rossington, near Doncaster, in 1708. 'He was a 
gentleman with an estate of ,£200 a year, and is described by De la Prynne of 
Hatfield as " a mad spark, mighty fine and brisk, and keeps company with a great 
many gentlemen, knights, and esquires, yet runs about the country " ' (Hunter's 
History of South Yorkshire, quoted in Notes and Queries, 4th ser., vol. iii., 1869, 
p. 557).^ Hunter gives his name as Charles Bosvile, taking it from the parish 
register ; but another writer on the same page quotes an extract from E. Miller's 
History and Antiquities of Doncaster (1804), p. 237, where the name appears as 
James Bosvill. Miller apparently took it from the grave, at which Gypsies, 
more than a hundred years later, used to assemble and ' turn down an empty glass ' 
or rather a quart pot of 'jolly good ale and old.' Whatever his name was, he must, 
from the description, have been either a gorgio or very badly gorgifled. There 
were, says one of the writers in Notes and Queries, several families of gentry 
named Bosvile in South Yorkshire. E. 0. Winstedt. 



15. — Gypsy Expulsions 



Another instance of the late survival of internal Gypsy jurisdiction, of a some- 
what different nature from that described in the preceding note, occurs in The Martyr- 
dom of an Empress, London and New York, 1904. The anonymous authoress of 
this biography, ' wellnigh the only confidante and truest friend ' of the late Empress 
of Austria, proves that she has ' taken the pains to acquire some knowledge of the 
Romany language,' and, after endorsing ' Grellman's theory concerning the Hindoo 
origin of this remarkable people,' gives inter alia picturesque descriptions of a 
Tzigan wedding, Tzigan music, Tzigan fortune-telling, and a Tzigan expulsion. 
Tlie following extract is an account of the latter ceremony, at which she and the 
I'anpress Elizabeth were ' involuntary witnesses ' : — 

' One evening the Empress and myself rode to the Czikank, or camp, belonging 
to the great Vajda, Ferdnzi-Jdnos, but found it deserted. The faint sound of 
wailing voices coming from the pine-Avoods in the distance, however, attracted 
our attention, ami guiding our horses cautiously over the tangled bracken and 
osmunda-bushes which covered the ground, we soon came in sight of a scene 
which I shall never forget. 



Cf. also Groome, In Oipny Tents, p. 110. 



NOTES AND QUERIES 191 

' The moon was shining brightly, lighting up the spot with fairy-like splendour. 
All around the pine-woods stretched the ruddy glow of gypsy fires, flashing 
between the dark boughs and throwing a crimson gleam on a space where the 
trees had been cut down. There, bound to a stake like a prisoner of the red- 
skins, was a woman, her perfect figure clothed in nothing but her raven tresses. 
Her great black eyes had an agonised look in them, and blood was dropping from 
four incisions made with some sharp instrument in her shapely arms and limbs. 
Surrounding her was the entire tribe — men, women, and children — chanting a 
kind of sinister invocation, while towering over the victim was the majestic form 
of the Vajda, still holding in his clenched hand the leather thong with which 
he had been chastising her mercilessly. With a cry of dismay we both sprang 
from our saddles, and scattering the crowd, rushed towards him. 

' "What do you mean, Janos Ferenzi?" cried her Majesty, clutching his arm. 
"What has this unfortunate woman done that you should treat her thus?" 

' The noble face of the Vajda, which at first had expressed nothing but astonish- 
ment at our unexpected appearance, now assumed a look of dignity and of sadness 
which I, for one, had never seen there before. 

' " There has been love, and of the love, sin, and of the sin a curse which would 
come upon my tribe were it not punished," he said solemnly. " This woman has 
betrayed the man to whom she Avas in honour bound. I, Ferenzi-Jdnos, must 
avenge the disgrace inflicted on one of my people. Her woe was wrought by her 
own hand, and she must eat the fruits of her crime." 

' The words fell slowly and mournfully on the silence of the night, troubled 
only by the river waves, beating, with a dull murmur, against the rocks fifty feet 
below, and by the soughing of the wind which had arisen. Ferenzi-Jdnos was 
indeed in his own eyes, and in those of his people, a judge and an avenger. In 
vain did we try to plead and argue in behalf of the woman. He remained 
immovable, quietly but firmly refusing to grant even an imperial request. 

'" Nothing can help the culprit," he said. "For twenty-four hours must she 
remain at the stake, and then she will become a wanderer on the face of the 
earth. The incisions you see are the signs of her degradation, and no tribe will 
ever allow her to rest in its midst. Believe me," he added, "we are only just. 
We warn our women of what awaits them should they sin. It is for them to keep 
themselves pure. Moreover, you have been our friends and you will not betray 
us, because in your heart you know that this punishment is well deserved." 

' What could either of us argue against such reasoning ? We exerted ourselves 
so much in her behalf, nevertheless, that at last the miserable woman was unbound 
and sent out of the camp that night instead of being left at the stake until the 
following sundown. This was a great concession on the part of Fer^nzi-Janos, and 
seemed t) fill his people with astonishment. I need hardly add that through the 
Empress's care the wretched woman found a home on one of the royal estates, 
where I have reason to believe she remains to the present day. The impression 
made upon us by this incident was a lasting one, and often did we talk together 
of the wild, weird scene of the forest of Yemisar.' D. E. Yates. 



16. — Gleanings anent Gypsies in Asia 

The accompanying extracts may be of use to students of the Asiatic Gypsies. 
While the works quoted from are not rare, they are apt to be overlooked, and it 
seemed best to me to quote the matter in full. 

' I was surprised at the appearance of detached families of Gipsies throughout 
the government of Tobolsk ; and upon inquiry I learned, that several roving com- 
panies of these people had strolled into the city of Tobolsk. The Governor thought 



192 NOTES AND QUERIES 

of establishing a colony of them ; but they were too cunning for the simple 
Siberian peasant ; which induced him to separate each family. He placed them 
on the footing of the peasants, and allotted a portion of land for cultivation, with 
a view of making them useful to society. They, however, reject houses even in 
this severe climate, and dwell in open tents or sheds ; nor can they be brought to 
any regular course of industry ; but they watch every traveller, and pretend to 
explain [the mysteries of futurity by palmistry or physiognomy. The peasant 
dreads their power, and from motives of fear contributes to their support, lest 
they should spoil his cattle and horses. It is said that they are very skilful farriers 
and cowleeches.' — Martin Sauer, Account of a Geographical and Astronomical 
Expedition to the Northern Parts of Eiissia . . . in the years 1785, etc., to 1794. 
London, 1802. 4to. p. 331. 

' The Gipsy race is mostly confined to the northern portions of the Peninsula, 
where they profess to be members of the Armenian Church. A Gipsy, pure 
blood, has sharp features, is tall and slender, but sinewy and active. The hair, 
eyes, and finely arched and meeting brows are black. The men all wear a lock of 
their hair on the middle of the forehead. The women go about selling their willow 
baskets for bread and old clothes, and in spite of their thieving propensities are 
patronised as fortune-tellers and reporters to the ladies of all the important gossip 
of the town.' — H. J. Van Lennep, Travels in Little Known Parts of Asia Minor, 
vol. i. p. 301. London, 1870. 8vo. 

' The Bohemians, or gypsies, are divided into Lull and Mazangs. The Lull 
number about 1000 souls, are wanderers like their confreres in Europe, and as 
dark or darker in complexion. They are above the medium height, and some of 
them look veritable athletes. They set up little tents of white linen, and busy 
themselves as in Europe, with making baskets, etc. The Mazangs are an enig- 
matical race, that some assimilate to the Bohemians, whilst others make them the 
aborigines of the Turks of Constantinople. They are not so tall as the Lulls, but 
are good-looking, and compare advantageously with the Tajiks in possessing 
greater fineness and elegance in the general structure of the body. The skin is 
not so dark as with the gypsies of Europe. Those of the Zarofshan valley have 
become almost sedentary. They profess Muhammedanism, and speak Persian and 
Turki. The poor are idle, and given to nefarious occupations ; the women practise 
medicine, and seek to meddle in households with a view to gain. Both classes of 
gypsy women have the right to go unveUed, and the Mazang females enjoy any- 
thing but a good reputation.' — Henry Lansdell, Russian Central Asia, vol. i. pp. 
.^43-544. London, 1885. 8vo. 

'In several provinces there are nomadic gypsy tribes who, having a quiet 
demeanour externally, are yet skilful and daring thieves. They wander about, 
and settle down like a small flight of locusts, on any piece of waste ground that 
may be available ; and the neighbours soon find their property slipping away from 
them bit by bit. Here again the legislature has wisely empowered the executive to 
take efiFective steps for restraining these criminal tribes, for reclaiming them from 
predatory habits which they follow because they know no better, for settling tliem 
down in fixed dwellings on cultivated lands, and for practically teaching them the 
lesson of honest industry. These measures have already been blessed with some 
results, and may with considerate persistency be crowned with full success ulti- 
mately.'— Sir Richard Temple, India in 1880, 3rd. ed. p. 200. London, 1881. 
8vo. Gko. F. Black. 



I ^ r^l 




I'hul'i liy .\<id<ir, I'arii. 



y^ 



^ ^ - * C'^»-<'^i'-*N--*y 



Cs/' ••/C^— r«s^'»-^^ 



JOURNAL OF THE 



GYPSY LORE 



SOCIETY 



NEW SERIES 



Vol. II 



JANUARY 1909 




No. 3 



I._WILLIAM IRELAND KNAPP 
By David MacRitchie 

BY the death of Professor Knapp, which took place at his 
home in Paris on the night of 5th December 1908, after a 
very short illness, our Society loses one of its most esteemed 
members. He had been associated with the Society since 1888, 
being at that date a Romano Rai of thirty years' standing, and 
both then and subsequently he devoted much time and labour 
to the elucidation of Gypsy matters. But, keen as was his interest 
in our common study, the variety of his tastes led him into many 
fields of knowledge. A mere glance at his career is sufficient to 
show this. 

Born in New York on 10th March 1835, the son of the 
Reverend H. R. Knapp, he studied at the universities of New York 
and of Colgate, Hamilton. Early in his student life he manifested 
a philological and literary bent of mind. In 1858 he made a 
European tour, and ten years later (1867-68) he travelled in 
France, Italy, and Spain, thus increasing his qualifications as an 
exponent of mediaeval and modern languages in the academic 
positions which he successively occupied. In 1860 he graduated 
as B.A., and in 1861 as M.A. ; these degrees being followed later 
by the distinctions of Ph.D. (1867) and LL.D. (1888). During the 
period 1860-65 he was Professor of Modern Languages in Colgate 

VOL. IL — NO. III. N 



194 WILLIAM IRELAND KNAPP 

University, and in 1865 he was appointed to the same chair in 
Vassar College, where he remained until 1867. He then under- 
took his second European tour, thereafter devoting himself to the 
study of Spanish and French literature, on which subjects he 
published, at this time, several works. In 1879 he became 
' Street ' Professor of Modern Languages in Yale University, a 
position which he occupied for fourteen years. 

It was towards the end of this period that he first came into 
touch with our Society. As it happens, I have preserved the 
letter which he wrote at the time of his adhesion, and, believing 
that it will prove of much interest to our readers, I reproduce it 
here : — 

Yale Ukiversitt, 
New Haven, Conn., Sept. 8th, 1888. 

Dear Sir, — You are very kind to think of me in the matter of the ' Gypsy 
Lore Society.' I have long been trying to get some information about it and the 
mode of addressing its Secretary. 

I take the liberty of sending you a local episode with a Gypsy, apropos of a 
lecture I delivered last spring before the Scientific School of Yale UnivT I 
thought you might want to archive all JSgyptiana. 

We have a branch of the Williams family in permanent session in our environs. 
One day the Queen, Mrs. Victoria (Cooper) Williams, alighted on the curb stone 
opposite our home, and I went out and called her in deep ^Egyptian : ' Av akai, 
miri dai, kamav te rakerava Romanis tusa.' She came across the street radiant 
with smiles, nodding and smirking, while she remarked : ' I s'pouse ya want me ta 
come over.' We enjoyed a long and interesting interview in the library, where I 
showed her my Romany collection from 1597 down to the present, but nothing 
pleased her so much as the picture of Queen Esther Blyth of Yetholm as found 
in ' Once a Week,' April 1862, and Mr. Leland's illustrations in t'tie Century. 

Anticipating much profit & entertainment from your publications, I am, 
dear Sir, yours very sincerely, W. I. Kxapp. 

The ' local episode ' referred to was chronicled in cuttings 
from New Haven newspapers of 21-23 March 1888, which accom- 
panied the letter. The first of these reported a lecture by 
Professor Knapp on ' The Gypsies,' delivered the night before. 
The second contained a letter from an English Gypsy of fairly 
good education, Sidney Gray, taking exception to some of the 
statements in the lecture. And in the third the professor replied 
to these criticisms, in a very friendly and good-natured tone, 
winding up with an invitation to the Gypsy to call at the pro- 
fessor's house, and share a ' puro koshto Romano habben, with 
mol or levina, as you prefer.' That this resulted in a cordial 
relationship between the two may be seen from Gray's letter, 
written a week later, which was printed in our Journal (Old 
Series, vol. i. p. 174), It is a matter of regret that this letter of 



WILLIAM IRELAND KXAPP 195 

Gray's formed tlie professor's only contribution to the Old Series 
of the Journal, although he never ceased to take a deep interest 
in it. There is, it is true, one other item relating to him. This 
occurs in the last number of the Old Series, April 1892, where 
there is an announcement (p. 259) that he was then ' preparing 
a Life of George Borrow, to be issued next year.' The same 
paragraph also intimates the publication of the lecture which 
called forth the letter of Sidney Gray. 

In 1892 Professor Knapp resigned his position at Yale and was 
appointed to the chair of ' Head ' Professor of Romance Languages 
in the University of Chicago. Before taking up his new duties, 
however, he gave himself the pleasure of visiting Europe for a 
third time. At Chicago he remained until 1895, but, as his 
letters of that time indicated, feeling himself to be in a some- 
what uncongenial atmosphere. Indeed, he appears to have 
found in Europe a greater degree of sympathy with his tastes 
than in even the Eastern States of his native country. This 
is not to be wondered at, in view of his special cast of thought, 
and his is no singular instance. It was therefore natural that he 
resolved to return once more to Europe, after resigning his chair 
at Chicago. He made his home at first in England, where he lived 
from 1895 to the end of 1902. Here it was that he completed and 
published his great work. The Life, Writings, and Correspondence 
of George Borrow, in which is embodied an enormous amount of 
painstaking research. This is undoubtedly the one of all his 
works with which his name will be most associated. Thereafter, 
he moved his household gods to Paris, and there he spent the last 
five years of his life. It was in Paris, in the summer of 1903, 
that I first became personally acquainted with Professor Knapp, 
although we had corresponded since the year 1888. He was then 
busy in getting his library transferred to his new home, and one 
recollection I have is of a long interview with the railway ofiicials 
at the station on the subject of certain belated boxes of books. 
Since that date I had no other opportunity of meeting him, but I 
retain a very pleasant memory of our intercourse on that occasion. 

The revival of our Society in 1907 gave Professor Knapp great 
pleasure, and his letters to our Honorary Secretary show the con- 
tinued activity displa3'ed by him in Romani and other studies. 
In a letter of 22nd March 1908, for example, he offers to compile 
for our Society ' an alphabetical vocabulary of all the Gypsy words 
and radices found in the version of St. Luke's Gospel by Borrow, 



196 WILLIAM IRELAND KNAPP 

1837.' The versatility of his mind is illustrated in the same letter, 
where he states that he was then engaged in an examination of 
Polynesian and cognate languages. On the 18th of April, he writes 
further as to his scheme of making ' a full vocabulary of all the 
Gypsy words Borrow ever used.' In the middle of June he sent 
to Liverpool the letter on the Suzmani of Persia, which appears 
among the Notes and Queries in our present number. Our 
October number contained his interesting contribution, ' A Gypsy's 
Letter to George Borrow in 1838,' at the end of which he promised 
us a translation of some of the more obscure passages. Moreover, 
his copy of the Historia de los Gitanos was sent on loan, for 
reproduction of the picture used as the frontispiece of the same 
number. In the accompanying letter, which contained some 
corrections of mistakes in Spanish, printed in the July number 
of our Journal, he thus remarks : ' The July Journal — an excellent 
number. I sat up nearly all night to read it, as it came at 9 p.m.' 
' This revival of Borrow presses very heavily on me,' he writes in 
the same letter. ' The letters come thick and fast. I have just sent 
off a bulky parcel that cost me three weeks to write, containing the 
transcription of one of Borrow's Note Books of 1857.' Moreover, 
the letter contains information about Whiter, about Goddard 
Johnson, and about various Borrovian versions of the Creed and 
Pater Noster, seven of which he copied out. Truly he gave him- 
self little rest ; but, in the words of his dearest friend, ' His was a 
labour of love, for which no trouble was too great.' 

His last letter to our Honorary Secretary Avas dated I7th 
October 1908, and therein he thus reports himself: ' Am very busy 
on a case of serious invasion of copyright — month's work. Have 
been to London to confer with J. M.' 

Not long after this, in the last week of November, he was 
taken ill with double pneumonia, and although he displayed 
throughout his illness a remarkable vitality that astonished his 
medical man, he finally succumbed on the night of 5th December. 
His funeral took place four days later, in the American Church, 
Rue de Berri. In thus referring to the closing scenes of the life 
of one of our oldest and most respected members, it may be per- 
missible to add that the lady who was his partner through life, and 
who may be assured of the sympathy of all in this Society who 
knew her husband, was with him to the last. 



RUSSIAN GYPSY SONGS 197 



II.— RUSSIAN GYPSY SONGS 

By Augustus E. John 

npHE following songs were taken down at Cherbourg from the 
-"- family of Demeter, Gypsy coppersmiths from Baku. I regret 
that I am unable to record also the melodies, which would appear 
to be genuine Gypsy music, resembling that of the Spanish Gyp- 
tanos, and differing in rhythm and character from Russian folk- 
song as the former does from Spanish. 

A translation improvised by one of the band is appended to 
the first song. My notes are evidently full of faults, which, 
however, are not all of my committing. 

These Gypsies, though well oft' and good craftsmen, have 
recently been refused a footing on the shores of England. They 
are free to go as they please in France. 

Song I 

Bdrio ladjav tuke Tnansa te gilaves, 

Ke imme sym Rom, ande kai la baliaki, 

Delai tzala, ril haliaki. 

A kanato hai Java andr'o foro te kelav. 

Hai Tnardala le hUoso pai bul, 

Hai me kede, hai peleci pa piroia 

Andi kaile le gajdngi 

Seg Tnanus laijverdo pas amendi 

Mes kerime hai vi gojnardo. 

Translation offered by Zacharie Demeter 

Tu devrais avoir grande honte de chanter avec moi, 
Car je ne suis qu'un Bohemien, dans une baraqiie, 
Dessous une tente, dedans la baraque. 
Maintenant je vais dans la ville pour danser. 
II m'a battu avec un fouet sur la qioeue, 
Et voild fini, il nt'est tombi dans les bras, 

• •••••• 

Immiidiateinent, .... 

EUe ne croyait pas qu'il dtait si naif{!) 



198 RUSSIAN GYPSY SONGS 

Song II 
Av 'dar her, Mimi, 
And 'o her e 'x^as ! 
Kas suves, Mimi, 
lolo gad ^ 
Te parni travesa ! 
Kai ^anas tu loli6? 
Trim raSa hai dui jes 
Le Tzingne cavds, 
Le ca6es gilivensa, 
Hai so de heS sluan pel gava, 
Hai durha he^r dur katar. 
Gospodine Ivanovaiic 
Barax Tnandar, 
Kerav de xj^es ander kalz, 
Anda yek de kun. 
Oio^a, 6ungar del fando mui. 
Anav pan^ jaiiddre, 
Pandav jivas pal pani, 
Hai cidav ber^ pandavav. 
Mamuka fulalo (or kulalo), ai o huka 
Bicinel le grasfiyan. 
Hai Yor§ka dikel palaUs 
Hai le kararai yeko kardico 
Marel 6i bax Bemeter. 

Song III 
Perado pelo, lajo manu^ sorensa 
Kakavi wasterensa, 
Isto x<^'>^kuno kai garbona 
Xala x'^^' 

Silalo ji starel bulansa 
Dilo kdr, kertilal hai kdro pral, 
Hai pori murS rovel, lei kdrh and' o vast, 
Skafidi {misali) drin4 puyrensa 
Angiisti po mutrds 
Jal kode manu§ te Tnuterel, 
Jal te ylel — 
Baxendi ki pokndi 
Lulava iun. 

' Can this be the song, / rakli adro o lolo gad, which the Gypsies in St. Peters- 
burg Bang to Leland? (The Oypsies, p. 44). 



DRAB 199 



Song IV 

Kturdanitza gana gani&i, 
Mui suko. 

Spidavo ande co mui okar, 
a de CO mui 
Vast de conar 
Trav tuke hax pcdui kUro 
Hai Sunav dro ande Tnole 
Mai pala jal te mutaral 
Jal te ^(lav, zurales, and' co mui, 
Kandav to palTna, kul kandel mdngi 
Cil ^ow-les tuke po Tnui o cil 
Sek £avoro katel e lulava. 
Gdter. 



III.— DRAB 
By John Myers 



MANY writers on Gypsy Lore, and notably Borrow, have re- 
ferred to the one-time Gypsy practice of poisoning pigs and 
eatinsf the flesh of the imfortunate animals.^ Borrovians will 

remember : — 

' The Rommany chi 
And the Rommany chal, 
Shall jaw tasaulor 
To drab the bawlor 
And dook the gry 
Of the farming rye.' 

That the art is still practised in Spain is testified by Mr. J. Stewart 
Maclaren (/. 0. L. S., New Series, ii. 95). It is no longer a common 
custom in this country, but there are English Gypsies still living 
Avho have themselves drab'd bdlos and had millo mas. 

The substance used" appears never to have been identified, 
although the fact that the Gypsies possess a knowledge of poisons 
has not escaped the notice of toxicologists. A. Wynter Blyth, in 
his introductory preface on ' The Old Poison-Lore ' (Poisons : their 
E feats and Detection, London, 1906), says : ' The gipsies, speaking 
a tongue which is essentially a deformed j^'^^dkrit, and therefore 
Indian in origin, have long possessed a knowledge of the properties 
of the curious " mucor phycomyces." This was considered an alga 

^ See Leland, Palmer and Tuckey, English-Gipsy Songs, pp. 130-4. 



200 DRAB 

by Agaron, but Berkeley referred it to the fungi. Tlie gipsies 
are said to have administered the spores of this fungi [sic] in warm 
water. In this way they rapidly attach themselves to the mucous 
membrane of the throat, all the symptoms of a phthisis follow, and 
death takes place in from two to three weeks,' A similar state- 
ment is made in a book entitled Criminal Investigation, translated 
and adapted from the Systemi der Krirfiinalistilc of Dr. Hans 
Gross by J. Adam and J. Collyer Adam (London, 1907, p. 372): — 
' When the gipsy wishes to poison someone he uses neither phos- 
phorus nor arsenic nor the like ; he uses his infallible dry (also called 
dri or drei) ... a fine brown powder made with the spores of a mush- 
room, (perhaps the Asper gillus niger). These spores grow in animal 
organisms, developing a greenish yellow shoot of about twelve to 
fifteen inches in length. This powder is dissolved in lukewarm 
liquid and the spores, becoming fixed in the mucous membrane 
and rapidly developing there, bring on consumption, coughing, 
often spitting of blood, and death finally ensues after two or three 
weeks. When the body becomes cold the mushroom also soon 
dies and disappears so completely that after death no trace of it 
can be found.' ^ Blyth states elsewhere that 'the poisons known 
to the Asiatics were arsenic, aconite, opium, and various solan- 
aceous plants.' ^ Groome, in the introduction to his Gypsy Folk- 
Tales (p. xxiv.), discussing a legend of the eleventh century which 
describes how the Atsincan destroyed wild beasts by means of 
poisoned meat, says : ' The poisoning of pigs . . . has become a lost 
Gypsy art. But twenty-five years ago I knew English Gypsies who 
had a most unpleasant knowledge of whence to get natural arsenic. 
One of them dropped down dead, and the policeman who examined 
his body found a quantity of it in his pocket. " Oh, yes," explained 
the survivors, " he used it, you know, sir, in his tinkering." ' It is 
possible that Groome used the term ' arsenic ' rather loosely, as 
standing for a deadly poison. 

The following extract from The Times (November 14, 1842, 

' A reference is given to Alex. Classen, Ocrichth'rhe Chemie. 

2 Mr. Winstedt, to whose kindness I owe several of the quotations in this 
article, has sent me the following reference to a practice somewhat akin to poison- 
ing : 'Another custom ... is that of annually drinking some potion, the secret 
of whose preparfvtion is known only to the oldest and wisest of the tribe. This 
draught is partaken of by the whole community as a charm or preventive against 
snake bites. It is certain that, owing to some agency, the gipsies can catcli snakes 
and handle them with the greatest impunity, but are never known to kill or hurt 
these animals' [The People, of Turkey . . . By a ConsnVii Daughter and Wife, 
edited by Stanley Lane Poole, London, 1878, vol. i. p. 160). 



DRAB 201 

p. 5 col. 6), although it does not refer to poisoning, shows that the 
Gypsies did not lack an alternative method when for any reason 
they could not or did not care to use drab. 

Gipsies. — (From a Correspondent.)— Several farmers in the neighbourhood of 
the New Forest in Hampshire have hitely sustained serious losses among their 
sheep for which they have been unable to account. The shepherds could ascribe 
no cause for this sudden mortality which pervaded their flocks, but it has in- 
variably been noticed that when a horde of Gipsies has been encamped in the 
vicinity of their sheepfolds, one or more of the animal? have been found dead in 
the morning which on the previous night appeared in perfect health. What first 
led to a suspicion that the Gipsies were accessory to the destruction of the beasts 
was this — viz., that they were the very first jiersons to apprize the farmers of the 
circumstance, and beg the carcases, observing that they would return the skins to 
the owners. A few days since a farmer in the neighbourhood of Sway, who kept 
a kennel of grayhounds, lost one of his sheep in this unaccountable manner, and 
was applied to by two Gipsies for the carcase, but he being desirous of converting 
the same into food for his dogs, ordered it to be cut up for that purpose, in doing 
which, the shepherd, to his great surprise, discovered that the animal's throat was 
crammed full of wool, so as to have caused the creature's death by suflbcation. 
The fact is (as has since been discovered) that the Gipsies around the New Forest 
have been in the habit, for some months past, of resorting to the practice of 
suS'ocating the sheep on the farms in the vicinity in the manner above described, 
evading thereby the suspicions of the farmers falling upon them. 

Strangely enough, the notice follows one of October 12, which 
gives the New Forest Gypsies the best of characters : ' Their 
conduct is well worthy of admiration.' — ' Not one single article of 
his [the farmer's] property is found missing whilst these vagrant 
supplicants remain on the outskirts of the premises. The farmers 
consider themselves, as to their homesteads and property, always 
safe when Gypsies are encamped near them.' — ' A farmer considers 
a Gypsy a good watch-dog ' against poachers, sheep-stealers, and 
' neighbours.' This method of obtaining mutton is still known to 
Gypsies, and one who hails from Staffordshire, in describing it to 
me recently, added that another trick was to break a lamb's neck 
and place its head in the bars of a gate in such a manner as to 
suggest that the death was purely accidental. 

The facts which I have been fortunate enough to gather prove 
that the Gypsies possess knowledge of metallic poisons in an 
extended field, and that they understand the use of a mineral, 
which, though it occurs largely in nature, is nevertheless rarely 
met with in toxicological cases ; and further, although sufHciently 
powerful to act as a rapid poison for animals, does not harm the 
man who consumes the flesh of beasts so killed, if certain ele- 
mentary precautions are taken. Several Gypsies have admitted 
knowledge of di^abin^. The first, whom we will call ' Matcho,' 



202 DRAB 

described the drab as a dirty-whitisli, ' carroty ' or rusty-looking 
stone found at the Ponsenbury (? Pontesbury) lead-mines in Shrop- 
shire.^ 'No fowls can live where it exists: it kills everything.' 
The procedure, he said, was to burn ^ and crush the stone, when it 
became powdery and ' like flour,' place a portion in a baked potato 
or mix with flour, and administer by hand, preferably at midnight. 
The amount of the dose was apparently about twenty grams, or a 
piece about the size of a small walnut, and the pig would be dead 
in the morning. He had himself used the stuff about twenty- 
seven years ago, and had seen as many as four pigs killed together 
by this method. 

Another Gypsy, to whom we may refer as ' Kasht,' told Mr. 
Sampson a similar tale, but in his case the parno bar, which was 
significantly described as ' heavy,' came from between Portmadoc 
and Beddgelert, and was administered in dough. Speculation as 
to what this mysterious stone might be led to an examination of 
the mineral poisons ; and for various sound reasons it seemed that 
all these, excepting Arsenic and Barium, might be ignored. Our 
Honorary Secretary thereupon undertook a journey into Shrop- 
shire in quest of the mineral. The result I give in his own 
words : — 

To pure good luck and a commercial traveller I owe the success of my expe- 
dition. For when I took a ticket from Liverpool to Wrexham, another thence to 
Shrewsbury, and as an afterthought a third to Craven Arms, I had not even heard 
of Bishop's Castle, the quaint little town at the end of an unfrequented branch- 
line, where I was destined to sleep that night. And I should have supped, slept, 
and breakfasted, and departed by a road which led to no mines, had not the 
commercial traveller insisted on sitting up to all hours in spite of the landlord 
who, wearied by a depressing rent-dinner, at which the tenants had been warned 
that two quarters' rents must be paid in three months, slept on an oaken settle, and 
was shaken into wakefulness only when more whisky was needed. Between three 
and four a.m. I cautiously broached the subject of poisonous minerals, and Mr, 
Phillips, for such was the commercial gentleman's name, tendered from vast stores 
of local knowledge, acquired as the son of a drover, the information that at Roman 
Gravels, not far distant, ' mountains ' of Barium-siJar lay unprotected by the 
roadside : and so I went happily to bed. But therein he did me an injury. Next 
day I found indeed the mountains of spar, crammed into my kna^jsack crystals 
enough to poison a battalion, losing in the effort the invisible means of support of 

' According to Borrow's song {The Romany Bye, chapter vii.) Gypsies bent on 
poisoning a pig used to buy trin horsworth of drab from an apothecary ; but this may 
have been one of the details which he added when he expanded the 'slender prose 
draft,' of which three separate versions occur in his MSS., into a ditty of nine 
verses. 

'^ The object of this burning is, as Matcho stated, to make the process of powder- 
ing easier. The heat partly disintegrates the mass by cracking the crystal along its 
cleavage planes. At the same time its colour changes from yellow ieli to grey, but 
DO caustic Baryta is formed. 



DRAB 203 

part of my vesture, and laboured on overloaded and dreadfully uncomfortable 
under a scorchini; sun. But at the inn where I paused for a lunch of cheese and 
beer, a burly miner with whom I discussed spars informed me that the Roman 
Gravels yield no Barium. Shamefacedly I slunk out to deposit my burden behind 
the first hedge, and took my way across the fields to Snailbeach, where, according 
to the burly miner, the poisonous Barium Carbonate, Witherite or ' Water Spar,' 
as it is called locally, was found. Everybody knew Water Spar. They praised it 
as a rat-poison. They blamed it for the destruction of much cattle, for which the 
farmers got no compensation. But when found it is closely guarded, and ulti- 
mately used to refill disused workings in the mines. Nobody, from the keeper 
of the one inn to the lads who idled on the bridge, could or would supply a speci- 
men at any price. Hungry and disheartened I abandoned the quest, consulted my 
map, and made fol" Minsterley and tea. 

By this time I began to realise that my errand exposed me to some suspicion. 
It may be that the Beng himself scented an ulterior motive, for ' The Deil's bairns 
aye hae their Daddy's luck,' and it was certainly an amazing freak of fortune 
which, at a turn in the road, brought me face to face with a farmyard door on 
which, in letters of fiery vermilion, blazed the unexpected notice, 'Baryta Co., 
Ltd., Registered Office.' In front everything was verdant, neat, and healthy ; but 
at the rear disorder reigned. Rusty boilers and machinery lay between neglected 
sheds and a reservoir of unhealthy water. The scanty herbage of the neighbouring 
field was dusted with a white deposit. And in the midst of the desolation stood a 
cottage of corrugated iron painted a dull, cheerless red, and surrounded by the 
ghost of a garden haunted by a few spectral plants. The door was opened by the 
foreman's wife, a woman with a strange, dazed look, old before her time, whose 
colourless skin hung in flabby folds from the bones of her face. Her husband was 
out, she said, but she invited me in, and I sat down and explained the object of 
my visit. No, she had never heard of Water Spar — if there were such a spar she 
would know it— it was aU nonsense ; the stuff" did not exist. So we turned to 
other subjects : her loose teeth ; the bringing of the Barium Sulphate ore by road 
from mines near Chirbury ; how the men worked ' up to their knees ' in Barium ; 
and the perfect healthfulness of their employment provided they had plenty of 
soup and cod-liver oil. And all the time she scanned me earnestly and seemed 
anxious to prolong the conversation. But I soon wearied of such unprofitable 
talk, and rose saying that I would call again later in the evening when I hoped to 
find her husband at home. ' Whisht ! ' she said suddenly, a bony finger on her 
pale lips ; ' he 's in the next room, fast asleep.' 

' Then perhaps you will be good enough to wake him, and say that I would 
like to speak to him.' 

' Not for worlds,' she replied ; and beckoning mysteriously, ' follow me. Come 
along. I knew what you wanted the moment you came to the door.' 

I followed, not without misgivings, for this uncanny woman seemed to regard 
me as her accomplice in some crime. She led the way to a little porch where, on 
narrow shelves, were ranged some dozens of stones of various colours, shapes, and 
sizes. In silence she took them up one by one, dusted them with her aprnn, held 
them to the light, and weighed them in her hand. Finally she selected two which 
she carried to the pump and scrubbed with a brush. Then approaching closely 
she whispered — 

' Here, take these. They 're worth five shillings to a druggist.' 

' I shall be very glad to pay for them.' 

' No, no ! Not from you. Put them in your pockets, one on each side. Let 
nobody see them, and don't tell a soul where you got them. We 're not allowed 
to have it.' 

I did as she directed, thanked her, and went on my way reflecting. But the 
more I reflected the deeper grew the mystery, and the more convinced I became 



204 DRAB 

that Minsterley was no healthy place for me. So I hired a trap and drove ten 
miles further before I halted for the night. 

Analysis showed that the mineral, a wax-coloured crystalline substance, was 
almost pure Barium Carbonate, containing 7 7 '36 per cent, of BaO, and 22 "25 per 
cent, of COg. 

The recognition of the stone was now all that was required to 
complete the ' discovery,' and Matcho was run to earth in one of 
those South Wales valleys which, once exquisite, have even now 
a saddened charm, as if mourning the days when collieries and 
squalid cottages were not. Here, snugly encamped, and enjoying 
the huge fire like a true Romany, lay my friend. Did he remember 
the stone of which we had so often talked ? — ' Yes.' Would he 
recognise it ? — ' Yes.' Did my having some in my pocket surprise 
him ? — ' No.' For it takes much more than a little matter of this 
kind to cause surprise in a Gypsy. All he said was, ' I hope you 
have brought two stones, Rai ; then I can show you the right 
one.' One more whispered question : — ' Would the ivaver Romani- 
chal akai jin variso of so we were rdkerin' ? ' — ' Keka !' So the 
Barium Carbonate from Minsterley; a piece of Limespar, which 
greatly resembled the Barium in appearance, but not in weight ; 
and a specimen of Galena, encrusted with Limespar and Ferric 
Oxide, were submitted to Matcho. The Limespar was instantly 
rejected, with ' 'Tain't that.' The two remaining caused some 
hesitation, and he spoke as if to himself. ' This (Barium) is like 
it, but it ought to have some of this rusty stuff' (Ferric Oxide, 
which commonly occurs with practically all minerals) ; another 
gaze, then he suddenly nibbled the Barium and said with decision, 
'That 'sit.' 

The waver Romanichal now took a hand in the game, and 
with a ' Let 's look,' pounced on the Barium and exclaimed, ' That 's 
Water Spar ; it vels from Minsterley in Shropshire, it '11 drab 
anything.' Now, Matcho had no name for this stone, but the 
waver Romanichal named it correctly and told of the times he 
had used it. ' Many a poor Romanichal's family,' he said, ' have 
been brought up by this bar} Mi koko used to del the biltiengros 
levinor to chor lest for him, and yek cJierus the givhigro a 'd kek 
del us the bdlo, not even the skin.' (One wonders if the body was 

' The practice was probably the last resort of the starving Gypsy. Cf. Borrow, 
The Romany Rye (chapter vii.) : ' Had you tasted tliat pork, brother, you would 
have found that it was sweet and tasty, which balluva that is drabbed can hardly 
be expected to be. We have no reason to drab baulor at ]iresent, we have money 
and credit ; but necessity has no law. Our forefathers occasionally drabbed baulor ; 
some of our people may still do such a thing, but only from compulsion.' 



DRAB 205 

begged on the pretext of using the skin.) Tongues were loosened, 

and Matcho told of an occasion when he and four others went to 

beg the body, and the farmer said, ' The pig ain't dead yet ! ' The 

animal had been eating heartily of potatoes, which according to 

Matcho had mer'd the drab and acted as an antidote. They were 

also both agreed that milk was a splendid antidote for any poison, 

and added that a little drah ' was kushti for yer kokero.' Matcho 

affirmed that he could easily distinguish draVd mas as it was very 

pink, and the waver mush explained with 'Awa Rai, the rat's 

adre the trupo.' This pink appearance had been previously 

mentioned by other Gypsies. Professor Sherrington, the eminent 

physiologist, has given his opinion that the flesh of a pig poisoned 

in the above manner might be eaten with perfect safety, provided 

the entrails were rejected, and the parts of the animal which might 

come into contact with them carefully washed ; which indeed the 

Gypsies seem to have done if we may believe Sorrow's ' Poisoning 

the Porker ' : — 

' And then we toves the wendror well 
Till sore the wendror iuziou se, 
Till kekkeno drab's adrey lis, 
Till di'ab there 's kek adrey lis.' 

Matcho asserted that the meat was harmless because the drah ' sd 
jals to pdni.' 

But drahm.^ bdlos was an innocent peccadillo to an old lady 
like Mrs. Hearne, who ' carried so much Devil's tinder about with 
her ' and ' was always too fond of covert ways, drows, and brim- 
stones,' as Mr. Petulengro showed in his story of the poisoned 
plum-pudding. And indeed it is not unworthy of notice that the 
symptoms which Borrow describes {Lavengro, chapter Ixxi.) are 
all typical of Barium poisoning ; although one, salivation, which is 
sometimes associated with such cases, is wanting and replaced 
by thirst.^ Borrow's symptoms were as follows : — 

Intense thirst. — ' My mouth felt parched.' ' Feeling my thirst increase.' ' I felt 

thirstier than before.' ' My mouth was dry and burning, and I felt a frantic 

desire to drink.' 
Abdominal pain and colic. — ' I felt a dreadful qualm.' ' The qualm had seized rae 

again.' ' Qualm succeeded qualm.' ' The qualms continued, deadly pains 

shot through my whole frame.' 
Nausea and vomiting. — 'I was deadly sick.' 
Acute diarrhoea. — No mention. 

^ A. P. Luff, however, in his Text-Book of Forensic Medicine and Toxicology 
London, 1S95, mentions intense thirst as a characteristic symptom of Barium 
poisoning. 



206 DRAB 

Muscular weakness. — ' Instantly robbed me of nearly all my strength.' ' To^reach 
the spring once more was impossible.' ' My condition did not permit me to 
rise.' 

Unconsciousness. — ' I could bear my agonies no longer, and I fell into a trance or 
swoon.' ' Once more I relapsed into my swoon.' 

Convulsions and paralysis. — 'An inexplicable something chained my tongue.' 
' Look at the gentleman's motions.' (Leonora.) ' What, another throe ! 
writhe, sir, writhe.' (Mrs. Hearne.) 'Look at his motions.' (Leonora.) 
When Leonora's dog ' seemed about to spring at ' his face, Borrow ap- 
parently could not move to defend himself, but merely ' flashed at the dog 
with his eye, and scared him' ; and he does not seem to have resisted Mrs. 
Hearne when she struck him on the face with her stick. He was unable to 
speak when Peter Williams found him. 

High blood-pressure. — ' Something appeared to bear heavy on my breast.' ' My 
temples were throbbing.' ' The oppression about the chest which I had felt 
in my sleep still continued.' 

Catarrh of the conjunctiva. — ' There was a burning in my eyes.' 

Eally and relapse. — ' I felt somewhat better, and attempted to lift my head off my 
couch ; the next moment, however, the qualms and pains returned, if possible, 
with greater violence than before.' 

It must be remembered that this description is taken from a 
novel and not from a text-book of pathology, so that it would be 
unreasonable to expect minute accuracy. Dr. J. W. S. Macfie tells 
me that the symptoms which would have been most decisive in a 
differential diagnosis are unfortunately those for which the evi- 
dence is least convincing. Convulsions and paralysis, for instance, 
would not have occurred with Arsenic ; and the pulse would have 
been weak and the heart's action feeble, whereas Sorrow's blood- 
pressure seems to have been high. 

Still both Mrs. Hearne and Leonora compared Borrow's condi- 
tion with that of a hog dying ' by the drow of the Gypsies ' ; and, 
moreover, the adventure cannot have happened far from the South 
Shropshire lead-mines which are on the direct line west from 
Willenhall and Borrow's dingle, to the nearest part of the Welsh 
border.^ Thus it is at least probable, if not certain, that the drab 
in old Mrs. Hearne's cake was this same Water Spar, and that to 
it Borrow owed the troubles of which he wrote in 1851 : ' these 

^ The distance makes it improbable that Borrow could have departed far to the 
north or south of this line, for in one day, driving his ' little pony-cart,' he accom- 
panied Peter Williams from tlie meadow with the three immense oaks, m here they 
had slept for ten nights, to the borders of Wales ; fought with Jasper Petulengro 
for half an hour ; refreshed himself at the Silent Woman ; ' discovered, though not 
without some difficulty, the dingle' ; pitched his tent and 'contrived to put up' his 
forge. And the meadow cannot have been many miles from the wood where Borrow 
first camped, for he was poisoned on Saturday, June 11, 1825, apparently early in 
the afternoon, lay suffering for a considerable time, was tended for two hours by 
Peter Williams, and removed to the meadow 'at a slow pace,' arriving after night- 
fall, but not too late for the evangelist to summon a congregation and preach for 
three-quarters of an hour. 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 207 

memorials of the drow have never entirely disappeared — even at 
the present time they display themselves in my system, especially 
after much fatigue of body and excitement of mind.' ^ 



IV.— THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 

By Henry Thomas Crofton 

AN article under this heading appeared in 1876 in the Pajjers of 
-^^ the Manchester Literary Club, and the subject has been 
deemed of sufficient historical interest to warrant a revision of it 
appearing in this Society's Journal, with additions and corrections, 
coupled with some of the scattered woodcuts which were used to 
represent the early Gypsies. 

So far as their costume is concerned, Grellmann, the historian 
of the Gypsies, contented himself, in chapter v. of section i., by 
stating that the first of the Gypsies that ' came to Europe, appeared 
ragged and miserable, unless we perhaps allow their leaders to 
have been an exception.' For this generalisation the notes, at page 
187 of Raper's English translation, refer to Stumpf 's Schweitzer 
CJironik, 425, and Krantz's Saxonia, bk. ii. chap. ii. p. 239. 

The rest of the chapter merely describes their rags and ragged 
finery, and their love of gaudy colours. All other writers have 
simply echoed Grellmann when dealing with Gypsy dress.- 

^ The verdict of Sir Henry D. Littlejohn on Borrow's case is all the more 
valuable because, at first, he was inclined to suspect a vegetable narcotic ; basing 
his opinion on the absence of any mention of purging, on the knowledge of herbs 
which the Gypsies are reputed to possess, and on the fact that when such poisons 
are taken in their natural state ' the vegetable structure affects the system with 
symptoms of irritation before the true physiological effects of the drug manifest 
themselves.' With the greatest kindness Sir Henry afterwards made extensive 
inquiries on the subject of Barytic poisoning and modified his first view. ' On the 
whole, therefore,' he wrote, after reading the proofs of this article, ' I think j'ou 
have made a good case for this special poison.' 

- For Mr. Sampson's article on English Gypsy dress of comparatively modern 
date, see J. G. L. S., Old Series, iii. 155. Danilowicz, whose work was not seen by 
Pott when he wrote Die Zigeuner, had a chapter on Gypsy dress, and Colocci, Gfi 
Zingari, Turin, 1889, p. 337, says it is a translation of Grellmann. Colocci himself 
(pp. 190-194) does not treat their dress historically, but states that in the East (of 
Europe) 'they wear a turban of green or white linen, the Albanian toga,' etc. 
(p. 191) : this however applies to Gypsies of the present daj. In the Syevemaya 
Pchda, St. Petersburg, 1838, there was a ' Sketch of the History Costume and 
Language of the Gypsies' in Nos. 75, 77, and 82 (J. G. L. S., New Series, i. 25 note), 
and in 1879 H. R. A. Gosche published at Berlin Die Zigeuner als Typus in Dich- 
tung und Kunst. These I have not seen. It is, however, exceedingly probable 



208 THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 

PART I 

THEIR COSTUME IN ENGLAND 

It is most probable that when the Gypsies arrived in England 
about the year 1500 they had a recognised distinctive costume of 
an oriental character, because in 1542 Dr. Andrew Borde, who was 
born in Sussex about 1490, wrote in his Introduction of Knoivledge, 
in the chapter on Egypt, that ' the people of the coutry be swarte 
and doth go disgisid in theyr apparel contrary to other nacions ' 
{J. G. L.S., New Series, i. 163), and twenty years later, in 1562, an 
Act of Parliament (5 Elizabeth, chapter 20) was passed to the 
following effect : ' Whereas sithence [since] the Act made in the 
first and second years of the late King Philip and Queen Mary, 
[a.d. 1554, 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, chapter 4] . . . there is a 
Scruple and Doubt risen, whether such Persons as being born 
within this Realm of England . . . and are . . . become of the 
Fellowship ... of the said Vagabonds, by transforming or dis- 
guising themselves in their Apparel, . . . are punishable, [or 
whether the Act only applied to those who were born abroad], 
Therefore ... Be it enacted . . . That, all . . . Persons which, 
from and after the first Day of May now next ensuing, shall be 
seen ... in any Company ... of Vagabonds, commonly called 
. . . Egyptians, or . . . disguising themselves by their Apparel 
. . . like unto such Vagabonds . . . and so shall or do continue . . . 
one Month, . . . the said . . . Persons, shall ... be deemed . . . 
Felons ; and shall therefore suffer Pains of Death, Loss of Lands 
and Goods.' 

These were not the first English Acts passed against the 
Gypsies. In 1530 an Act (22 Henry viii., chapter 10) was passed ; 
fifteen years later, in December 1545, another Bill was before the 

that they drew upon Grellmann, and merely added contemporary and not historical 
descriptions. 

The gradually disappearing Lithuanian Gypsy costume is described by Mr. 
Davainis-Silvestraitis in J. O. L. S., Old Series, ii. 108-9. A Venetian Gypsy 
dress about 1710 is described by Mr. Pincherle, ibid., i. 308-9. 

De Goeje in Mdmoire sur les Migrations des Tsiganes (Le}'de, 1903), at p. 60, 
says : ' We find amongst the Eastern authors only very little information on the 
habits and customs of the Gypsies. The historians say that the Zotts, who were 
exhibited in boats at Bagdad [a.d. 835], wore their national costume, but we do not 
know of what it consisted. According to the passages cited above, certain dress- 
materiala or garments were called after them Zottiya, and we know, by a passage in 
Ibn Abd-rabbihi, that there were Gypsy weavers (iisserands). We also read there 
that they called a style of shaving the head in the form of a cross, Zodtya, that is 
to say, "Gypsy fashion." I have not succeeded in discovering any trace of this 
style amongst the various authors who have described the Gypsies.' 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 209 

Lords, but did not pass; two years later, in November 1547, a Bill 
was before the Commons, but it shared the same fate. In 1554 
the Act above alluded to was passed, but the Act of 1562 is the first 
to refer to the disguising apparel, which would seem to have been 
so well known that it was unnecessary to go into detail about it. 

What it was in 1567 is partly shown by the epistle prefixed by 
Thomas Harman to the third edition of his Caueat or Warening 
for Covimen Cvrsetors, where he expresses a hope that ' as short 
and as spedy a redresse wyl-be for these [sturdy rogues], as hath 
bene of late yeres for the wretched wily wandering vagabonds 
calling and naming them selves Egiptians, depely dissembling and 
long hyding and couering their depe decetfull practises — feding the 
rude common people, wholy addicted and geuen to nouelties, toyes, 
and new inuentions, delyting them with the strangenes of the 
attyre of their heades, and practising paulraistrie to such as would 
know their fortunes.' This is confirmed at an early date by 
Edward Hall in his Chronicle of King Henry the Eighth (pub- 
lished in 1548), where, describing a Court Mummery in 1510 
(folio 7), he says that two ladies had ' their heades routed in 
pleasauntes [lawn or gauze] and typpers [brims of caps or bonnets], 
lyke the Egipcians, enbroudered with gold,' and that, at a State 
Banket in 1520, ' there entered into the chamber eight ladies tired 
[with headdresses] like to the Egipcians very richly.' It is very 
likely that, as the Gypsies alleged that they came from Egypt, they 
lent colour to their tale by wearing turbans after the fashion of the 
inhabitants of that country. 

In 1517 the poet Skelton goes into further confirmatory detail 
in his description of ' Elynour Ruviniynge,' whose name is also 
quaintly reminiscent of a Romani chei. 

' Her kyrtel [bodice and skirt covibined] Brystow [Bristol] red; 
With clothes upon her hed 
That wey [weigh] a sowe [or pig] of led, 
Wrythen in wonder ivyse, [wound in a wonderful way] 
After the Sarasyns gyse, 
With a ivhyiii wham, [round revolving table] 
Knyt with a trym tram, [trifle] 
Vpon her brayne pan, 
Lyke an Egyptian 
Capped about : 
Whan she goeth out.' 

VOL. II. — NO. III. o 



210 THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 

It may be remarked here that Mr. MacRitchie's careful 
history of the Scottish Gypsies (Edinburgh, 1894; /. G. L. 8., Old 
Series, vol. ii.) has not revealed anything more definite with regard 
to costume than the ambiguous expression ' habit and repute ' in 
the various Ordinations and Records about Gypsies. This is 
somewhat remarkable, because Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary, 
1808, says, under the word ' Gipsy,' that it was the name of Siform, 
of Cap, which was borrowed by that generation's great-grand- 
mothers from the Gypsies, which carries its tradition back to about 
1700. He adds that it was a woman's cap or mutch 'plaited on 
the back of the head.' 

In Knight's Old England, 1845, vol. ii. p. 292, fig. 2317, there 
is a modern woodcut to illustrate Addison's account of Sir Roger 
de Coverley's interview with Gypsies about 1710, and the artist 
has drawn the female Gypsies as wearing long hooded cloaks, 
fastened toga-like at the shoulder, and on their heads they have a 
cloth twisted very much as a turban is, but with a long end passing 
round the chin.^ According to the description given to Mr. 
Sampson by the old tinker Murray ,2 the Gypsy women of old used 
to wear long cloaks with hoods : ' most of them were red ' (like 
Elynour Rummynge's Bristol red kirtle), and ' sometimes they 'd 
have a band of fine cloth going round and round the head, with 
these rosettes on it — one on each side of the front part of the 
head and three at the back,' and sometimes * as many stars on her 
head as there be in the sky,' as was befitting for astrologers. 
Murray half remembered a headdress or turban called a vurla 
or burla, with two andales hanging down behind.^ 

In 1609 Dekker {circa 1577-1637), in his Lanthorne and 
Candlelight, says : ' They are a people . . . beggerly in apparell. . . . 
If they be Egiptians, sure I am they neuer discended from the 
tribes of any of those people [the Jews] that came out of the Land 
of Egypt. . . . Their apparell is od, and phantasticke, thou[gh] it 
be neuer so full of rents : the men weare scarf es of Callico, or any 
other base stuffe, hanging their bodies like Morris-dancers, with 
bets and other toyes, to intice the coutrey people to flocke about 
them, and to wounder at their fooleries, or rather rancke knaueryes. 
The women as rediculously attire theinselu.cs, and (like one that 



^ Compare the young women in the Effiat tapestry, jmst. 
2 /. O. L. S., Old Series, iii. 159 and note. 

^ Compare the headdresses in Predari's view of a Zingari's capanna, about 1840. 
Oriyine e Vicende dei Zitujari, Milano, 1841, opposite p. 91. 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 211 

plaies the Roague on a stage) weave rags, and patched filthy 
mantles vpermost, when the vnder garments are hansome and in 
fashion. . . . The bloudy tragedies of [killing] al these [poultrie] 
are only acted hy y^ Woine, who carrying long kniues or Skeanes 
vnder their mantles, do thus play their parts ' (J. G. L. S., Old Series, 
iii. 248-250). 

In 1612 S[amuel] R[id], in his Art of Juggling, says of the 
Gypsies : ' These kinde of people about an hundred yeares agoe, 
about the twentith yeare of King Henry the eight [the first pro- 
hibitory Act was in 1530, 22 Henry viii.], began to gather an head, 
at the first heere about the Southerne parts, and this (as I am 
informed and [as far] as I can gather, was their beginning: — 
Certaine Egiptians banished [from] their cuntry (belike not for 
their good conditions) ariued heere in England, who being excellent 
in quaint trickes and deuises, not known heere at that time 
among us, were esteemed and had in great admiration, for what 
with strangenesse of their attire and garments, together with their 
sleights and legerdemaines, they were spoke of farre and neere.' 

Shakespeare (1564-1616) mentions Gypsies in several places, 
but does not allude to their dress. He seems to have believed 
that they were veritable Egyptians. In ^s You Like It, Act v. 
Scene 3, the two pages are to sing 'both in a tune like two 
gypsies on a horse.' This custom of several riding on one horse 
is mentioned in Dekker's Lanthorne : ' If they can stradle once, 
then aswell the shee-roagues as the hee-roagues are horst [horsed], 
seauen or eight vpon one iade, strongly pineoned, and strangely 
tyed together ' (J. G. L. S., Old Series, iii. 249). 

In Gifford's edition of the Works of Ben Jonson (1573-1637), 
vol. vii., London, 1816, p. 370, the stage direction to the Masque of 
the Gypsies Metamorphosed {circa 1621) runs : ' Enter a Gipsy 
leading a horse laden with five little children . . . upon him.' 
The Gypsy says : ' Room for the 5 princes of Egypt, mounted all 
upon one horse. . . . Gaze upon them, as on the offspring of 
Ptolemy, begotten upon several Cleopatras, in their several 
counties ; especially on this brave spark struck out of Flint-&h\ve, 
upon Justice Jugs daughter, then sheriff of the county, who 
running away with a kinsman of our captain's, and her father 
pursuing her to the marches [the boundary of Wales] . . . they 
were both, for the time, turn'd stone [perhaps a pun on stone-jug, 
i.e. a prison, is here intended], upon the sight each of other, in 
Chester : till at last, ... a jug of the town- ale reconciling them. 



212 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 



the memorial of both . . . hath remained ever since preserved 
in picture upon the most stone jugs of the kingdom.' 

In the 1507 edition of Brandt's Skip of Fooles appears a 
woodcut which is used to illustrate this article. It appears in 
earlier editions with slight differences. A copy serves to illus- 
trate Douce's extra-illustrated copy of Raper's English translation 




Fie. 1. — Illustration to the section 'De improbe mendicantibus,' 
from Brandt's Navis stultifera (Basilee, 1507), p. Iviii^. 

of Grellmann's Dissertation on the Gipsies, bequeathed to the 
Bodleian Library at Oxford. The custom of children being 
carried in panniers is also shown in a woodcut prefixed to a 
ballad called The Brave English Jipsey (to be sung ' to the tune 
of the Spanish Jipsie'), the date of which is presumably about 
1630 (Ballad Society's Roxburghe Ballads, vol. iii. p. 329). In 
this woodcut it will bo noticed that the man in front of the 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 



213 



horse wears a sort of twisted circlet on his loose hair, and that his 
cloak is fastened over one shoulder. The other woodcut here 
given of a group of ragged beggars, with a woman in the centre, 
appears at the head of the second part of The Brave English 
Jipsie, but was also made use of five pages earlier at the head of 




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TAe Beggar Boy of the North. The fourth Avoodcut, headed The 
Gypsies, and showing seven ragged vagabonds posturing, dancing 
and singing, has come from some unidentified seventeenth-century 
book of English verse, judging from the few lines visible on the 
back, and was found by Mr. Wellstood in Douce's copy of Grell- 
mann at the Bodleian Library, Oxford. 



214 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 



So late as 1649, at Bransby in the North Riding of Yorkshire, 
' divers people in the hahitts of jipsey ' were apprehended. Here 
the word 'habitts' clearly means 'costume,' and the Scottish 
phrase ' habit and repute,' and Jamieson's description of the 
' Gipsy ' cap may be borne in mind. These were veritable Gypsies 
in 1649, for it is said that ' divers of them did tell fortunes. They 
did some tyme speak in languages wich none who were by could 
understand.' Their leader was named Grey, which is still a 
Romany patronymic, and his followers were Elizabeth Grey {pro- 
bably his wife), Richard and Barbara Smith (still a Gypsy sur- 




FiG. 3.— English Gypsies, from 'The Second Part' [of 'The Brave 
Englifh lip/ie'] (about 1630 a.d.), Boxburghe Ballads, vol. iii. 
(Hertford, 1875), p. 331 : also used at the end of ' The Begger-boy 
of the North,' ibid., p. 325. Reproduced from the original ballad 
in the British Museum. 

name), and Francis and Elizabeth Parker. They owned a mare, 
had several children, and had travelled through several counties 
including Lancashire (Surtees Society, vol. xl.). 

Mr. Sampson's tinker, Murray, told him that ' the kind of 
cloaks the old men used to wear, they were made of nothing but 
skins riveted together with fine little nails made of copper pieces, 
old " card " pennies. They 're tied by a knot on both shoulders, 
made in a curious position. Some of them wears them brought 
up like a bunch of ribbons on one shoulder for grandeur, with 
copper hooks to them in front,' . . . 'and some of the old men 
had green coats as they set a mortal store by ' (J. G. L. S., Old 
Series, iii. 156-7, and note). Mr. MacRitchie, in chapters ii. and 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 



215 



X. of the second volume of Ancient and Modern Britons (London, 
1884), has collected several descriptions of the showy costumes 
beloved by Gypsy men and women of England and Scotland for 
state occasions, from about 1700 onwards. 

It is submitted that these quotations indicate that in England, 
at least, the Gypsies had formerly a distinctive costume, somewhat 
oriental in character, although the descriptions are not as definite 
as could be wished as to the peculiarities of the costume itself; 




Fig. 4. — 'The Gypsies,' from the flyleaf of Douce's 
copy of Raper's translation of Grellmann. 



and that the gradual disappearance of the costume was probably 
due to the repressive Act of 1562, though it lingered on till about 
1700, and was most probably an intentional imitation of the 
attire of the actual inhabitants of Egypt, whence they alleged 
that they had come. The probability is that they wore this 
costume when they first arrived in England, and that their 
adoption of it was of earlier date, when questioned by travellers, 
with whom they met, and from whom they cleverly gleaned what 
dress would best accord with their tale. 



216 THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 

PART II 
THEIR COSTUME IN EUROPE 

On the Continent we have the advantage of earlier records 
than any in England, as well as the possibility that, on their first 
appearance in Western Europe about 1417, their costume might 
be reminiscent of the various countries through which they 
had passed on their long-drawn-out migration from India to 
Europe, and their prolonged sojourn in South-Eastern Europe 
about Thrace and the Danube, where the Turkish costume would 
be more or less prevalent. 

Sir Henry Rawlinson, who was an oriental scholar, gave the 
following summary of his opinion as to the course of Gypsy his- 
tory and their migrations, at a meeting of the Geographical 
Society in February 1856 (see also De Goeje in J. G. L. S., Old 
Series, ii. 131 ; Bataillard, ihid., vols. i. and ii. ; and MacRitchie's 
Gypsies of India, London, 1886). Sir H. Rawlinson unfortu- 
nately does not cite his authorities, but says : ' In the fourth 
century they proceeded to Beloochistan, from thence they reached 
Susiana, and in the sixth century they occupied the Chaldean 
Marshes, from whence they were moved to the Cilician Gates, and 
continued to inhabit North Syria till the Greek Emperors moved 
them to Iconium. In the thirteenth century, they had reached 
the Bosphorus, and they were first heard of in Europe in the 
fourteenth century' (Proceedings of the Royal Geographical 
Society, i. 40, and J. G. L. S., Old Series, i. 225 note).i This 
account is to some extent supported by records, and if fully 
proved might account for the wide difference between the 
European and non-European dialects. The greater portion of 
the race may have been the subject of these successive deporta- 
tions or migrations, leaving behind in each country only a few 
stragglers, who perhaps evaded the authorities, or had by 
marriages become allied to the people of the country without 
having altogether forsaken their nomadic habits, or become fully 
assimilated to the Gfijos. This would be analogous to the differ- 
ences noted by Dr. Paspati between the nomad and sedentary 

* De Goeje discovered new references, which caused him to change his oi)inions 
about the early history of the Gypsies. His latest views are embodied in his 
Mimoire sur lea Migrations des Tsiganes it (ravers I'Asie (Leide, 190.3) which super- 
sedes the older work translated in MacRitchie's Qypsien of India. He discards the 
1'2,0(KJ Luria of the fifth century, and puts the Kxodus from India four centuries 
later. 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 217 

Gypsies of Turkey. As, however, Gypsies do not originate 
materials or articles of clothing, they would be prone to adopt 
the clothes worn in the countries through which they have 
passed. The Marquis Colocci has furnished a useful map of 
their European fifteenth - century wanderings in his admirable 
volume on Gli Zingari. 

The earliest accounts of these fifteenth- century invaders refer 
merely to their rags. They evidently wore anything they could 
procure by fair means or foul. There was nothing in their apparel 
sufficiently strange to arrest the chronicler's attention. The early 
words applied to the women's chief garment are schiavina^ 
(esclavine, in French) at Bologna in Italy in July 1422, flassado 
in the south of France, fiassart at Tournai in May 1422, and 
Jlaussoie (blanket) and roquet (shift) at Paris, in August 1427 
(Bataillard, /. G. L. 8., Old Series, i. 332, 336 note; ii. 30 
note). 

Monsieur Bataillard in the same place shows that one of the 
earliest undoubted records of the invasion of Western Europe by 
the Gypsies was that of the contemporary Hermann Corner, who 
wrote Chronica novella usque ad annum 1435 deducta, which will 
be found in the second volume of Eccard's Corpus histories medii 
cevi (fol. 1723, p. 1225), and Corner's account was ' embroidered ' by 
Albert Krantz (born about 1450, died 1517), who was the author of 
a Chronicle of Saxony, which was published at Cologne in 1530 
(Saxonia, Franckfort edition, 1621, folio, lib. xi. ch. ii. pp. 285-6). 
Corner ^ says : ' The Gypsies first arrived in the District of Hanover, 
Holstein, and Mecklenbourg, in the year 1417 ; they were very dirty, 
very ugly, and as black as Tartars. Some of them rode on horse- 
back, others walked.' Krantz embellishes the picture by adding 
' the women were drawn in waggons, with the baggage and little 
children. The chiefs, who were superbly dressed, had hunting 
dogs, like the nobility ' (Bataillard, Be V Apparition, etc., des Boh4- 
miens en Europe, Paris, 1844, pp. 22-4 ; J.G. L. S., Old Series, i. 276 
note). Stumpf, who wrote in 1546, and Tschudi, who wrote between 

^ Colocci in UOrvjine des Boh'miens, Citta di Castello, 1906, p. 5, footnote 4, 
says: 'A fragment, written in Italian Romany [Shinte), says, k jiropos of the usage 
of the esclavine [schiavhia], or big cloak (capuchon), which the Gypsies wore at the 
time of their first appearance in Europe, and which they called rilirinm, that thej' 
were originally from Cilicia [.S'//e.s?"a ']. This unedited fragment, Aviiich concerns 
Thotona (?the land of Thot, or Egypt) and Darius, seems of doubtful authenticity. 
It runs thus : "/ bincld de Ciliciuno Kdfru ti'md cAlincPnqri peneld snmd . . .," which 
means " that the esclavine of Cilice says that we are from the land of Cilicia." ' 

- The full text is given, J. G. L. S., Old Series, i, 274. 



218 THE FOKMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 

1505 and 1572, concerning this invasion, add ' they wore very poor 
clothes.' 




Fig. 5.— Boht'-miens en niarche (quinzitriic sitcle). Fragment d'une ancienne tapisserie 

du chateau d'Elliat, coniniuni(jU('' par M. A. Jubinal. From Lacroix, Mnun^, linages et 

cohtumts an Moyen Aye (Paris, 1S71), p. 487. 

These accounts very singularly tally with a piece of tapestry, 
which is alleged to have been formerly preserved in the Chateau 



THE FOEMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 219 

d'Effiat, near Aigue-perse in the Puy de Dome (Lacroix, Mceurs, 
etc., au Moyen Age, p. 487, fig. 369). The women are shown as 
wearing a kind of rolled turban with a long end passing under the 
chin, and large striped cloaks, fastened at the shoulder, and worn 
over a long loose dress. This pictorial representation would have an 
additional importance if it could be shown to have belonged to the 
fifteenth century, but M. Lacroix merely says that it represents 
' Gypsies of the fifteenth century on the march ' {Boh4iniens en . 
marche, quinzihne siecle). It was communicated to him by 
Monsieur A. Jubinal, and it is rather remarkable that such a 
curious example of the art is not mentioned by Monsieur Jubinal 
in either of his valuable works on tapestry (Les anciennes tapis- 
series, Paris, 1838, folio ; and Recherches sur I'usage et Vorigine 
des tapisseries a personnages dites histori4es, Paris, 1840, 8vo), but 
it might have come to his knowledge at a later date. The tapestry 
has not been at the Chateau d'Effiat since 1856. Shortly before 
that date much of the furniture was sold, and some was acquired 
by the Musee de Cluny at Paris, but this piece of tapestry was 
not included. The Museum obtained a bed, some bed- curtains, 
chairs, and a screen, but no tapestry, and the Director of the 
Museum states that all the pieces so acquired were of the seven- 
teenth century. The manufacture of Gobelins tapestry began in 
the sixteenth century, and chiefly flourished in the seventeenth. 
Louis XIV. (1643-1713) bought the works, and the owners 
of the Chateau d'Effiat were very intimate with the Royal 
family. Marquis Antoine Coiffier de Ruze (born 1581, died 1632) 
was Marechal de France, and his grandson. Marquis Antoine de 
Ruze (born 1638, died 1719), was a friend of Louis xiv. and 
Ecuyer to the king's brother. It is therefore most probable that 
the tapestry was made in the seventeenth century from a design 
drawn after reading Krantz's account of the Gypsies in the 1621 
edition of his Chronicles of Saxony, and the artist may have 
known some local tradition of the Gypsies' visit to that part of 
France about 1420, seeing that they are known to have been at 
Sisteron in 1419. 

In 1422 the arrival of the Gypsies at Bologna in Italy is recorded 
in the Chronica di Bologna, published by Muratori in 1731, in vol. 
xviii. pp. 611-12 oiReriim Itcdicarum Scriptores, informing us that 
the women went about in their shifts, and wore a Schiavina (long 
garment of coarse cloth, such as was usually worn by slaves and pil- 
grims), ivhich passed under one arm and over the opposite shoidder 



220 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 



with rings in their ears and a long veil on the head (./. G. L. S., Old 
Series, i. 336). Was the long veil rolled up into a turban ? 

Five years later again, in 1427, the Journal of a Parisian 
which was published in vol. xl. of the Collection Buchon, and is 
quoted by Pasquier in his Recherches de la France, notes the arrival 
of the Gypsies at Paris in that year, and gives an almost identical 
description, viz. that tJie wovfien had for their only garment a 
"poor petticoat or shift, and over that an old and very coarse shaggy 
garment or blanket, fastened over the shoidder by a band or cord. 
Almost all had both ears pierced, and in each ear a silver ring or 
two, which they said were considered a sign of gentility in their own 




Fig. 6. — Ziiginer, from Miinster's Cosmographia xiniversalis 
(Basileae, 1554), p. 267. 



country. It will be observed that no mention is here made of 
any peculiar headdress. 

The text of the third book of Miinster's Cosmograj^hia, pub- 
lished in 1572, does not help us, but two woodcuts are given 
which show a kind of turban and a long loose robe, with a cloak 
over it fastened at the shoulder (Lacroix, op. cit, 459, 461 ; Bright, 
Travels from Vienna through Lower Hungary, Edinburgh, 1818, 
p. 537). With regard to these woodcuts used by Miinster's printer, 
it must not be overlooked that the old printers had a wretched 
habit of using old wood-blocks which they had in stock. It is 
not unlikely that those so used had sufficient resemblance to pass 
muster as original and correct illustrations, but care is necessary 
in accepting them off-hand for what they pretend or appear to be. 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 221 

The -woodcut which illustrates this article occurs in Mtinster's 
book against the passage in which he treats of Gypsies, and may- 
be therefore taken to represent the printer's, if not the author's, 
view as to their usual appearance and apparel. Lacroix in 
3Iceurs, etc., au Moyen Age, inserts another woodcut (fig. 370), 
also taken from Miinster, which Lacroix describes as ' Gipsies 
fortune-telling.' In Miinster, however, this latter woodcut is 
found (without any description whatever) in the chapter on 
* Ancient and Modern Scythians,' and as Miinster says that the 
Scythians were good at markets and fairs, it may be intended to 
represent Scythians holding a market. For that reason it is not 
here reproduced. For this critical information my thanks are 
due to Mr. Winstedt, who has carefully examined the copy of 
Miinster at the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Lacroix also has a 
woodcut (p. 465, fig. 373), which he describes as ' The Gypsy who 
used to wash his hands in molten lead ; facsimile of a woodcut 
in the Histoire Merveilleuse of Pierre Boaistuau ' (who preferred 
to call himself by the less singular name of Launay), but I am 
informed by Mr. Winstedt that in the original Histoire Merveil- 
leuse de Pierre Boaistuau, 1561, the woodcut simply appears as 
that of a man who washed his hands in lead, and Pierre refers 
to Cardanus [1501-1576], De Suhtilitate, xvi., as his authority. On 
referring to Cardanus (published 1551) as the primary authority, 
no plate is found, and he merely says that he saw a certain man 
perform the feat at Milan. Moreover, in Boaistuau's book the 
same costume, namely, a curious cap and flowing robe with girdle, 
occurs as an illustration of Jews in the very next plate, Mr. 
Winstedt calls attention to the fact that in Miinster the printer 
has used another woodcut, which shows two tents and a covered 
waggon or caravan, with a woman standing behind and a man 
leading a horse, to illustrate the account of (1) the Tartars, (2) the 
Huns, who settled in Hungary, and (3) another nomad tribe. If, 
as is quite possible, this woodcut originated in an acquaintance 
with Gypsy customs in Hungary, it would be a valuable contribu- 
tion to Romany history, but it is unsafe to adopt the theory. 

Rudolf Stumpf, in his Schweitzer Chronik, published about 
1546, and Guler in his Rhcetia, published in 1616, both relate 
that the original Gypsies returned home, and then an idle 
desperate crew took their place, and by blackening their faces, at 
the same time using the like outlandish garments, endeavoured 
to persuade the world that they were the identical Egyptians. 



222 THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 

Callot^ the engraver (1593-1635, born at Nancy in Lorraine) in 
1605, when twelve years old, ran away from home and joined 
a company of Gypsies, with whom he travelled as far as Florence. 
From his artistic skill and ample ^opportunities of observation, 
reliance can be placed on his entire accuracy in delineating their 
costumes, but in the examples shown in Lacroix, op. cit, p. 462 and 
/. G. L. S., Old Series, vol. ii., it has little resemblance to the fore- 
going descriptions, except in the head-gear of one of the women on 
horseback on the right-hand centre of ' Gypsies on the March.' 
The woman in that instance wears a turban. All the women are 
depicted as wearing long shawls, most of which are striped, and 
some are fringed, but they are not worn like togas. 

In 1764 the Siberian Gypsy women wore striped cloaks, as 
shown in the engraving contributed by Mr. Yoxall to J. G. L. S., 
New Series, i. 24, to illustrate his ' Word on Gypsy Costume.' 

Jean Brodeau (1500-1563), who was better known by his 
Latinised name Brodseus, mentions, in vol. viii. of his Miscellanea, 
chapter xvii. (incorporated in Gruter's Xampas, published in 1604), 
that part of the Gypsy dress resembled a Roman toga, and thence 
argues that the wearers were natives of Wallachia, in which sur- 
mise he was nearly if not quite correct. The Rev. Walter Whiter, 
in his Etymologicon Magnum, 1800, also in his Etymologicon 
Universale, vol. i. p. 320, dated 1822, calls attention to this passage 
which he found quoted by Martinius, under the heading Cingarus 
in his Lexicon philologicum (Frankfurt, 1655. Compare M. Jacob 
Thomasii Curioser Tractat von Zigeunern, aus dem, Lateinischen 
ins Teutsche ubersetzet von M. 31., Dresden und Leipzig, 1702, 
§ 45, 48). Whiter adds, ' The mode in which the Gipsies wear the 

^ Samuel Rid in his Art of Jugling, 1612, says that, when the Gypsies appeared 
in England a century before, Giles Hather was their King, and Kit Galot was 
their Queen, and Thornbury's Sliakspere's En'jland (London, 1856, i. 261) says 
that in the time of Henry viii. Cock Lorel was their chief and then came Eatsee. 
These names were fictions, or perhaps more correctly traditional and opprobrious 
nicknames. About 1500 a book was published called Cock Lorelle's Boat (of a 
similar character to the well-known Ship of Fools), and in it occurs, ' Yf he call her 
calat, she calleth hym knave agayne.' In 1532, in More's Confutation of Tindale in 
his Worker (London, 1557), p. 423, col. 2, we find, ' Frere Luther and Cale calate his 
nunne, lye luskyng together in lechery.' In 1517 fSkelton's Elynour Rummynge, 
347, gives us ' Tlian Elynour sayde, ye callettes, I shall breake j'our pallettes.' 
Ben Jonson, in his Masque of the Gypsies, vi. 79, has 'to set Kit Callot forth in 
prose or rhyme | or who was Cleopatra for the time ' [that is, was Queen of the 
Egyptians]. In fact, Calot meant a scold or strumpet ; and Lorel meant a lewd 
fellow, and was so used long before in the fourteenth century by Langland, Chaucer, 
and Wyclif. Whether Ratseo was related to the 'Moon-men,' through the Romany 
word Halt meaning night, is exceedingly problematical. 




0. 



Cingara orientale. From Vecellio, Degli Habiti antichi 
et moderni (Vonetia, 1590), p. 466. 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 223 

Cloak or Blanket, which is thrown over their shoulders, is certainly 
unlike any other mode of wearing a similar covering ' (/. 0. L. S., 
Old Series, i. 103 ; New Series, ii. 162). 

It is noteworthy that Borde's printer adorned the chapter on 
Egypt with a woodcut of a man wearing a cloak toga-fashion, as 
if it was customary with the Gypsies of that day (/. G. L. S., New 
Series, i. 164-5). 

About 1565 the Gaimerlisten des XVI. Jahrhunderts aus 
Neuveville {Schweitzerisches Archiv fur Volkskunde, Zwolfter 
Jahrgang, 1908, Heft 2, p. 135) describes an offender named Marx 
von Frankfurt, as pretending to be a Moor, with a black face, and 
wearing a blanket (Dicken) like the Heathen, in which he wrapped 
himself, and carrying a blunderbuss and musket (see ' Notes and 
Queries ' section of this number). 

An important addition to our knowledge of the early Gypsy 
costume is afforded by Cesare Vecellio, cousin of the great Titian 
(Tiziano Vecellio), who was the author of an Italian work mtituled 
Degli Hahiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo, which was pub- 
Hshed in two volumes at Venice in 1590, but the Preface is dated 
1589. Several editions have been since published with an ever- 
increasing number of plates, the latest being in two vols., 8vo, 
Paris, Didot, 1863, with 513 plates. In all the editions one plate 
is described as ' Cingana orientale overo donna errante.' (See fac- 
simile opposite.) It is found at p. 466 of the 1590 edition, 
and the text annexed to it is mutilated in subsequent editions, 
for the sake of brevity or because it had been found untrust- 
worthy.^ It states that this ' Eastern Gypsy or vagabond lady ' 

^ Qvesta ^ vna sorte di gente, la quale \k errando tre giorni in vn luogo, et tre 
in vn' altro, et non hanuo mai luogo permanente, sono Christiane, ma hanno qualche 
diuersita dalla Fede nostra Cattolica. II loro Signore, et altri fra loro Nobili 
s'infarinano la faccia, e tutto il resto del corpo con farina di sandali macinati, et 
altri odori preciosissinii. Hanno vn Signore, quale dimandano il Re di Colucut, il 
quale come Gentile fa adorare il Demonio in vera forma scolpito, et dipinto, dicendo, 
che sia stato mandato da Dio per far giustitia, se ben credono in Dio anchora. 
Questo tal R6 ha alcuni Bramini, ouero Sacerdoti, i quali stima assai, et quando esso 
R6 vuole pigliar moglie, fa che vno di questi Sacerdoti piii honorato dorma prima 
con la sua Sposa, et gli leui la verginita, et poi lo paga di quattrocento, o cinque- 
cento ducati, dandogli liberta per sempre di poter vsar carnalmente con essa Regina, 
sotto al cui Regno sono queste sorti di gente. UHabito della sopra-j^osla Cimjara e, 
che porta in capo vna diadema accommodata di legno leggiero, coperta di fasce di tela 
di molte hraccia lunghe. Vsa camice lauorate di seta, et d'oro di diuersi colori con 
molta beir opera, et lunghe quasi fino a' piedi, le quali hanno le maniche larghe, et 
lauorate con bellissimi riccami, et lauori. Si lega vn manto di panno sopra vna 
spalla, et se lo fa passare sotto I'altro braccio, et k tanto lungo, che arriua quasi fino 
k i piedi. I capelli suoi cadono dalla testa sopra le spalle, et con qualche figliuolino 
sostenuto da qualche fascia legata al collo di essa vanno cosi vagando. 



224 THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 

carries on her head a diadem cotnposed of light wood, covered 
with hands of cloth 'of many arms' lengths. She wears an 
embroidered camice (chemise) of silk and of gold in divers colours, 
with much ornamental work, and reaching as far as the feet, 
with wide sleeves richly worked, A cloth mantle rests on 
one sJioulder, and is made to pass beneath the other arm, and 
is long enough to reach to her feet.' The Cingana's ' diadem ' re- 
sembles the turban shown in Mlinster's woodcut (Lacroix, fig. 370), 
and a more regular form of turban worn (in another of Cesare 
Vecellio's plates) by the 'Ammiragli, et Consiglieri del Gran 
Soldano ' (Admirals and Counsellors of the Grand Sultan). The 
swathing of the heads of ' Africani ' in another plate resembles 
that of the girls in the Effiat tapestry, and an ' Ancient lady of 
Padua,' in another plate, wears a turban almost identical with that 
worn by what seems to be a Gypsy man, on the left-hand side of 
Predari's view of Gypsies about 1840 (vide post). The rest of 
Vecellio's description mixes up Gypsies and East Indians very 
quaintly. He begins by stating that ' this is a sort of people who 
go wandering three days in one place and three in another, and 
have no permanent abode. They are Christians, but have some 
divergences from our Catholic Faith.' He then shunts himself on 
to another line, by adding, ' Their Signor and others of their Nobles 
powder the face, and all the rest of their body with powder of 
crushed sandalwood and other precious odours. They have a 
Signor, whom they call the King of Colucut (Calicut or Calcutta), 
who, like the Gentiles, worships the Devil, carved and painted in 
his true form ' (then Vecellio harks back to the Gypsies), ' saying 
that it has been ordained by God, by way of judgment, though they 
also believe in God.' This confusion by Vecellio between Gypsies 
and Indians is one of the earliest instances of attributing an 
Indian origin to them. Very possibly some Venetian had 
observed the similarity of the Romany vocabulary to Hindustani 
words. 

In 1580, in the Marches of Ancona, Italy, a decree against the 
Gypsies mentions I'ahito zingaresco (J. G. L. S., Old Series, i. 217), 
and in 1742 another decree says they stole clothes and linen, and 
those who protected them gave them blankets or bed-covers 
(stuore o coperte): ibid., pp. 218-19. 

In 1841 Predari, in Origine e vicende dei Zingari, gave in the 
third chapter, pp. 83-7, an account of their costume which savours 
of GrcUmann. As to their women he says, ' Their dress consists 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 



225 



only of a bit of linen {tela) thrown over their heads, which falls 
down the body and is bound in front about their thighs ' (legata 
attorno alle loro cosce), and in the contemporary illustration (facing 
p. 91) styled ' Interno di una Capanna [cabin or cottage] di Zingari/ 
the enigmatic headdress is shown to be folded like a turban, with 

Vaghi, e diletteuoli Giardini 

DI CINGARESCHE 

X> ALF ONS O TOSI 

P A D O A N O. 

r E N T F R J 

Da dare ct ma Donna alia finefira. 
Da daref9pra delta porta . 
Da dare, mirando infronte a D onxelle, 
Dadarefopra della mano . 
Jncontro con altre Cmgare, 
J{ifpofia all^incontra. 




In BOlog. per Barrolomeo Cochi , a1 Pozzo roflfo. 
Con licenT^a de^ Superiori, 1611. 

two long ends, which fall down the back, and at the waist are 
brought to the front, and there loosely passed over one another 
so as not to be in the wearer's way when sitting. It is in this 
view that a seemingly bearded man wears a striped turban, 
resembling that of Vecellio's ' Antica donna di Padoua ' (ante). 
The early Gypsies of Italy are believed to have come via Sicily 

VOL. II. — NO. III. P 



226 THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 

from Africa, because they used a lingua franca of Arabic and the 
Sicilian dialect (/. G. L. S., Old Series, iii. 88-9), and there are in 
Italy peculiar prophetic poems, called Zingaresche or Zingane, the 
style of which is believed to be of Gypsy origin. These poems 
appeared, and were much in vogue, at the beginning of the seven- 
teenth century {ibid., p. 92), and in the printed Zingaresche, the 
directions as to the women's costumes mention in each case a 
' head-dress, with bands of cloth {un concio di capo con panni- 
celli), with a blanket wrapped round her, and a gown, all in the 
Gypsy style ' {ibid., pp. 160-1). For this information our thanks 
are due to Signor Lovarini. 

A woodcut from one of these Cingaresche, dated 1611, accom- 
panies this article, and shows the toga-like cloak and the turban. 
Possibly the same description appears in a pamphlet intituled 
Indouini et miraculi de \ alcuni zin^ani, i quali uanno \ 
dinanzi alcun \ couito. \ Goinposti per Notturno napolitano, 
which is mentioned in Harrisse Excerpta Cohtmhina, Paris, 
Vieweg, 1887, p. 216, and is referred to in Signor Lovarini's articles 
on Zingaresche, p. 161. 

The Flemish tapestry (1650-1700) illustrating volume i. of the 
New Series of our Journal, p. 227, shows Gypsy women wearing 
bright red cloaks, with a long loose underskirt and a headdress, 
but the subject of Gypsies as depicted by the Flemish School in 
the seventeenth century is worthy of a separate article, with some 
illustrations from pictures and engravings. 



PART III 

DRESS WORDS IN ROMANY 

The earliest known specimen of the language of the Gypsies, 
given by Dr. Andrew Eorde in 1547 (/. G. L. S., New Series, i. 
163-4), does not afford us any word relating to dress. 

The next earliest Gypsy vocabulary was one obtained by Joseph 
Justus Scaliger (1540-1609), and sent by him to Bonaventura 
Vulcanius, who published it at Leyden in 1597 in his De Literis et 
Lingua Getarum, etc. French was the medium of communication 
with the Gypsy. This is evident from the mistaken meaning given 
to the word Kascht. An inquirer asked, ' How would you say Tu 
hois (thou drinkest) in your language ? ' and the Gipsy thought he 
was asked for the Komani of Du hois (some wood), and promptly 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 227 

answered Kasclit (wood), which in the learned fashion of the day is 
re-translated tu bibis (thou drinkest). 

This vocabulary contains seven important dress words, 
namely : — 

Bern, ' rota fasciis involuta, quam capiti imponunt mulieres 
Nubianae ' (a wheel wound round with bands, which the Nubian, i.e. 
Gypsy, women place on the head). 

Gad, ' camisia ' (chemise). 

Hanro, ' ensis ' (sword). 

Plachta, ' linteus ' (cloak or cloth). 

Thuochan, ' vestis ' (dress). 

Tirachan, ' pallium ' (cloak). 

Yangustri, ' anulus ' (ring). 

The most interesting of these words is Bern. Its Latin inter- 
pretation aptly describes a sort of turban, such as is shown by 
Callot.^ The Continental Romani words perrne, swaddling clothes, 
and ijcherno, kerchief, have considerable resemblance to the Hin- 
dustani verb pherna, to turn or twist, and Pott in Die Zigeuner, ii. 
358, says pcherno resembles the Hindustani phent'd, a small turban. 

Plachta is also an interesting word. Pott gives its biblio- 
graphical history in Die Zigeuner, ii. 368, and Professor Miklosich, 
in Beitrdge zur Kenntniss der Zigeuner Mundarten, p. 14, says it 
is of Slavonic origin. 

Thuochan, without its Latin equivalent, ' vestis,' would have 
been a puzzle. Its pronunciation and orthography constituted a 
difficulty to the collector. Its modern equivalent seems to be 
chox% ' a coat ' (Pott, op. cit, ii. 178). 

' Lacroix, Manners, etc., of tJie Middle Ages, London, gives as frontispiece a 
facsimile tifteenth-century miniature attributed to Memling, showing 'Queen 
Sheba before Solomon,' in fifteenth-century costumes, but three of the Queen's female 
retinue wear turbans, one of which, of blue stuff with double gilt bars at intervals, has 
a long end falling over the shoulder in front down to the waist, and another of the 
turbans is closely rolled and has a rich diaper gold pattern on it. The same work 
at p. 435 (fig. 357), from a miniature in the fifteenth-century MS. Histoire des 
Empereurs at the Arsenal Library, Paris, shows the expulsion of the Jews from 
Jerusalem by Heraclius, a.d. 135, and in it the Jewesses wear similar turbans, 
without long ends ; and this is the case also in the plate of 'the Jews' Passover from 
a Fifteenth-Century Missal,' where the female figure in front wears a long cloak and 
a turban, hollow in the centre like a wheel (bem) or crown, and very like the turban 
worn by the seated woman in Miinster's woodcut of ' Gipsies Fortune-telling,' which 
will be found at p. 459 (fig. 370) of the same work. The headdress of a mechanic's 
wife in the latter part of the fifteenth century, as depicted in the windows of the 
Cathedral of Moulins (Bourbonnais), should also be studied in this connection. It 
shows a kerchief with one corner hanging over the neck, the front corner gathered 
back over the head, and the two side corners formed into a quaint knot at the back 
of the head. 



228 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 



Tirachan, ' pallium,' was a mystery to Pott, and is very like the 
Hungarian Gypsy word thalik, a mantle without sleeves. There 
is, however, room for a suspicion that pallium is a mistake of the 
same kind as tu bibis. The inquirer may have asked for the 
Romany oi pantalon (trousers), and the Gypsy may have confused 
it with pantoufie (slipper), for which the Romanies use the Turkish 
word c'iarik, which figures in Anglo-Romany as triakas, ' shoes.' 

Since the middle of the sixteenth century the Romany spoken 
in England has been almost entirely isolated from the Romany of 
the rest of Europe, and the dress words used by English Gypsies 
have therefore a special historical value, as supplementing our 
early knowledge derived from Scaliger, and denoting the articles 
of dress with which the Gypsies of England were familiar prior to 
that isolation. 

In dealing, however, with this branch of the subject it has been 
thought best not to restrict the vocabulary to the dress words now 
in use in England, but to exhibit them in conjunction with a 
general list formed from many continental authorities, with an 
indication of the source from which the Gypsies annexed them. 

The formation of the vocabulary has been ably carried out by 
our member. Miss A. Marston of Liverpool, and the interesting 
result is as follows : — 



Vocabulary^ 



Apparel. 

See 'Wear' and 'Clothes.' 
Apron. 

Indian (deriv.) : Hung., Germ., 

cangengeri. 
German : Germ., fetuxa- 
French : Germ., damadira. 
Doubtful (loan-word) : Eng., Welsh, 

jarjoxa. 
Band. 

Indian : Gk., Rum., Hung., Germ., 

Fin., Eng., Welsh, Span., dori. 
Bead. 

Indian : Gk., Rum., Hung., Germ., 

Fin., Eng., Welsh, Span., minriklo, 

etc. 



Belt. 

? Indian: Germ., Qp&n., prati. 

? Persian : Gk., Rum., Hung., Germ., 

Fin., Span., kiustik. 
English : Welsh, buStengeri. 
Blanket. 

See ' Cloak.' 
Boot. 

?,OssETiAN : Gk., triak ; Hung., Boh., 

Germ., Fin., Scand., Span., tirax, 

etc. ; Eng., cok ; Welsh, ciox- 
Slavic : Rum., Boh., Germ., Fin., 

Scand., Eng., Welsh, Skurni, etc. 
See also ' Wear.' 
Bracelet. 
Indian : Gk., Rum., koro. 



* The vocabulary ia arranged alphabetically under the English name of the article 
of clothing. Then the etymological origin of the Rumaui word is given in capitals, 
followed by the dialects in whicli it occurs, and, in italics, by tlic word itself. 
Small dialectical differencea have been neglected. 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 



229 



Broocb. 

See 'Pin.' 
Buckle. 

Greek : Eng., Jdizin (lit. 'lock'). 
Doubtful : Germ., gundini. 
Button. 
? Armenian : Rum., Hung., Boh., 

Germ., Fin., kocak. 
Greek : Eng., krafni (lit. ' nail '). 
Cap. 

Indian (deriv.) : Hung., Boh., Germ.> 

Serali, 
Greek : Germ., Eng., Welsh, hufa. 
French : Germ., b^meta. 
See also ' Hat.' 
Chain. 
Persian : Gk., janjir. 
Slavic : Rum., Germ., Fin., Scand., 
Eng., Span., veriga. 
Change. 
Indian : All dialects, paruva/va (to 

change). 
Indian : (deriv.) : Gk., paruibe ; 
Eng., parapen (change of clothes). 
Cloak. 

Slavic r^Gk., ^arga. 

Slavic : Germ., Eng., Welsh, Span., 

plaSta. 
Italian : Germ, (mantle, covering), 

Eng., Welsh (blanket), kajja. 
See also ' Wear ' and ' Mantle.' 
Cloth. 

^ Indian : Rum., Hung., Germ., Fin,, 
Span., (an. 
Turkish : Gk., yaha ; Rum., iabas. 
See also ' Linen.' 
Clothes. 

Greek : Gk., yismata ; Hung., idya ; 

Eng., Welsh, iza. 
See also ' Wear.' 

Coat. 

Indian (deriv.) : Hung., Fin., bai- 

engeri. Cp. 'Waistcoat.' 
Doubtful : Germ., raxemi ; Eng., 

Welsh, raxenya, etc. (trousers) ; 

Span., erajami (friar's dress). 
Doubtful : Germ., rocola. 
Doubtful : Germ., koi-o. 
See also ' Petticoat ' (coxa). 
Collar. 

Indian (deriv.) : Hung., meneskero ; 

Eng., menengro ; Welsh, menakeri. 
Comh. 
Indian : Gk., Rum., Hung., Germ., 

Fin., Eng., Welsh, kangli. 
Doubtful : Rum., nanari. 



Drawers. 

See 'Trousers.' 
Ear-ring. 

? Indian : Asiat., Gk., Hung., ceni. 
1 Indian : Fin., anglo ; Eng., Welsh, 

vangli. 
Indian (deriv.) : Germ., Eng., Welsh, 
kanengri. 
Feather. 

Indian : Rum., Hung., Germ., Fin., 
Scand., Eng., Welsh, Span., por. 
Fur. 

Indian : Rum., Hung., Germ., Fin., 
Scand., Span., poStin. 
Glove. 

Indian (deriv.) : Germ., vasteskero. 
Indian (deriv.) : Eng., vongSengri. 
Italian : Germ., Fin., Eng., fcniotsi, 

etc. 
Gown. 

Slavic : Eng., Welsh, hiba. 
Handkerchief. 

See 'Kerchief.' 
Hat. 

Greek : Gk., Rum., Hung., Germ., 
Fin., Scand., Eng., Welsh, stadi, 
etc. ; Span., estace. 
Jacket. 

Indian (deriv.) : Germ., musiengro. 
Slavic (deriv.) : Germ., trupeskero. 
Kerchief. 

Indian : Asiat., Gk., Rum., Hung., 
Germ., Fin., Scand., Eng., Welsh, 
Span., diklo. 
1 Indian : Boh., p'erno. 
Indian (deriv.) : Gk., Rum., kozno, 
Indian (comp.) : Eng., baro diklo 

(shawl). 
Indian (comp.): Eng., pong-dUlar, 

po§-nekiis. 
? Slavic : Eng., paningoSa. 
Lace. 

English : Welsh, yina. 
Leather. 

Armenian : Gk.,Rum., Hung., Germ., 
Fin., Eng., Welsh, Span., morti, etc. 
Leggings. 

Indian (deriv.) : Germ., Eng., Welsh, 
herengri. 
Linen. 

Indian : Gk., Rum., Hung., Germ., 
Fin., Scand., Eng., Welsh, Span., 
poxtan, etc. 
Indian : Gk., pata, jiatave (pi.). 
See also 'Stocking,' 'Swaddling- 
clothes.' 



230 



THE FORMER COSTUME OF THE GYPSIES 



Mantle (sleeveless). 

Armenian : Rum., Hung., Boh., falil: 
Muslin. 

German : Germ., muzelina. 
Petticoat. 

Slavic : Germ., Fin., Scand., Eng., 
Welsh, coxct ; Span., coximlia. 
Pin. 

French : Eng., spinga. 
Pocket. 

Indian : Rum., Hung., Germ., Fin., String. 

Scand., Eng., Welsh, positi, etc. ; See ' Band.' 

Span., 2}otosia (purse). 
Slavic : Gk., boika. 
Purse. 

Arabic : Gk., Rum., Hung., Germ., 

Fin., Eng., Span., kisi. 
See also ' Tie.' 
Rag. 

Indian : Gk, candi. 
Slavic : Gk., kirpa. 
Doubtful : Germ., j^^tuso. 
Ribbon. 

See ' Band.' 
Ring. 

Indian : Asiat, Gk., Rum., Hung., 
Germ., Fin., Scand., Welsh, Span., 
angustri, etc. 
Doubtful : Span., caneo. 
Sandal. 

Slavic : Gk., Rum., ccrvuli. 
Shawl. 

Persian : Gk., kalavo. 
See also ' Kerchief.' 
Shirt. 

? Indian : ? Asiat, gaili ; Gk., Rum., 
Hung., Germ., Fin., Scand., Eng., 
Welsh, Span., gad. 
Doubtful : Gk., salavo. 
Shoe. 

See 'Boot.' 
Silk. 

Indian- : Hung., Boh., Germ., Fin., 

Eng., Welsh, ^/«7-. 
Persian : Gk., Rum., Hung., Germ., 
Eng., kel 
Sleeve. 

Indian : Gk., Rum., Hung., Germ., 
Fin., Eng., Span., bai. 



Stays. 

Slavic (deriv.) : Eng., trupi. 
Stocking. 

Indian : Hung., Boh., Germ., Fin., 
patavo, etc. (lit. ' linen swathings '). 
Indian (deriv.) : Germ., tehni. 
Slavic : Rum., Hung., Germ., Fin., 
Scand.,' Eng., Welsh, ^o^o^j etc. ; 
Span., olibias (pL). 
Slavic : Germ., pancoxn- 



Swaddling Clothes. 

Indian : Gk. patave. Cp. ' Linen,' 

' Stocking.' 
Indian : Germ., j^arne. 
Tie. 

Indian : All dialects, i^andava (to 

tie). 
Indian (deriv.) : Gk., Hung., bandipe, 

etc. (tie, band). 
Indian (deriv.) : Gk., banli (purse). 
Trousers. 

Indian (deriv.) : Eng., Welsh, bid- 

engeri. 
Greek : Gk., Rum., Hung., sosten. 
Greek : Gk., dirni. 
Greek : Gk., karavana. 
Greek : Rum., Eng., kaltxa. 
English : Eng., In-ogies. 
See also ' Coat ' (raxenya). 
Waistcoat. 

Indian (deriv.) : Eng, Welsh, bai- 

engeri. 
See also 'Coat.' 
Wear. 

Indian : Gk., Rum., Hung., Germ., 
Eng., Welsh, nriava, rivava (to 
wear). 
Indian (deriv.) : Gk., Boh., Germ., 
Eng., Welsh, nriaibe, riviben, etc. 
(apparel). 
Indian (deriv.) : Gk., uridipe (cloak). 
Indian (deriv.) : Gk., uridino (shoe). 
Wool. 

Persian : Asiat., Gk., Rum., Hung., 
Germ., Fin., Eng., Welsh, pohim, 
etc. 



The nett result of this examination of historical and other 
records is that when the Gypsies, about 1417, first began their 
westerly wandering from the south-eastern parts of Europe their 
costume was in no way remarkable, being mainly that of ragged 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 231 

vagabonds, but, to accord with the tales of their alleged Egyptian 
origin, the Gypsies very soon dressed themselves up in a semi- 
oriental turban and a toga-like cloak as a distinctive costume for 
the women, if not for the men, for state occasions. Ordinarily 
they still went about in whatever clothes of the country they could 
beg, borrow, or steal, giving a preference to those which, however 
dilapidated, were bright coloured, and otherwise extravagant- 
looking and showy. 

My best thanks are due to Mr. Winstedt and Miss Agnes 
Marston for much invaluable help in the preparation of this 
revised edition of my former article. 



v.— WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 
Collected and Edited by John Sampson 

No. 7. i Desuto Sosoia 

This story, taken down from Matthew Wood at Tal-y-Llyn in the summer of 
1895, is transcribed from a note-book half tilled with examples of Welsh Romani 
heard from the harpist Edward Wood in the previous year. And glancing again 
at these early notes, emphasised by marks of admiration and quadruple under- 
linings, recalls something of the first glow of enthusiasm which I felt on meeting 
with this miraculously preserved dialect. Of what stuff must have been fashioned 
Abram Wood, that 'reputed King of the Gypsies,' who came from Frome in 
Somerset, that he should have handed down to his descendants a love for the old 
language which has kept it intact to the present day, and may well maintain it as 
mother speech for generations to come. Here was deep Komani beyond my wildest 
dreams ! Scotch Tinkler- Gypsy, I knew, had for over a century been merely a 
jargon, and Anglo-Eomani — well ! a fairly wide acquaintance with the elder and 
younger English Gypsies had long destroyed any hope of meeting with pure 
Eomnimus in these islands. The last word, I thought, had been spoken by Wester, 
and, except for the chance discovery here and there of a few unrecorded la'vs, there 
seemed little to be gleaned by students of the language. True, Groome had 
published specimens of Welsh Gypsy extracted from the letters of John Eoberts, 
but I imagined that the venerable harpist, like Wester himself, must have been a 
sole survivor, a sort of Romany Dolly Pentreath, the last speaker of the Celtic 
speech of my Cornish ancestors. And yet here was Edward beside me, uncon- 
cernedly discoursing in a dialect hardly less perfect than that of the Tchinghian^s, 
from which it must have separated at least four centuries before. 
' Then felt I like some watcher of the skies, 
When a new planet swims into his ken.' 

Borrow's Gypsy dream had come true, and I was listening to the language of two 
or three hundred years ago. 

Confining myself merely to the notes here referred to, probably the jottings of 
a single afternoon, I find not a few words and modes of expression which may be 
as novel to students of English Gypsy as they then were to myself : — Ganl, 
' embrace '—Zippel's ganni, 'lap' (Pott. ii. 136)— a word which Edward referred to 
as 'most endearing,' and exemplified by the sentence sutlds 're mi ganl, 'she slept 
in my arms,' is of course Paspati's anguli, Modern Greek dyKoKia. Another Greek 



232 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

loan-word is mura, 'berry,' pi. mv.ri (Pott. ii. 451), used by the Welsh Gypsies in 
place of (Irilyd. I heard for the first tinie Icoia (f.) beside Icova (m.), 'thing,' in the 
phrase hiri Jcoia, ' poor creature ' ; hfinmen, * befouled,' from knl (i.e. kfid) with 
the Greek suffix -fievos ; x^™c— not to be confused with koml, ' more ' — an 
exclamation expressing ironic agreement, probably = x« me, ' I eat it ' (cp. English 
'I can't swallow that'); Armenian ci^di, ' forehead ' (Pott, ii, 177), and Tatar 
mdnzm, ' riches ' ; sikno, ' dejected,' ' depressed '—sikno mul si 'doldtl, ' she has 
[ilU est] a downcast face.' The last word, defined ' bas,' * humilis,' occurs also in 
the Greek dialect, where, however, according to Paspati, p. 478, it is almost always 
found in conjunction with vriddr for 'low door' or 'window.' Loan-words in 
ordinary use are melano-i, ' yellow,' from Welsh ' melyn ' ; x^X^s, ' ham shank,' in 
XOxos t'd bobi, 'bacon and beans,' also from the Welsh ; buncla, 'cider' (? French 
pnmelh) ; ker akt, ' be careful,' cp. German ' Acht geben.' I find here also in the 
saying kur'Ia pes I cibesa, ' she fights with her tongue,' the idiomatic use of kur 
with the reflexive pronoun in the sense of ' to fight,' to which I referred in my note 
to Dui Xdri t'd PoS Xdra. New to me then in British Eomani were many 
inflections and usages of familiar words, such as ciceski, ' gratuitously,' tacimdski, 
' for truth's sake,' and komdni in the sense of ' somewhere,' ' anywhere,' as well as 
'person,' So, too, were many verbal forms, especially the imperfect, often serving 
as present conditional, as in the sentences : — te 'velas 'kaid rideni opre, dikelas 
rinkeni juvel, 'if she [haec] were dressed up, she would look a beautiful woman' ; 
te 'vos me 'kdia juvel, drukerds les—praSds leske lovcsa, ' if I were this woman I 
would predict his fortune — I would run away with his money ' ; te 'vos maia te jav 
oddi, denas cumonl mayi, ' if I were to go there they would give me something ' ; 
kurds dm, 'jd sdr tume, t'd koml tiimensa, ' I would fight two like ye, and more with 
ye.' 

A few of his sentences have a certain autobiographical interest, e.g. 'Jd siklo 
Somas te iundv mo dad te rakerel ro7immis, kana iomas tamo, te n'asis biSferdva les. 
Rakerelas romimus mansa sdkon dives, ' I was so accustomed to hear my father talk 
Gypsy when I was young, that I can't forget it. He used to talk Gypsy to me 
every day ' ; Kai hmas tarn6 ml 6un dai precelas m^n ojyre, t'd civilas man top lakl 
^oy, t'd penilas mayl " Na miis te penis xoxibcn, t'd na mns te cores ci: u bey civela 
sdkon-Sumdnl te dikel rinkenoder," ' When I was a child my poor mother used to 
take me up and put me on her knee, and say to me, " Thou must not tell a lie, 
and thou must not steal anything : the devil puts everything [i.e. presents every 
sin in such a light] that it seems fairer [than it really is] " ' ; Mlro dad t'd John 
Robertseski dai simdnsl sas-le. John Robertseskl romnt t'd maia kim simensl tdi. 
Lako dad td mlro sas 'paid, ' My father and John Roberts' mother were cousins. 
John Eoberts' wife and I myself are cousins too. Her father and mine were 
brothers.' 

Others show Wood the fisherman : — "(Sar 'vids kl tl por? " " ' Vids burnek," ' How 
did it [the fish] take your fly 1 ' [literally, ' come to thy feather ']. ' It came with 
a rush ' [literally, ' handful '] ; Tildom yd: : oxtids vaver, ' I caught one [and] 
another rose.' The Welsh Gypsies, I should observe, always use til in the sense 
of 'to catch' a fish or animal. 

In narrating this story Matthew Wood vacillated between ten and eighteen as 
the number of rabbits, perhaps prejudiced in favour of the somewhat rare word 
deSuto. The true number of hares may have been twelve, as in Dasent's ' Osborn's 
Pipe.' Commenting on the abstract of this Mdrchen, supplied by me to Groome 
for his Gypsy Folk-Tales, he refers to it as a very imperfect story. Doubtless, 
judged merely by its points as a folk-tale, I Dcsutd So.hid has not much to recom- 
mend it, but it is pleasantly told in excellent Eomani. The two catchwords, 
beginning Olce Java me 'kand and Ake me Java opr^, in which Matthew genially 
claims relationship with the persons of the story, may be compared with the 
same device of the storyteller in Kopernicki's tale, 'The Brigands and the Miller's 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 233 

Daughter' {J.G.L.S., Old Series, ii. 279, 280) :—' Leaving this brigand in the 
meantime, let us pass to the dead ones ' ; ' Let us now leave the dogs, and pass on 
to the girl.' Pleasant Gypsy touches, too, are the old woman's fortune-telling, and 
the purely extraneous episode of the hedgehog dinner, a delicacy, it may be 
remarked, which is strictly taboo in summer. Matthew again apparently biSterdds 
pes o lav. 

1 DeSuto SoSoia 

JDITA Jeer top % mura. 'Ddi sas bita pun t'd trin cave. YeJc 
cavo sas dinild. dinild sas o tdrnedir pal. 

YeJc div4s x^^'^ pureder pal peskl dakl, " Java me te dilcd ml 
jivimdski. C% na kerdva me 'kdi. Ker may% marikli." " Kon 
lesa," %oc'* purt, " bdri marikli td hasaviMn ^ are, latl, 6 bita marikli 
td kusJciben ^ 're lati ? " " Ker may% bdrl rfiarikli td basavib^n are 
latl." 

I puri kel I marikli. ' Yas o 6avo I marikli t'd g'as peskl, ta 
top o drom sas-lo bdrl hwdila. 'Vlds te Vatlds bdrl stlga, ta 'ddi 
sas raikano drom, td jalas opri ke bdrlfilisin. Piradds I stlga 
td 'pre g'as. 

Gyas ke JiliMn td kurdds o guddr. Ak'o puro rdi 'vela 'vrl. 
" So wonts4sa tu ? " " Wontsdva me cumdni te kerd." " So kesa 
tu ? " x^^'^ ''"^^- " Kerdva me Suraonl." " Jd tale 'dSl td jd ke 
'dova huddr. Plrd les, td jd are te les 6um6nl te x^^-" ^'d g'as 
anre td be§tds tale. 

Ak'l xobendskerl 'vela. P'uStds leste: " Anl kamesa les ^ lovina ?" 
Atta," X'^^'^ mur§. 'Vlds I xobendskerl, td bdro Uoro lovina, td 



The Eighteen Rabbits 

A little house on the hill. A little old woman and her three sons lived there. 
One son was a fool. He was the youngest brother. 

Quoth the eldest brother to his mother one day, " I will go to seek my fortune. 
I am doing nothing here. Make me a cake." " Which wilt thou have," quoth the 
old woman, " a big cake and a curse in it, or a little cake and a blessing in it 1 " 
" Make me a big cake and a curse in it." 

The old woman made the cake. The son took the cake and went away, and 
he was on the road a long while. At last he found a big gate and a fine road lead- 
ing up to a great castle. He opened the gate and went up the road. 

He went to the castle and knocked at the door. Now the old master came 
out. " What dost thou want ? " "I want something to do." " What canst thou 
do?" quoth the master. "I'll do anything." "Go down to that door. Open 
it, go in and get something to eat," And he went in and sat down. 

Now the cook came. She asked him, " Wouldst thou like some ale ? " " Yes," 

^ basavib6n] lit. "evil." 
2 kumb^n] lit. "good." 
' kamesa les] for kamesa te les, lit. " wouldst like that thou gettest?' 



234 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

dosta mas ta Tndro, ta tate-ynosk'ri} BoJcalo sas-lo ; '^oids sdr 
halo. 

Ak'o puro rdi 'vela, td rakerdds lesa. " Si tnan deSuto ^ ^oSoid, 
td wontsdva tut te dilUs pala lendi, td ne te ^ na^avis yelL Kaliko 
mus te jes lensa tale are % puvyd." 

Are 'sarla 'yas 5 murs pesko 'xpMn td 'vrl g'as. puro rdi 
'vids ki yov. " Av akdi mayi te pend tuki." F'urdlds rupano 
kova.^ Ak'6 ioioid 'vena ki yov. "Akekonf^td — diMsa % puvyd 
tali ok6% ? — ad oddl, poste lesa to 'xphen, td av keri akydtakya ^ ora. 
Oddl si de^uto lende? Te-nl andSsa tu sdr pdU ari peyo ginihdn, 
to ^ero 'vel Hndald." 

Ak'6 murS jala peski t'o So^oid lesa. 'Vlds kl 'kala puvyd td 
I atlds hita wella. BeUds tali poSe lati. Cidds peskl ku^ni tali, 
td ^oSoid gili petjl, yek akdi td yek okdi. Be^tds te tuvyerel peskl 
siuedla, td pala-so^ kedds te tuvyerel jala te '^ol. Firadds % 
tu^ni? Ak'o j(ola,td hita purl 'vela kl yo. " De man hita," %ot''* 
purl. " Nd me ! Ndi man kek ; hita dosta si-lo ^*^ ml kokoreskl." 
Glds peskl purl paldl. 

quoth he. The cook came hack with a great tankard of ale, and plenty of meat 
and bread and mustard. He was hungry ; he ate like a pig. 

The old master came and spake with him. " I have eighteen rabbits. And I 
want thee to look after them and not lose one. To-morrow thou must go with 
them down to the fields." 

In the morning the lad had his breakfast and went out. The old master came 
to him. " Come hither to me that I may speak to thee." He blew a silver whistle. 
Lo ! the rabbits came to him. " There they are ! and — thou seest the fields down 
there ? — stay there until thou hast had thy dinner, and come home at such and such 
a time. There are eighteen of them. An thou bring not back the full count, thy 
head shall be cut off." 

Now the lad set off with the rabbits. He came to the fields, and found a little 
well. He sat down beside it. He put his basket down and the rabbits strayed, 
one hither and another thither. He sat down to smoke his pipe, and when he 
had done smoking he thought he would eat. He opened the basket. Now he was 
eating, and a little old woman came to him. " Give me a morsel," quoth the old 
woman. "Not I ! there would be none for me ; there is little enough for myself." 
The old woman went away then. 



^ tate-mosFrl] gen. of tato mili, lit. "[thing] of the hot mouth," cp. moskero, 
"policeman," lit. " he of the gab." 
^ deSuto] contraction for deS u dito. 
^ ne te]. Cp. J.G.L.S., New Series, ii. 58, note 5. 

* rupano kova] lit. "silver thing." Cp. p. 238, note 1. 
» akekdn]. Cp. J.O.L.S., New Series, i. 267, note 2. 

« akydtakya]. Cp. J.G.L.S., New Series, i. 155, note 4. 

7 lende]. Cp. J.G.L.S., New Series, ii. 146, note 3. 

" pala-Ho]. Cp. J.O.L.S., New Series, i. 27, note 2, and ii. 56, note 4. 

* tusni]. Cp. above Av«.?nf. Both forms are used inditi'erontly by tlie same 
speaker, the latter perhaps being the commoner of the two. 

'" H-lo] the enclitic pronoun masc, apparently to agree with [xob6n] understood. 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 235 

Rati 'vlds 'kand. Sas les te lei o §o^oid hi filiHn. Ak'o 'cela 
'pre 'kand. Jala te rodel % ^o^oiiyi. L'atids dui trin, '^anavdas 
6 Serb, td kana jalas opri I puvyd td 'vlds ke filisin 6 dul trin 
io§oid Si lesa. 

Ak'o puro rdi 'vela 'vri. Gindla ^ Sosoid. Dikds te na ses o poS 
kek odoi. G'as 5 puro rdi pdle 'dre filisin, td yov 'celas avrt. 
T"and%d8 o puro rdi hdrl duri, td Sindids lesko sero, td Hdds lesko 
Sero top % stiga. 

Okejava me 'kand kl ni% vaver dul paid ! 

P'endds 6 vaver 6av6 peskl dakl. ''Java me te dikd ml 
jivimdsM. Jund one te mo pal kela Tnisto komoni. Ker mar/ 1 
mariklt, ddia." " Kon lesa, anl ^ lesa hdrl m^arikli td hasavihdn 
lesa, o hita yek td ku^kihdn 're latl ? " " Lava me hdrl yek, 
ddia." 

Ak'o jaldp'skl top o drom, td 'vlds he 'kdia hdrl stlga, td dikds 
oprS. Dikds pesko paUsko Uro. Piradds I stlga td 'rol g'as, td 
'vlds ke filisin. Sdr sas ^ kedo k'o pureder pal, ojd 'vela lestl kedd. 
Andlds o puro rdi hdrl curl, td cindds lesko Sero tale, td rigerdds 
les tale k'l stlga, td cidds les top I vaver stlgidko rig. 

Oke dul Sere si 'ddi, yek 'kdia rig, td yek 'kdia rig. 

Now night came on. He must take the rabbits to the castle. He got up. 
He went to seek for the rabbits. He found two or three, he scratched his head, 
and when he went up the fields and came to the castle he had only two or three 
rabbits with him. 

The old master came out. He counted the rabbits. He saw that not half of 
them were there. The old master went back into the castle, and the lad waited 
without. The old master brought a big knife and cut his head off, and set it 
on the gate. 

Now I will turn to my two other brothers. 

The second son said to his mother, " I will go to seek my fortune. I know 
that my brother is doing well somewhere. Make me a cake, mother." " Which 
wilt thou choose ? Wilt thou have a big cake and a curse with it, or a little cake 
and a blessing in it ? " "I "11 take the big one, mother." 

Now he went away on the road, and he came to this great gate and looked up. 
He saw his brother's head. He opened the gate and went through and came to 
the castle. As all had happened to the eldest brother, so it happened to him. 
The old master brought a big knife, and cut his head off, and carried it down to 
the gate, and set it on the other side of the gate. 

Behold two heads there ! one on this side, and one on that. 

1 ginda]. We find in this story the form gindva beside the denominatives 
ginerdva and ginyerdva. 

2 ani]. In W. Rom. anl at the beginning of a sentence commonly serves merely 
to introduce a question which may be answered either in the negative or affirmative. 
Instead of, as here, ani . . . o=" whether . . . or" (Cp. /.G.i. 5., New Series, 
i. 150, note 8) one hears also the preferable correlative use ani , . . anl, 

' sdr sas] for sdr te sas. 



236 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

Ake me Java opre k'o K-er, toi 'ddi ses ml Suri ddi heMlas ^ tale, 
td mo pal sas avri te kedel ku§l ko§t peskl dakl. 

P'endds peski daki 'kand te wontsdlas te jal te dikel peskl 
jivinndskl. "Junci me te ml dul paid kena kusko jivihen kumonl. 
Ker mayl mariklt, ddia." " Kdi wonts4sa tu te jes ? A6 kerS ! 
Te jesa tu top o drom,, 'vela 'kdi kek mansa te len kusl koU nd 6l." 
" Ker m,ayi mariklt ! " " Kon lesa, hdrl mariklt fo hasavihdn are 
latl, o I bita mariklt fo kuSkiben are latl ? " " Lava me hita 
yek ku^kiben^sa, ddia." " Jd td te mayi pdml are 'koia siva." ^ 

'Yas Jak l siva td g'as k'o pdnl, id 'ddi 'vids bita lolo ceriklo^ 
kl yd. P'ukadds 6 bita lolo ceriklo % Jakdski te civdl patrinyd td 
Hk are siva. Td 'jd kedds, td 'yas i siva pardo pdnl, td g'as lesa 
are 6 ker % daki. 

Ak'% ddi kela % bita mariklt. Kedds I mariklt. " Jund me 
kek so * wonts4sa tu te jes tukl, td Tndia akdi mi kokorl ! " " Java 
Trie, ddi. So kerdva me 'kdi ? Mi dul paid gile. Java Tndia." ^ 

Glds peskl p'o drom, poste ses-lo kind. L'atlds 'kdia stlga, 
Dikds opre, td dikds peske din paUrje Sere. Sanlds top lendl. 
Td 'doi sas-lo cirrla,^ td salas top lendl. USerdas bdrd poste ses-lo 

Now I will go up to the house. And there was my mother sitting down. 
And my brother was out gathering a little wood for his mother. 

He said to his mother now that he wanted to go to seek his fortune. " I know 
that my two brothers are making a good living somewhere. Make me a cake, 
mother." " Where wouldst thou go ? Stop at home ! If thou goest on the road, 
there will be none here with me to fetch a little wood, nor aught else." " Make 
me a cake." " Which wilt thou have, the big cake and the curse in it, or the 
little cake and the blessing in it 1" "I will have the little one with the blessing, 
mother." " Go, get water for me in yon sieve." 

Jack took the sieve and went to the water, and there a little red bird ctme to 
him. The little red bird told Jack to put leaves and clay in the sieve. And he 
did so, and got the sieve full of water, and went with it into the house to his 
mother. 

Lo ! the mother was making the little cake. She finished it. " I know not 
why thou desirest to go away, and I here alone." " I will go, mother. What 
should I do here % My two brothers have gone. I will go too." 

He journeyed along the road till he was tired. He found this gate. He 
looked up and saw the heads of his two brothers. He laughed at them. And 
there he was for a long while mocking them. He threw stones until he was 



* heSilaa] for tt beMas. 

'^ siva] English "sieve." 

' Here, as in the story of O Grind MfirS (J.G.L.S., New Series, i. 268), the 
" little red bird " is of course the robin. 

•• so] for soshe, a usage met with also in other dialects. Cp. Paspati, p. 480, 
where so occurs in place of aontar. 

■' miia]. Note the emphatic force of mdia. Cp. J.O.L.S., New Series, i. 267, 
note 4. 

« cirrla]. Cp. J.O.L.S., New Series, i. 261, note 3. 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 237 

Icino. " So kena 'doi, dul dinili ? " Akeko piravela stlga, td jala 
'pre drom 'kand. Sas les kek stddl top 6 sero td kek cioxd. 

'Vids opri ke filiHn. T"d puro rdi t'd purl rani td tdrnl 
rdnly 6 trin be^enas ke x^stidr. T'% tdrnl rdnl dilcds top akdla ^ 
mursestl te 'velas opri ke jiliHn, td sanlds top lestl. 

Ak'o muri 'vela k'o guddr, td puro rdi jala avri kl yd. " So 
wontsesa tu ? " " Sdr jund me ? CuTndnl te desa man." " Savl 
bull kesa tu ? " " Kerdva me 6um6nl." BUerdds les ke vavir 
huddr, td kdrdds les are. Cidds les te beMl tale. P'udtds leste anl 
wontselas 'x^oben. " Aua," x^^- Andili dosta x^^^''^ leskl td 
dosta te piel. P'uro rdi rakerdas lesa. G'as 6 puro rdi, td 
Tnuktds les, t'andlds pure Izd leskl, td pendds leskl te jal te tovel 
pes td te moravel pes. " Cl 'kala Iza top tutl pala-so keddn." 
G'as 6 muri td todlds pes, td rnoradds pes, td anjerdds pes, td 
ridlds pes are I neve Iza. 

Ak'o jala 'vrl te pirla trusul o tan. puro rdi 'vlds avri kl 
yd, td rakerel lesa. Pala-so kedS te rakeren, g'as o rdi te lei d sosoid 
avri, te sikavdl len I Jakeskl, td te ginel len te junel kisl si 'ddi. 
Xocd purd rdi " Jd lensa kaliko tali, are 'kola puvyd. Md nasd 
yek. Mlrd giniben si 're d HI mansa." 

'Sarla 'vlds. Ak'o purd rdi avri, td kdrdids ^ I .sosoid. P'urdlds 

tired. " What are ye doing there, ye two fools ? " Then he opened the gate 
and went up the road. He had no hat and no boots on. 

He came up to the castle. And the old master, and the old mistress, and the 
young mistress, the three were sitting at the window. And the young lady looked 
upon this man who was coming up to the castle, and she smiled at him. 

He came to the door, and the old master went out to him. " What dost thou 
want?" "How do I know? Anything thou wilt give me." " What work canst 
thou do?" " I '11 do anything." He sent him to the other door and called him 
in. He made him sit down. He asked whether he wanted supper. " Yes," quoth 
he. They brought him plenty to eat and plenty to drink. The old master went 
on talking to him. Then he went away and brought some old clothes for him, and 
told him to go wash and shave himself. " Put these clothes on when thou hast 
done." The lad went and washed and shaved, and undressed himself and clad 
himself in the new garments. 

Then he went out to walk about the place. The old master came out and spoke 
with him. After they had done talking, the master went to get the rabbits out to 
show Jack, and to count them, that he might know how many there were. Quoth 
he, " Go down with them to-morrow into yonder fields. Do not lose one. I have 
the count in the book with me." 

Morning came. The old master was out calling the rabbits. He blew on the 



^ ahnla]. Obi. of ak&va before prepositional. Cp. J.G.L.S., New Series, i. 260, 
note 4, and ii. 57, note \. 

" Kdrdids] Icdrdva, like the greater number of verb stems in -r, forms past-part, 
and preterite in -dino, d'i6m, etc., beside the simpler forms in -do and -ddm. 



238 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

i rupane koidsa,^ t'% Moid 'vli sdr po^e leske piri. " Akekon, 
Jak. Oke to xohen okoi. Jd tukl tali 'kand, td av tu ''pre 'kataka 
'kataka ora." 

Jak jaldp'skl tali. Td 'vids kl 'kdia bita wella td bestds tali. 
Td tato 6 lildi. Moid gili 'koi td 'kdi. Sutlds o Jak. Kana 
sig jayadds te lei cumonl te 'x^ol. Piradds % tusnl (d ak'o ^ola. 

Ak'l bita purl 'vela kl yov. " Be man bita, Jak. Bokall som 
me." "Aua, beS tali, x^, oke dosta 'doi tukl!" Xolds I purt 
peskl perr pardi " Jd tukl 'kand, Jak, 'kdi kamesa ; dikdva me 
paldl 6 sosoid. Av pdli bita Tiianke^ rat." 

G'as peskl Jak te rodd urceyl. L'atlds bdro yeU, mdrdds les 
td moradds les. Kedds yog, td peJcdds les, td xolds les. 

Ak'o 'vela pdli 'kand k'l purl. ceros sas leskl te jal te fiUHn. 
Dlds I purl I Jak^skl rupanlkoia. " P'urde 'kaid, Jak." 'Yas 
Id Jak td purdlds Id. So keka ^ purdlds Id, ak'o Moid 'vena sdr 
truiul leske plri. Ginerdds len. Odoi sas-le sdr. " Jak, and tu 
bita xoben mayl kaliko." " Aua," %oc'o Jak. K'eri 'kand jala 
Jak I Moidnsa. 

Ak'o trin 'kand 'vena 'vrl, t'o puro rdi ginerdds len te dikel 
sas-le sdr 'd6l. " Aua," x^^'o puro rdi, " akdi H-li sdr. Jd 're 
Uer, Jak, te les xob^n." Akdva puro rdi rakerda peske juvidsa. 
Kava murHcela meyl." " Aua," xo^'l rdnl. T'o Jak g'as are 



II ' 



silver whistle, and the rabbits all came to his feet. " Here they are, Jack ! 
Yonder is thy dinner. Go down now, and come up at such and such a time." 

Jack went away. And he came to this little well, and he sat down. The 
summer was hot. And the rabbits strayed hither and thither. Jack fell asleep. 
Presently he awoke to get something to eat. He opened the basket and began 
to eat. 

Lo ! the little old woman came to him. " Give me a morsel, Jack. I am 
hungry." " Yes, sit down and eat ; there is plenty for thee." The old woman 
ate her bellyful. " Now, Jack, go whithersoever thou mayest wish, I will look 
after the rabbits. Come back a little before nightfall." 

Jack went off to hunt for hedgehogs. He found a large one, he killed it and 
skinned it. He made a fire, and cooked and ate it. 

Now he came back to the old woman. It was time for him to return to the 
castle. The old woman gave Jack a silver whistle. " Blow this, Jack." Jack 
took it and blew. As soon as he had blown it, lo ! all the rabbits came about 
his feet. He counted them. They were all there. "Jack, bring a morsel of 
food for me to-morrow." "Yes," quoth Jack. Then he went home with the 
rabbits. 

Now the three came out, and the old master counted them to see that all were 
there. "Yes," quoth the old master, "they are all here. Go into the house. 
Jack, and get thy supper." The old master talked with his wife. " This fellow 



' rupane koidsa]. Here, and later, fern. , not as above, masc. 
"^ tnnnke]. Cp. J.O.L.S., New Series, i. 267, note 1. 
3 keka]. Cp. J.G.L.S., New Series, i. 2r)9, note 3. 



WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 239 

te lei pesko ')(phen. trin rakerenas trasiil lestl. " Jesa pdpali, 
Jak, 're % 'sarla ? " " Aua one ! " x^^'o Jcck. 

'Pre 'cas Jak are i 'sarla te uzerel sdr leyl Sloyd. 'Pre '6as o 
puro rdi ta 'vrl gids. " ' Yan to ^phen, Jak ? " " Nd, 'yom les me 
kek." " Jd td le les. Wontsdva tiikl te jes tali I Sosoiensa." " Aua, 
Java me taU 'kand." " To xpben si 're I tu^nl, Jak." 

Ak'o rdi purdids top % rupant koia, fi soSoid 'vile trusul leske 
plrB. " Akdi si-le sdr ? " puctds 5 Jak. " Ginyer len," x^^'o rdi I 
Jakeski. Ginyerdds len 6 Jak. " Aua, rdia, akdi si-li sdr." 

Jalop'skl sohiensa tali I fouvyd. Td 'doi sas I bita purt te 
heSelas tali. Jak dlds I tusnl I puridki. " 'Doi si dosta xohen 
ari tu^nl. Wontsdva me hita bita," x^^'o J<^k. " Jd tukl 'kand, 
Jak, kdi kamesa. Av pale bita inanke rat." 

Gids Jak dur dosta trusul i pivvyd poste sas-lo kind. Ak'o 
'vela pdle k'i purl. " Bokald san, Jak ? " ^oc'-j; purl. " Nd," x^^^ 
Jak. " Oke xoben ari tusni te wonts4sa bita." 

Xoc'l puri Jakeski 'kand, " DiJcesa i tdrni rdnl opri 5 drom. te 
wontsela te raker el tusa. Odoid 'vela tiri roonni, Jak. And 
iiiayi bita xoben ta ma bitter man." Jak purdids i rupavi ^ koia 
'kand, td 6 sosoid 'vili sdr. Ses 'doi ne te yek nasadi. 

Ak'o Jak jala Iceri td g'as opri o drom bita bita. Dikds % 
tdrni rdni i guruvensa. T"d Jak kedds peski 6or) - laki. Sanids 

will do for us." " Yes," quoth the lady. And Jack went in to get his supper. 
The three of them talked about him. " Wilt go again in the morning, Jack ? " 
" Yes," quoth Jack, " I will." 

In the morning Jack got up to clean all their boots. The old master got up 
and went out. " Hast had thy breakfast. Jack ? " " No, I 've not had it." " Go, 
get it. I wish thee to go down with the rabbits." " Yes, I '11 go now." " Thy 
dinner is in the basket, Jack." 

The master blew on the silver whistle, and the rabbits came about his feet. 
"Are they all here?" asked Jack. "Count them," quoth the master to Jack. 
Jack counted them : " Yes, sir, they are all here." 

He went off down the fields with the rabbits. And there was the little old 
woman sitting down. Jack gave the basket to the old woman. " There is plenty 
of food in the basket. I want very little," quoth Jack. " Now, Jack, go whither- 
soever thou mayst wish. Come back a little before nightfeU." 

Jack went a long way over the fields till he was tired. He came back to the old 
woman. " Art hungiy, Jack 1 " quoth she. " No," quoth Jack. " There is food in 
the basket, if thou shouldst want a little." 

Quoth the old woman now to Jack, " Thou wilt see the young lady on the road, 
and she will wish to speak to thee. That girl will be thy wife, Jack. Brino- me 
a morsel of food ; do not forget me." Jack blew the silver whistle, and all the 
rabbits came. There was not one missing. 

Now Jack was returning home, and had gone a very little way along the road. 



1 rupavi]. W. Rom. has rupavo beside rupano. 

2 CO*;] kerdva coy, " to bow or curtsy," lit. " to make a knee." 



240 WELSH GYPSY FOLK-TALES 

^ rdni top lestl. dul rakerdi kitanes. Kedi 'pre kitanes te 
romeren. 

"Ma tu pen Jak Tnire dadeskl, na wontsdva me kek les te 
junel. Jasa meyi, me M til, bare gavestl te romerds. Jasa meyl 
'me ku§l divesd. Java vie, td tu te 'ves pala viandi." 

Ak'% rdni jaldp'skl ke bdro gav ta pendds t Jakeshl kdi te 'vel. 
Ak'o Jak jala pala lat%, td I'atids Id ar'o 'kava bdro gav, oddi kdi 
pendds I rani. Kaliko romerdi pen 're bdre kayridti, td gile avri, 
td 'vili k% bdrl kircuma. 

K'ere gili, td, so ^ 'vile keri, anjerdds 6 Jak peske ^erne %za, td 
g'as are % stanya, td g'as yol are jilisin, td yov yuzerelas I graid. 
T'o puro rdi pu6tds % tdrne rdnidte, " Kdi sanas ? " " Somas me 
kek dur" %o<5''^ tdrni rani. 

Jak reperdds opre I bita purl ; g'as are o leer te lei 'xpben te 
del I purldkl. " BiSterdva me tut kek," td dlds id 5 ')(oben. I 
purl drukerdds les: " I purl rani t'o puro rdi Tner'^ia kana sig, 
tala lesa tuya o tan. Mus te Id me bita kana 'vava me ke fiUHn." 
" Aua," x^^'^ Jak, " lesa les long sdr jivdsa." 

Jidile bers are jiliHn, pala-so rowerdds 5 Jak. T'd Jak sas 
butldkero 'tre o tan, td sovelas are I stanya. 

Mulds o puro rdi td purl rdnl 'kana. 'Yas o Jak o tan. 
G'as te lei peskl purl ddi. But purt sas-ll te 'vel kokort Andlds 

He saw the young lady with the cows. And Jack made his bow to her. The lady 
smiled upon him. The two talked together. They arranged together to get 
married. 

" Jack, do not tell my father. I do not wish him to know. We will go away 
to the great city to be married, thou and I. We will set out in a few days. I 
will go, and thou shalt follow me." 

Now the lady set out for the great city, and told Jack whither to come. 
Jack followed and found the lady in the great city where she had said. On 
the morrow they were married in a fine church, and away they went to a grand 
inn. 

They went home, and, when they had come home. Jack took ofi" his best clothes 
and went into the stable, and she went into the castle, and he groomed the horses. 
And the old master asked the young lady, *' Where wert thou ? " "I was not far 
away," quoth the young lady. 

Jack remembered about the little old woman ; he went into the house to get 
food to give her. " I will not forget thee." And he gave her the food. The old 
woman told his fortune. " By and by the old mistress and the old master will 
die, then thou shalt have the place. I must have a morsel when I come to the 
castle." " Yes," quoth Jack, " thou shalt have it as long as thou shalt live." 

They lived a year in the castle after Jack had been married. And Jack was 
a servant in the place, and slept in the stable. 

Now the old master and the old mistress died. Jack got the place. He went 
to fetch his old mother. She was very old to be alone. He brought her home to 

' so] Occasional pronunciation of sdr as in pala-so, passim. 



THE SECRET LANGUAGES OF IRELAND 241 

Id Ueri ki filisin. G'as lasa are k'o rakyd te t'oven Id. T"'% 
rant dlds Id Iza. AndiU Id 're komdra td stifl-cdi raker elas % 
puridsa, td gladimen sas-ll te dikel Id 'vel are. 'Doi jidids poste 
miads. 

Jak td peski romej^dl jivde oddi herseyl poste gili pure. 
Jak td peskl romnl merde, t'o tikno si are % filisin 'kand. 

Oke sdr si man te pend tuki. 

the castle. He led her to the waiting women that they might wash her. And 
the lady gave her clothes. They led her into the parlour, and her daughter-in- 
law talked with the old woman, and was glad to see her come in. She lived 
there till she died. 

Jack and his wife lived there for years until they grew old. Jack and his wife 
died, and their son is in the castle now. 

That is all I have to tell thee. 



VI.— THE SECRET LANGUAGES OF IRELAND 

By KuNO Meyer 

TT is sometimes asserted, and has recently been put forward 
-*- again by L. Sainean in L'argot ancien,^ that we have no 
knowledge of any artificial language in Europe before the fifteenth 
century. In discussing this statement in an article entitled 
' Essai d'une theorie des langues speciales,' - A. von Gennep 
modifies it by saying that no actual documents of any artificial 
language in Europe can be found before that date. But both 
statements are incorrect. 

I am not going to speak here of the artificial Latinity taught 
by the grammarian Vergil, nor of another kind of artificial 
Latin spoken and written during the early Middle Ages in 
Irish and Breton monasteries, several specimens of which, known 
as Hisperica famina, have come down to us. Suffice it to 
say that both these jargons exhibit many of the peculiarities 
common to artificial languages, such as periphrasis, archaisms 
(as quis for quibus), borrowing from other tongues {idor = 
vScop, ageus = dyto<i, beth 'house,' from the Hebrew), meta- 
thesis, reduplication, insertion of syllables,^ etc. I will here 
confine my remarks to the various jargons spoken and written in 

1 Paris, 1907, p. 11. 

2 See Revue des ^twlea Ethno'jraphiques et Sociologiques, Paris, Juin-Juillet, 1908. 
^ As Heinrich Zimmer has shown (Xennius Vindicatus, p. 330), the recipe for 

most of these devices is given by Martiauus Capella, such as : ' propria sunt vetusta 
praecipue ; quod si sua res propria verba non habeat, novanda sunt aut alienis 
uUndum,' etc. 

VOL. IL — NO. HI. Q 



242 THE SECRET LANGUAGES OF IRELAND 

Ireland from at least the tenth, century onward, two of which, 
known as Shelta and B4arlagar na Saor, survive to the present 
day. Though their use is now confined to tinkers and masons 
respectively, any one who examines these living jargons in the 
light of all that has been written about them must come to the 
conclusion that they are derived from an artificial language 
invented by learned men, and in all probability modelled upon the 
Latin idioms mentioned above. For both Shelta and Bearlagar 
na Saor contain devices which none but scholars could have 
introduced, such as the insertion of names of letters from the 
Ogham alphabet, archaic words and forms, borrowings from Greek 
and Hebrew, and the like. Such a conclusion will cause no 
surprise to those who know the extent of the influence of monas- 
ticism upon the whole life of the Irish nation. Some of the learn- 
ing of the monasteries and schools of ancient Ireland filtered down 
to all who were brought into close contact with them. This was 
particularly the case with two professions, those of the brazier or 
goldsmith (cerd) and of the mason or carpenter (sder), and it is 
precisely these that have preserved the two artificial languages 
mentioned above to the present day. When Irish studies are 
further advanced than they are at present, it will be easy to 
illustrate this point more fully from the language and literature 
of ancient Ireland. Meanwhile, to show by one example the close 
connection of the cerd with the monastery for which he worked, 
I will mention what we are told about a famous member of that 
profession in the sixth century. A cerd called Daig is said not only 
to have cast 300 hand-bells and made 300 croziers for St. Ciaran of 
Saighir, but also to have written 300 gospels.^ 

But as regards the origin and history of the artificial and 
secret languages of Ireland we are fortunately not left to con- 
jecture. Not only do we find early and frequent references to 
their existence, but a large number of ancient records and speci- 
mens of the languages themselves, together with explanations of 
the processes employed in their manufacture, have come down to 
us. At the risk of repeating what has been said by Whitley 
Stokes, Rudolf Thurneysen, John Sampson, Father Edmund 
Hogan and others, I will here shortly recapitulate the chief items 
of our knowledge. 

' • Daig mac CoirilL Goba tra ocus cerd ocus scribnid togaide in Daig sea. Is 6 
did»« doroine .ccc. clog ocus .ccc. bachall ocus .ccc. sosc^la, ocus primcherd do 
Chiardn Saigre e' (The Calendar of Oemjiis, cd. Whitley Stokes, Dublin, 1880, 
p. cxxxi.). 



THE SECRET LANGUAGES OF IRELAND 243 

Most of the processes used in the manufacture of artificial 
language are described minutely and with examples in the com- 
mentary to the Irish composition called Ainra Choluimh CJiille, a 
eulogy on St. Columba composed in the ninth century.^ The 
commentary dates from about the eleventh century. The eulogy 
itself is written in alliterative prose and in an artificial language 
rendered intentionally obscure by the following devices : — 

(1) The use of words in a figurative sense, as draid, ' ladders ' 
for ' saints/ because the saints are ' scalae caeli.' 

(2) The use of obsolete native words, such as ond, ' a stone,' 
riss, ' a tale.' 

(3) The use of words borrowed from Latin, as cast, ' chaste,' 
robust, etc. 

(4) Artificial disguises of words by inserting, adding, or cutting 
off syllables, such as cuht, a ' chariot,' for cul ; coluainn, ' body,' for 
colinn ; Coirp, the gen. sing, of a man's name, for Coirpri. 

Other characteristics of the language of the Amra enumerated 
by Stokes, such as the use of rare grammatical forms and an 
archaic syntax, are not peculiar to this artificial composition, but 
are found in many early Irish poems composed in ordinary lan- 
guage (gndthherla). Now, in the commentary all these devices, 
more particularly those under (4), are explained in detail, and 
their technical terms given. We learn that there were seven 
kinds of disguising (Ir. fortched, literally ' covering up ') a word, 
viz. (1) dichned, i.e. 'taking away its end from the word without 
putting anything else in its place,' as ru for run, ' mystery ' ; (2) 
declined, i.e. doubling the final consonant, as henn for hen, ' woman ' ; 
(3) formolad, i.e. adding a syllable to the end of the word, as 
gannon for gann, ' scanty ' ; (4) cennachros (tuis and deid), i.e. 
substituting another consonant for the initial or final consonant, 
a.sfenchas for senchas, 'history'; (5) delidind, i.e. spelling a word 
backwards, as ref for fer, ' man ' ; (6) connail, i.e. insertion of 
syllables, as befrien for ben, ' woman,' fefrier for fer, ' man ' ; (7) 
mallrugud, i.e. doubling a vowel in the interior of a word, as been 
for ben, feer for fer. 

We possess a large number, both of poems and tales, dating 
from all periods of the language, in which these various devices are 
employed. Some of these have been published,- many more 

1 Edited and translated by Whitley Stokes in Revue Celtique, xx. 30 S. 

* See, e.g., three poems in Mrla na filed in Zeilschrift fiir celt. Philologie, iv. 482, 
and Richard Heuebry's translation of one of them, ibid., iii. .S78. Another poem 
has been printed in Archiv fiir celt. Lexikographie, iii. 310. Tales written in this 



244 THE SECRET LANGUAGES OF IRELAND 

remain inedited in manuscript.^ This poetical jargon was called 
Berla na filed, ' language of the poets.' 

After an interval of several centuries we next hear of another 
artificial language called Ogham. Under the year 1328 the Annals 
of Clonmacuois contain the often-quoted obituary notice of Morishe 
O'Gibelan, ' master of art, one exceeding well learned in the 
old and new laws, civille and canon, a cunning and skillful 
philosopher, an excellent poet in Irish, an elegant and exact 
speaker of the speech which in Irish is called Ogham,' etc. As 
we know from a passage in O'Molloy's Irish Grammar, p. 133, 
written in 1677, this artificial language was formed by substituting 
for a vowel or consonant its name in the Irish alphabet, as if we 
were to say aitchall for hall, substituting aitch for Ji. The in- 
genuity of Prof. Rudolf Thurneysen ^ discovered a large number 
of words manufactured upon this principle in a curious list of 
291 words copied in 1643 from an older manuscript by the well- 
known Irish scholar Dugald (or Dudley) MacFirbis, and first 
published by Whitley Stokes in the second edition of his Goidelica, 
f*. 72. At the instance of the Editor of this Journal it has been 
reproduced in photographic facsimile from the original in the 
Library of Trinity College, Dublin, and accompanies the present 
issue. This vocabulary bears the title Diiil Laithne, i.e. literally 
rendered, ' Book of Latin.' But ' Latin ' here evidently has the 
sense of ' idiom, jargon,' as we use the word in German when we 
speak of Jdgerlatein and the like. It is remarkable that one of 
the names by which Shelta is known in English is ' Boglatin.' 
For the detailed processes employed to disguise native Irish words 
in Ogham I must refer the reader to Thurneysen's paper. In 
many words the process is complicated by further devices. Thus 
before vowels the names of the letters are often made into adjec- 
tives in -ach or -eck, as when we have tinnechair (i.e. tinnech-air) 
for tair, ' in the east,' or muinchidh for midh, ' mead.' Those 
words in the Diiil Laithne which are not formed upon the prin- 
ciple of Ogham are either ' Kennings,' such as feirchiim, ' tooth ' 
=fer cinn, ' man of the mouth ' (c£ fer d, ' vir oris ' in Patrick's 
address to his tooth), or borrowed from Latin, as collait, ' collatio ' 

jargon are enumerated in Zeitschrift, iv. 482 ; another will be found in Archiv, 
iii. .310. 

' Thus the other day I came across a story written in hMa na Jiled in the MS. 
2.3 N 10 (Royal Irish Academy), p. 56. It begins: Fecht n-aon doluid Aodh 
DorndJne ben N(;ill Fraaaig, ' Once Aed Sucklist, son of Niall the Showery, went, 
etc. Here the Hebrew hrn is put instead of viae, 'son.' 

^ See his article, 'Uu laugage secret dit Ogham,' in Revue Celtique, vii. 369. 



IT' ' 






J<- - 









1 ^if^C'^f^^-^rv.t'vdUx'u'tt^, 






i^yp^^r^. :m,^ ;6,.;, .U^-. ^0..^*^, 



^t^Vtl.t.fiT^^rl. *^ m;-rt:c>. ?. <ig«7 






T 






tr 



4 
^ 



n 



■i. 






X>f7t^^-I-^«^^-*H-tji7Mt4 l/.f, .nail . 



- '':'-»fr^ijr (^ •■,,r.'iw.i.^»-: -■.c.»A- 









i 



. : '^l 



'■t^ki-i 



.r^;<^nr.r. 



-»1ii!rl>i*-r 4yi {- . It -^ : ":'»« i > s*. /.' v. nV/ ■» •. 

■i-pT^-^ Aline-, u ^'^i^^JI^f^ih.j. 



t^t iV, 

















'>.-■• 



THE SECRET LANGUAGES OF IRELAND 245 

in the phrase loisiom ar collaif, 'let ns eat our collation'; or 
formed upon methods which have yet to be discovered. Thus 
mahar, 'great,' for Ir. mar, and liher, 'sea,' for Ir. ler show an 
insertion of h, with a vowel which takes its timbre from the vowel 
of the original word. Some few, like fern, ' man,' for fer, show the 
device called formolad. In one or two cases Stokes' printed text 
has to be corrected. Thus his No. 283 should be Bve .i. gaoth, 
' wind,' not cjath, ' aculeus.' 

I now come to the two living secret languages of Ireland. 
While the discoverer of Shelta, C. Godfrey Leland,^ was unable to 
say upon which of the Celtic languages it was based, John 
Sampson, in a brilliant paper entitled ' Tinkers and their Talk,' ^ 
proved conclusively that it is a deliberate and systematic modifica- 
tion of Irish Gaelic at an early period of the language. Following 
in his footsteps, I substantiated his conclusions by further evidence, 
and endeavoured to trace its history.^ Since then Sampson has 
printed and translated in this Journal several stories composed in 
Shelta, so that a large vocabulary is now available for investiga- 
tion. Though many of its words are still obscure in their origin, 
such as Mwik for Connacht, we find all the processes described 
above resorted to. As a fair number of words are modelled upon 
the Ogham principle, it is evident that at one time or other Shelta 
has drawn upon that language. Its great age is proved by the 
fact that its sounds represent Old Irish, i.e. the period before 
1000 A.D. This is best seen by those words which are formed by 
speUing native words backward, such as gre, ' to rise,' from O. Ir. 
erg- ; bog, ' to get,' from O. Ir. gah- ; thal-osk, ' day,' from 0. Ir. lathe ; 
mdlya, ' hand,' from O. Ir. Idm, etc. 

As to Bearlagar na Saor,* it is unfortunate that no such 
perfect speaker has yet been discovered as was the Ulster tinker 
John Barlow, from whom Sampson obtained most of his materials. 
Still, since ^MacElligott ^ in 1808 first drew attention to the 
existence of this jargon, a vocabulary of altogether about 400 
words has been collected.'' It seems to be confined to the south 

1 See his book The Gypsies, pp. .S54-72, and J. G. L.S. , New Series, i. 73-82, 168-80. 

2 /. G. L. S., Old Series, ii. 204-20. 

■' ' On the Irish Origin and the Age of Shelta,' ibid., pp. 257-66. 

* Biarlagar, as I have shown in Revue Celtique, xiii. .")05, is a loan from English 
vernacular, with folk-etymology, as if from Maria, ' language.' 

5 See the Transactions of the Gaelic Society, 1808, p. 11. Here MacElligott gives 
22 words and 1 phrase. 

« Fitzeerald in the Jonrnnl of the Kill-enny Archaolorjical Society , 1850, pp. 61 
and 389, gives 250 words and 6 phrases. E. Hogan in the Gaelic Journal, i.\. 225 ; 
Tomas Seons, ibid., p. 272 ; D. Lynch, ibid., p. 345 and x. 31, add about 150 more, 



246 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 

of Ireland, more particularly to Cork and Waterford, where some 
words and a few sentences are known by most masons, though 
they cannot always explain the latter. Thus Canon David O'Leary 
obtained for me from an old mason the following sentence : cad is 
sadul hitra go diul, which he could only explain in a general way 
as meaning in Irish fanam don diabhal, ' your soul to the devil ! ' 
If we examine the vocabulary of Bearlagar na Saor we shall 
find (1) a large number of genuine but archaic Irish words, such 
as bochna 'sea,' dds 'land,' triath 'lord,' 'lordly,' 'great,' b^ 
' woman,' longdn ' a bed,' barcdn ' a book ' ; (2) Irish vv^ords used 
in a figurative sense, such as bo 'cow' for 'woman'; (3) words 
from foreign languages, as aois (pron. Is) 'man,' from the Hebrew; 
(4) words formed upon the method of spelHng backwards, as bog, 
' to get,' from gab- (as in the phrase bog suas til fein as soin), and 
many others which it shares with Shelta. But I have not been 
able to discover the principle of Ogham in any of the words. 
Words fashioned on the first three methods will generally be found 
to occur also in Berla na filed. Thus is ' a man,' and bare ' a 
book,' occur in the poem printed in the Zeitschrift fiir celtische 
Philologie,Y. 4,8S; Hogan's aish crith, 'musician,' is aos creth in 
Archiv filr celtische LexiJcographie, iii. 311, etc. 

Here I must leave the subject for the present in the hope of 
returning to it sooner or later, for it is full of interest both for the 
student of language and of social history, and it still offers many 
problems to be solved. 



VII.— SOME WORDS ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANS- 
CAUCASIAN GYPSIES— BOi^A AND KARACI 

By the late Professor K. P. Patkanoff 

Translated from the Russian by D. F. de l'Hoste Ranking 

(Continued from Volume I.^jjage 257) 

B. Kara^i 
Y/\7"^ ^i^ve even fewer materials for the study of the dialect of 
* ' the Karaci than for learning the language of the Bosa. 
These materials consist principally of the following : — 

1. A list of seventy-four Karaci words written down in Tabriz 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 247 

in the years 1810-1812, by Sir William Ouseley {Travels in 
Various Countries of the East, more particularly Persia. London, 
vol. iii., 1823, pp. 400-401).^ The Hst is preceded by the following 
explanation. ' I met once in Mr. Campbell's house a man of the 
race of the Karaci, ^>-^ J», a people who in many respects much 
resemble our Gypsies. These Karaci speak in a peculiar dialect 
or jargon. They are said to be idle, loving a roaming life, pre- 
ferring tents to a house. They steal eggs, fowls, cloth, and other 
things with extraordinary dexterity. They tell fortunes by the 
lines of the hand, and have practically no religion. The man with 
whom I spoke confessed to me that the majority of his tribe had 
no settled form of worship or religious system. In the presence 
of Mohamedans he loudly gave thanks to God that he was a true 
and orthodox follower of the prophet. My Turkish courier from 
Constantinople, coming into the room at the moment, immediately 
recognised this man and his companions as Cingiane, a race of 
which all the men are thieves and the women harlots. Mustapha, 
who had been in England, whispered to me that they are just the 
same as our Gypsies. From conversation with the more intelli- 
gent of them I composed the following short vocabulary.' Then 
follows a list of seventy-four words of Karaci, which in the glossary 
I have marked K. 

2. In March of the current year (1887) I received from Mr. 
Weidenbaum a note-book with the following title-page — ' Materials 
for a study of the language of Asiatic Gypsies (dialect of the 
Karaci) collected by the teacher, Usub-beka Melik-akhnazaroff, of 
the University of the town of Elizabethpol.' The note-book con- 
tains 101 phrases in the Karaci dialect, about 220 words extracted 
from these phrases, and a short text of 10 lines. 

3. The American pastor, A. Pratt, wrote down a few words of 
the Gypsies who roam in the neighbourhood of Marash, Aintab, 
and on the banks of the Euphrates. In a letter to M. Paspati, he 
says of them : ' Marash, Dec. 7, 1867. They are scattered every- 
where in towns. All of them are sieve-makers. They profess to 
be Mohamedans. Those about here are Siunni, and those to the 
south Kellis, and below are Alevi. They always talk their 
language at home.' The words of these Gypsies are set out in the 
vocabulary of Paspati and marked (As.). Many of them are 
identical with Karaci words, and occur in my lists not as inde- 
pendent words, but as confirming the accuracy of the reading of 

> Cf. Malcolm, The\History of Persia, ii. 596. 



248 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSC AUG ASIAN GYPSIES 

Karaci and Bosk words. These are all the materials at my 
disposal. 

We have mentioned earlier (part 1) the attempts made by 
savants to find in India itself the race to which belong the Gypsies 
known to us in Europe. We said also that Professor Pischel does 
not share the opinion of Leland and Brockhaus (Pott, Zigeuner, 
i. 42), who see this race in the Doms. Pischel's arguments against 
the identity of the Doms with the Gypsies are rather weak, especi- 
ally because the most important means of comparison, that is the 
language of the Doms, was unknown to him. There are, however, 
considerations which somewhat confirm the surmises of Brockhaus 
and Leland ; that is, when asserting the complete similarity of the 
Doms with the Romane — the European Gypsies. 

In order to find in India itself the nearest kindred of our 
Gypsies it is necessary, in addition to a thorough knowledge of 
the Gypsy language, to learn some ten dialects of different districts 
of India, particularly those of the Avest and north-west ; to be 
acquainted with the mode of life, character, and customs of these 
peoples, and thus to approach a sound conclusion. Travellers find 
much in common in the character and customs of the Gypsies and 
those of other wandering Indian tribes ; but as soon as we wish to 
fix on any particular tribe for comparison with the Gypsies, we 
meet with so much contradictory information about it that we 
cannot even speak of comparing it with the Gypsies. Let us then 
leave the search for the Gypsies in India to times and persons 
more competent than ourselves, and turn to a neighbouring 
country. 

In Persia, in many parts of the Kingdom, there has been for a 
very long time a race wandering in scattered bands, known under 
different names : Luri or Luli (in Syria, Nuri), Kauli or Kahuli, 
Suzmani, Karaci, and so on. From the unanimous opinion of 
travellers, and from scanty specimens of their language, this race 
may be fully identified with our Gypsies. The antiquity of their 
settlement in Persia may be judged from the fact that Firdusi 
relates that the Emperor Bakramgur (420 a.d.) demanded of the 
Indian Emperor Shankal ten thousand Luri musicians, the poorest 
of his subjects, who, by their skill, might amuse him. In the 
seventeenth century Sharden met with them in Persia under the 
name Kauli, and painted their character in very dark hues. Of 
Ouselcy we have already spoken. Ker-Porter (Travels in Georgia, 
Persia, Armenia, etc., during the Years 1817 to 1820, London, 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRAXSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 249 

vol. ii., 1822, pp. 528-532, 568) also met with them during his 
travels in 1817-1820 in different parts of Persia, and calls them 
Kara-shee, but the dancers he calls Luzmoonies (probably this 
should be written Suzmani)} E. I. Chirikoff also furnishes some 
information about the Persian Gypsies in his journal of travels.^ 
He met with the Suzmani Gypsies in the outskirts of Sekhna, in 
the passes of Kerrinda, in Kasr-i-Shirika, where they called them- 
selves Dummi, and in other places. Chirikoff speaks enthusiasti- 
cally of the beauty and skill of the Suzmani dancini^-girls, but 
does not enlarge on other sides of Gypsy existence. In one place 
only (pp. 281-282) he speaks of them with more detail: 'In 
Kerrinda there wander many Gypsies, slaves who in Persia call 
themselves Kauli-i-girbalhend^ making sieves. From among 
them the country is supplied with wandering singers, musicians, 
and wonderful dancers — Suzmani, noted for their skill and dis- 
solute manners these are the same as the Alme of Egypt, the 
same picturesque costume, the same castanets, bracelets on their 
arms and legs, and the same long tresses ; the same shamelessly 
voluptuous movements in dancing, the same alluring manners 
with the audience, the same readiness to dance entirely without 
upper garments. They are by no means bad. The old women 
recall to mind the old Gypsy women at Moscow, both in their 
ugliness and in their boisterous desire to burst out singing, and, so 
to speak, to act up to their songs and dances.' 

We have made use only of those travellers who were readily 
available. It is sufficient for us that the Koidi, Kauli-Girhal- 
hendi, Kurhati, the Suzmani dancers, Karaci and Dummi con- 
stitute that race which in Europe is known under the name of 
Gypsy. It may be objected that for the identification of the 
above-named wandering races with Gypsies the opinion of such 

' Brugsch (Reise nach Persien, Leipzig, 1863, ii. 304) also speaks of the Persian 
(lancers Suzmani or KarMschi met with by him in Teheran. 

- Transactions of the Caucasian Section of the Imperial Bussiaii Geographical 
Society, vol. ix., St. Petersburg, 1875. 'The Travel-journal of E. I. Chirikoff, 
Russian representative on the Turko-Persian boundarj' commission,' 1849-1852, 
pp. 208, 281, 299, 330. 

^ Girbalhend jJ^jJL'j^ actually means sieve-makers. We have seen that tiie 

Armenian Oypsies call themselves exactly the same in their own language : Maga- 
gordz. Kauli does not mean slaves, as Chirikoff fancies, confusing this name with 

the word Kull A^ ; Kotdi, Kauli, Kabuli means strictly a Kabul man, that is a 

Oypsy, in which sense the word is met with also in Sharden. Compare also what 
is said aliout the Persian Gypsies in the Jou7-nal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
vol. xvi. pp. .309-311. 



250 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 

travellers — who have only casually met with Gypsies, have not 
studied their mode of life, and above all were not acquainted with 
their language — is insufficient. We fully recognise the force of this 
objection, and therefore for the purpose of this identification we 
bring forward another argument, namely the language. It is true 
that we are not in possession of extensive texts of the dialects of 
the Persian Gypsies, by which it might be possible to decide from 
all points the question of the kinship of the European with the 
Persian and the Asiatic Gypsies generally. Willingly or unwill- 
ingly, we are limited to the consideration of a single text, ignoring 
the grammar of the Asiatic Gypsy dialect. But even in this 
respect we have not very rich materials. From all these Asiatic 
dialects (KaraH, Beluchi, Bo^a) there have been collected for us 
only some two or three hundred words, of which not Gypsy, but 
local words of those races among whom the Asiatic Gypsies have 
settled, constitute a large part. It is well known with what readi- 
ness Gypsies lose their own words, substituting foreign words. It 
is therefore not astonishing that only a small portion of the vv^ords 
in our collection are purely Gypsy, Besides, the words collected 
and written down are not identical in each list, and in most cases 
they do not give any opportunity for comparison. In one list we 
find certain words, in another different ones, not analogous in 
meaning. There remains only one method : to make a complete 
comparison of the words of each list of Asiatic dialects with 
European Gypsy words. I have made this comparison of different 
Asiatic dialects with European Gypsy words in two glossaries of 
no great size and in a list of Beluchi words. As a result the 
following appeared : on a superficial comparison in the Karaci list, 
out of 245 words more than 35 are found identical with European 
Gypsy words ; in the Bosa dialect more than 50 out of 235 ; in the 
Beluchi dialect 40 out of 214. Many words are found common to 
two or three dialects. But there are words connnon to all the 
dialects known to us, including that of the Syrian Gypsies, and I 
have selected some of these for examination. 

In our transcription it should be noticed that c = tche, g = dj = dz. 
The meaning of the abbreviations K., B., BL, etc., was given pre- 
viously.i 

Eye. K. aki\ B. aki\ Bl. akki\ P. A. aki; E. yakh; Syr. aki. 

' K.=Kara2i; B. =BoS.\; Bl. = Bel uchistan Gypsy ; E. = European Gypsy ; Syr, 
= Syrian Gypsy; P. A. = l'a8pati's Asiatic Gypsy; Aeg. =NewboUr8 Egyptian 
Gypsy. See vol. i. p. 250. 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 251 

Water. K. bani, pani; B. pani; Bl. pani\ E. pani; Syr. 
pdni ; Aeg. pani. 

Much. K. huhu; B, huhu; Bl. 6aAu; E. but, buhto; Luri. 
buchub ; Syr. bhugih. 

Fish. K. maccfc ; B. mancav ; Bl. mac^i ; E. inacb ; P. A. matcha ; 
Syr. viacha. 

Grass. K. gas ; B. khas ; BL ^/ict ; P.A. ghas ; E. khas. 

Barley. K. gaver ; B. gav ; P.A. cZjev ; Bl. dzou = ' seed,' ' corn ' ; 
Syr. dschou ; E. djov. 

Hot. K. lata, dada ; P.A. tatei ; Bl. M^^i/ ; E. tato ; Syr. tatdi, 
^aM = 'heat.' 

Sheep. K. bakra ; P.A. bakara ; Bl. bakro = ' goat ' ; E. bakro ; 
Syr. bakra. 

Silver. K. ttrp ; P.A. orjj ; Bl. ritpa ; E. rup ; Syr. ttrrb. 

Hair. P.A. va^ ; B. valis ; Bl. va^ ; E. bal ; Syr. wahl. 

Nose. K. 7iafc, nctu/t; ; B. lanq ; Bl. nak ; E. na/<: ; Syr. nak. 

Bread. K. minus, 'menav; B. malaf, malav; P.T. malav; 
Syr. mana; Aeg. marey; E. manro, maro. 

Sun. K. ga-ni, ^ctTTi ; P.A. ^a-m ; Bl. gharmi ; Syr. (/a^vi, gemin ; 
Aeg. /i^rtm. ; E. khain. 

Thus, with the scanty materials at our disposal, there appear 
a certain number of words common to races separated from one 
another by many ages and vast expanses of territory. Added to 
the other indications above-mentioned, such an identity of words, 
though selected from an insufficient list, cannot but have a certain 
weight in deciding the question of the kinship of certain races. 
Our complete ignorance of the grammatical construction of the 
language of the Asiatic Gypsies prevents the expression of a more 
decided opinion. In connection with this it will not be useless 
to keep the following points in view. Beames, in his Comparative 
Gram'mar of the Aryan Languages of India, enumerates seven 
new-Indian dialects of Arian root, namely: Hindi, Mahrathi, 
Pandzabi, Sindhi, Gudzarati, Bengali, Orija. To these Miklosich 
adds the Gypsy language as an eighth (tlber die Mundarten, iii.). 
It is therefore quite natural to find in the language of our own 
Gypsies words common to other Gypsy-like races. The decisive 
voice on the question of the kinship of the Gypsy races with 
one another and with certain of the Indian races belongs, there- 
fore, to those having a knowledge of the Gypsy language and of 
new-Indian dialects: they alone, after examining the grammar 
and texts of these languages, can say with certainty which of 



252 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 

the words peculiar to the Gypsy race are not met with in the 
other new-Indian dialects. Let us see what Leland says about 
the Doms. ' The Doms, a Gypsy race, are found in the district 
between Central India and its northern borders. In TIte People 
of India, published by Watson and Key, it is said that the 
Gypsies in appearance and mode of life differ markedly fi-om the 
nations among- whom they live (in Bekhara). The Indians admit 
their great antiquity. In the-Shasters they are called sornckh, 
that is "dog-eaters." They love wandering, make baskets and 
mats, and are much given to drinking, on which they spend all 
their earnings. They have a monopoly of the burning of bodies, 
and of the ceremonies connected with dead bodies. They eat 
all kinds of animals which have died from natural causes, and 
specially enjoy dead swine. In spite of their dissolute habits, 
many of them attain an age of eighty or ninety years, and it 
only is at sixty or sixty-five that their hair begins to turn grey. 
The Doms are mountaineers, wanderers, herdsmen, and robbers. 
Travellers consider them as Gypsies. The list of dom words 
which we possess can be understood by any English Gypsy, and 
might be called present-day Eomany. A Dom ordinarily calls 
himself Dom, his wife Domni, and Gypsyhood Domnipana. The 
letter d in the Hindustani dialects is changed into r in the 
English Gypsy language, for example doi, "a wooden spoon," in 
Europe appears under the form roi. With us the Romani, even 
in London, commonly call themselves, a Gypsy man — Rotti ; a 
Gypsy woman — Romni ; Gypsyhood — Romnipen.' 

T have quoted this passage, not to demonstrate the kinship 
of the Gypsies with the Doms of India, but as the opinion of a 
man with a good knowledge of the Gypsy language. At any rate, it 
is not by chance that the Gypsies of Persia, Syria, and other parts 
of Asia call themselves dum, dom. The Gypsies of the Trans- 
caucasus, as the reader sees, also call themselves dovi : dum 
astura, 'I am a Gypsy; domaha, 'Gypsies'; qitlii dum astaq, 
' how many Gypsies are there here ? ' Considering that on one 
side the Kauli in various parts of Persia call themselves duon, 
d'itman: Karaci in the Transcaucasus dom, dum\ a part of the 
Syrian Gypsies diim,, duman ; we think that the opinion of Leland 
and Brockhaus as to the kinship of the Persian Gypsy-rZows with 
the Doms of India has no slight foundation. We have seen that 
the European Gypsies call themselves Rom ; the Bosa of Asia 
Minor and Armenia io7?im; the Karaci of Persia Dom. In view 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 253 

of the manifest unity of language of all three groups, European, 
Asiatic-Turkish, and Persian, this difference in the first letter of 
the name given by the Gypsies to themselves must be taken to 
refer to a dialectical peculiarity of their languages. In this 
manner all existins: data do not contradict the conclusion that 
the European Romany-Gypsies, the Bosa-Loms of Asia Minor, 
and the Persian Karaci-Doms are either one and the same race on 
historic grounds, but separated into various groups, or have pre- 
served from time immemorial the present dialectical peculiarities 
in their own dialects. An interesting paper of A. M. Wilkins 
{Anthrop. Rev., iii. 1, 1882) supplies much new material respecting 
the Gypsies of Central Asia, in which are set out interesting 
particulars of the Gypsy-like races of Turkestan, Luli and Beludji. 
I shall find it necessary sometimes to make extracts from this 
paper, and sometimes to give its contents in a shortened form, 
preserving so far as possible the author's statements. 

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the Gypsies were 
already known in the Transoxus district under the name of 
Luli (cf. Abul-yhdzi, Histoire des Mongols, par Besmaisons, pp. 
258, 259, 276, 282). In all the more populous towns of Turkestan 
there are found the so-called Lull, a people of whom the Sarts 
speak only with a contemptuous smile. In appearance the Luli 
differ hardly at all from the Sarts themselves, they wear the 
same kind of clothes, except that the women do not cover their 
faces, and like them they profess Islam. Part of the Luli live 
in towns, others wander about. The town Luli live a settled 
life in their own huts. The occupation of the men is the making 
of wooden articles: they make sieves, shovels, troughs, wooden 
spoons. The women are principally occupied in begging, the 
more intelligent in fortune-telling. Some of the Luli have their 
own arable land and garden, but they do not till them themselves, 
but lease them out to a Sart, since the Luli despise agricultural 
work. In March the Luli who have wintered in the town pack 
up their tents and other furniture on lean jades, seat their wives 
and children on top of them, and set off, themselves following 
on foot. The whole family lives mainly by begging : bej^ond this 
the chief search for daily bread falls to the lot of the women. 
The Luli are seldom contented with one wife : they have two, 
three, or even more. To a question addressed to a ragged Luli 
how he, a beggar already having two wives, could be preparing 
to take stiU a third, the fellow answered with a smile : ' The 



254 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 

more wives 1 have the more alms they will bring in, and the 
better it will be for the family.' The encampment only stays 
two or three days in one place ; the native villagers do not love 
the Luli, fearing robbery. Then, having gone round all the huts, 
collecting alms and telling the fortune of any one who wants 
it, the encampment moves from that place and wanders on to 
another, where the restless goings and comings of bare-footed 
beggars, clad in indescribable rags, begins all over again. If 
there are any pretty girls in the camp, this is a more certain 
source of revenue. The native village aristocracy does not disdain 
their society, willingly treats them to tea and sweets, and gives 
them a trifle of money. According to the general report of the 
Sarts the Luli girls are of irreproachable morals, but the married 
women are less strict. How lightly the Luli regard the externals 
of the religion which they profess (Islam) is shown by this, that 
when the Luli of Tashkend are asking alms from Russians, they 
sign themselves with the cross, and continually cry ' For Christ's 
sake.' 

The Luli are much intermixed with the Sarts. This crossing 
is difficult to understand if we consider that marriage between 
the Sarts and Luli women is rare, and that the Luli are not 
given to prostitution; it must be explained by the long period 
of time during which these races have been in contact. The 
Sarts unanimously assert that the Luli came from Hindustan. 
The wandering Luli call themselves Multani, from their original 
dwelling-place in the valley of the Indus ; the settled call them- 
selves Kasibi, which means 'workman,' 'artisan.' Only on one 
occasion did the author chance to hear, from a Kasiba-luli, that 
in the town of Kokand the race calls itself Sigan. On another 
occasion a young Baludji, being asked whether their youths 
married Luli girls, answered : ' No, they are another race ; we 
are Baludji, they are Sigani, and our law does not allow us to 
wed a woman not of our race.' But with regard to this name, 
which is so like Tsigan, we must consider carefully whether the 
Luli did not borrow it from the Russians. 

At the present day the Luli have nothing left of their own 
language to give a clear explanation of this word. They speak 
Sart. Of 220 words a Luli can possibly speak three or four 
purely Gypsy : doda, ' mother ' ; in European Gypsy, dai ; in Bosa, 
detk; bucJiuh, 'much,' E. buhu; inus, 'mouse,' E. ttiu^; nahand, 
' not,' E. nane. 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 



255 



Of the Lull words the derivation of which is unknown to me 
and which have no similarity with Gypsy words/ we may 
note : — 



majob, ' water.' 
onajohi, ' water-melon.' 
chogdl, ' bull.' 
chogali-dzosoiy ' cow.' 
lift, ' camel' 
gudzmak, ' vine.' 
nugliur, ' eye.' 
rosto'i, ' head.' 
mugiiz, ' town.' 
tarik, 'door.' 
inantoz, ' child.' 
badyk, ' melon.' 
landzi, ' ugly,' ' bad.' 
dalchoc, ' little girl.' 
danaon, ' woman.' 
kuTnan, ' name.' 
monzila, ' mare.' 
nogozy, ' carpet,' ' felt.' 
dziz, ' goat.' 
mandzar, 'kettle.' 
gid, ' hen.' 
chor-l-gul, ' egg.' 
tcmd-gul, ' partridge.' 
Samid, ' food.' 



^aonhul, ' food.' 
chila, ' gun-powder.' 
cJiila-gar, ' physician.' 
dowa, ' horse.' 
machkaz, ' young man.' 
dugut, ' meat.' 
chodur, ' to beg.' 
Jing, pjing, ' nose.' 
2')ur, ' blanket.' 
ghddar, ' donkey.' 
dila, ' tent/ ' dwelling.' 
dowd-tarh, ' whip.' 
warsit, ' to come/ ' arrive.' 
kokan, ' mouth.' 
jakan, ' silver/ ' money.' 
sogliud, ' old man.' 
kalandza, ' old woman.' 
sung, ' axe.' 

kiiny, ' dressing-gown.' 
charsit, ' bread.' 
dagh, ' good.' 
chaurik, gkastok, ' man.' 
dulunga, ' trousers.' 
and many others. 



1 Nine of these words were explained by Sinclair, J.G.L.S., New Series, i. 209, 
and Dr. G. S. A. Ranking suggests the following parallels : — 
chogdl, = ku, (?) meaningless prefix, +yae. 
kuman, = ku + man { = ndin reversed). 

tarik, ? ( . darak, ' little door. ' 

nogozy, ? namadi, ' felt.' 

ghddar, =:}!. gadhd. 

dila, = H. dera. 

wa7-sit,=:F. rasldan. 

didunga, = }i. do-lung, ' double loin-cloth.' 

The meaningless prefixes, ku-, dak-, etc., are constantly used by Nats and other 
wandering tribes before ordinary vernacular words with the object of confusing 
strangers. Similarly, among the pronouns, dak, meaningless prefix, + Persian -m, -t, 
and (third person) ivai, 'he,' and ma, ho-mo (--Persian shumd) and (third person 
plural) hd. 



256 ON THE DIALECtS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 

The pronouns given by the author in the language of the Lull 
strike one by their pecuUarity : — 

I, dalcim. our, any-dakiiii'a. 

thou, dakit. your, any-dakit-an. 

he, uajdaki. to me, dakim-a, dakimha. 

we, dcikmi'a. to you, dakit-wa. 

ye, daki-ho-mo (ma). to him, uajdaki-wa. 

they, uajdaki-ho {ha). to us, daki-ha-mo {ma). 

my, any-dakim. to you, daki-ho-7no-wa. 

thy, any -dakit. to them, uajdaki-ha-wa. 
his, any-uaidaki. 

Another Gypsy-Uke race is met with in Central Asia. The 
Luli and Sarts distinguish these people by the names Kara-Luli 
(black Luli), Afghan- Lull, Hindustan- Lull, Monkey -Luli. These 
names show both the principal occupation of these dark-skinned 
people and the place they inhabited before entering Turkestan. 
They themselves do not like these names, and reckon them as a 
kind of insult, because they do not acknowledge themselves as 
Luli. They generally call themselves Hindustani, but their race 
Baludji. The Afghans say that among them such people are 
called Jatt. Like the Luli, the Baludji in winter go into the 
towns, but in warm weather they wander. The men are occupied 
in training beasts : bears, monkeys, goats ; the women beg, peddle 
cosmetics, and practise leechcraft, but do not tell fortunes. 
Very timid in their intercourse with Russians, the Baludji are 
simple and trusting as children. The author never once noticed 
in any of them a desire to deceive. The women go with uncovered 
faces, they are clothed in white Sart gowns, and love to wear 
several ear-rings. The Fergansk Baludji do not love the Luli, 
and bear themselves haughtily towards them, reckoning them- 
selves much superior. They do not consider themselves akin to 
the Luli, while these latter consider the Baludji also as Luli, only 
of another race or branch. 

Comparing all the information collected by the author about 
the Baludji with what is known to us about the Gypsies, an 
opinion may be formed as to the kinship of these two races 
between themselves: the language of the Baludji is very near 
that of the Gypsies ; the mode of life and some characteristic 
traits of the Gypsies are met with also in the Baludji; the grace 
and agility of the Gypsies which is known to all is very typical 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRAXSC AUG ASIAN GYPSIES 257 

also of the modern emigrants from the ancient Gedrozia. The 
dark skin of the Gypsies, retained in spite of long generations 
born in our latitudes, shows that they have sprung from very 
dark-skinned ancestors. Generally speaking, the author's obser- 
vations on the Luli of Fergansk have led him to two conclusions : 
(1) the Luli mixed with the people of Central Asia represent one 
of the branches of the Baludji race ; (2) the kinship of the Baludji 
with the Gypsies is very apparent. 

Having set forth the chief points of the interesting paper of 
Mr. Wilkins, with the omission of his craniological measurements, 
I propose to make only one unimportant observation. The author 
has drawn his conclusions about the Luli from a knowledsre 
limited to a few Turkestan representatives of this race, not taking 
into consideration other tribes of Luli dispersed in different parts 
of Iran. On this account the conclusions of the author as to the 
connection of the Luli with the Gypsy race seem somewhat forced. 
The absence of words in common, the complete dissimilarity of 
their personal pronouns from those in all existing Gypsy dialects, 
do not justify the author in identifying the Luli with Gypsies, 
even though other details which are not given in the article may 
not contradict the conclusion at which the author has arrived. 
Moreover, it is not quite clear from the article what is strictly to 
be understood by the expression Baludji : whether it is one of the 
native Beluchi tribes which are distinguished by their rapacious 
and plundering dispositions, or an Indian (Gypsy) race which 
migrated ages ago to Beluchistan, and in a foreign land calls itself 
Baludji, in the same way as another section allied to them calls 
itself Kauli or Kahidi because it once lived in Kabul. These 
remarks of ours are not made with any view of diminishing the 
importance of Mr. Wilkins's paper. 

As regards the list of Baludji words (214) given in the paper, 
we, like the author, find in them a considerable percentage of 
pure Gypsy words (more than 40). It is remarkable in what 
purity the Gypsy and Baluchi words have kept their similarity, in 
spite of their distance from one another, and the length of time 
since they separated. These are the words : — 

hi, ' without.' E. hi. 

jKini, ' water.' K. 2')cini ; B. hani ; E. pani. 

vol, 'hair.' A.P. val; B. valis; E. hal. 

akld, ' eye. B. aki ; K. aki ; E. jcddi ; Syr. aki, akkih. 

VOL. II. — NO. in. R 



258 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCA.SIAN GYPSIES 

chatt, ' arm,' 'hand.' B. hath, at. 

ghar, ' house.' E. khar ; B. gar ; K. qar. 

ran, ' married woman.' E. rani. 

candal, 'poor.' Cf. Saudi, ' a rag' (MikL). 

sary, ' all.' E. sard, schare. 

sir, ' head.' E. Serd, sero, ser ; Syr. szerinns. 

(/ura, 'horse.' K. agura. 

kakvi, kakevi, 'kettle.' E. kakavi (If this is Greek KaKKa^r], how 
did it come to the Baludji in Turkestan ? Cf. Pott, Zigeuner, ii. 93). 

nava, ' new,' E. nevo. 

oiui, ' mouth.' E. muj, mui. 

gha, ' grass.' P. A. ghas, 

vattd, 'stone.' P.A. vat; K. battd; Syr. wiUt. 

bakri, ' she-goat.' E. bakri, ' sheep ' ; K. bakra. 

baki'o, ' he-goat.' E. bakro, ' ram.' 

sunra, ' pretty.' K. sona. 

loa, 'iron.' K. lilh: P.A. lui; Syr. lehhy. 

rat, ' blood.' E. rat. 

kukkyr, 'hen,' 'bird.' K. kukar: P.A. gukari, 'cock.' 

doj, 'spoon.' E. roj; cf. in Leland {The Gypsies, 334) in the 

language of the Doms, doi. 
rye, ' a bear.' E. ryS. 
dud, ' milk.' E. thud ; B, lud. 
nnak, ' nose.' E, nak ; K. nak ; Syr. nak. 
rdty, ' night.' E. rat ; K. arat. 
ag, ' fire.' E. jag ; K. ak. 

6a^u, 'much.' E.B.K. 6it^tt, 'much,' 'many'; Luli, 6ucA.it6. 
angli, ' finger.' K. angul. 
6ur, ' robber.' E. cor, ' thief.' 
maSi, ' fish.' E. maco ; K. maca ; B. Tnancav. 
rupa, ' silver.' E. rup ; P.A. orj) ; K. urp ; Syr. urrb. 
bibi, ' sister.' E. bibi, ' aunt.' 
6anri, ' sieve.' B. (jaihri, (jahri ; K. dani. 
lun, ' salt.' P.A. Ion ; Syr. lony ; E. Ion. 
dzau, ' grain,' ' seed.' E. dzav. 
tatty, ' hot.' E. tato ; K. tata, dada ; P.A. tatei. 
kala, ' black.' E. kalo ; K. kala. 
ana, ' egg.' E. anro ; B. anu. 
cZi6, ' tongue,' ' language.' E. cib. 
di, ' day.' P.A. dis ; E. dives, 
adi, ' to-day.' E. avdies, ades; P.A. edj4; Mikl. acZj^. 



1 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRAXSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 259 

There are many other words the derivation of which is un- 
known,^ and which are not met with in other Gypsy dialects : — 

dari, ' beard.' vadcl, ' farmer,' ' ploughman.' 

dan, dand, ' bull.' nd, ' snake.' 

riski, ' to see.' gctn, ' cow.' 

laj, ' clay.' tarn, ' roof.' 

vasti, ' village.' nlki, ' little.' 

lakyr, ' tree.' banur, ' monkey.' 

mi, ' rain.! piu, ' father.' 

larai, ' to fight.' lain, ' devil' 

ghd, ' ugly.' and many others. 

I have only been able to find specimens of the language of 
Syrian Gypsies in three lists of words of no great extent written 
down by the travellers here named : — 

The American missionary Eli Smith, in the year 1842, wrote 
down 30 words and a few grammatical forms from the language 
of Syrian Gypsies in the outskirts of Beyrout. This list, 
being sent to Professor Pott, supplied him with materials for his 
article, ' tJber die Sprache der Zigeuner in Syrien,' published in 
Hoefers Zeitschrift fur die Wissenschaft der Sprache, vol. i. pp. 
175-186: Berlin. 

The traveller Seetzen, in 1806, met in Syria not far from 
Nablous a camp of local Gypsies, known in the place under the 
name El-Niiry or El-Nauar. He was able to write down about 
400 words of their language, for the most part Arabic. His 
journey is published by Professor Kruse under the title U. I. 
Seetzen's Reisen, Berlin, 1854, vol. ii. pp. 182-190. In the 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (vol. xvi., 1856, pp. 299- 
312) are found a few notes under the title ' The Gypsies of Syria,' 
in which the author [Newbold] gives some interesting particulars 
about the local Gypsies, and also a list of more than 150 words 
in the dialect of two Gypsy tribes, Kurbat and Duman. 

We have made use of all these vocabularies for elucidating 
Karaci and Bosa words. They are distinguished in our list by 
the contraction Syr. 

^ Dr. G. S. A. Ranking suggests the following derivations: — 

dari=Ii. darhi, 'beard.' nd = B.. nag, 'snake,' 'cobra.' 

mH = H. dikhna, 'to see.' gan = 13.. gdo, gde, 'cow.' 

vasti = 'H.. hanti, 'village.' hanur = 'B.. bandar, 'monkey.' 

lakyr = 'K. lakrl, 'stick.' piu = ^. pita. 

mi= H. mifih, ' rain. ' ^„,-,j^ ^ i^'m, « the accursed one. ' 
larai -K. larui, ' Qghting.' ^' 



260 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 

For the sake of completeness we ought also to mention the 
Gypsies of Egypt, about whom we find particulars in ' The Gypsies 
of Egypt,' by Captain Newbold {Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, 1856, xvi., pp. 285-312). The remarks about the Syrian 
Gypsies which are made above form part of this paper. The 
author finds in Egypt two sorts of Gypsies, Helehi and Ghagar or 
Ghajar ( ^J- After communicating v/^hat he knew about the 
laws, customs, and number of the Egyptian Gypsies, the author 
passes on to their language ; he gives numerals, and in addition 
more than 100 words from the dialects of the Helebi, Ghajar, and 
Nawar. The dialect of the Ghajar, who, indeed, entered Egypt 
later than the others, is the nearest to the language of the 
European Gypsies. The identity of the word for 'nine' — enna — with 
the Greek and the words peculiar to European Gypsies : balamu, ' a 
Christian ' ; chai, ' a girl ' ; lasho, ' good,' ' pretty ' ; hliut, ' much ' ; 
Jcaghnieh, 'hen,' and others, point to their near relationship to 
European Gypsies. For the purpose of comparison we have 
marked words of the Ghajar dialect by the contraction Aeg. 

We must now, however, turn to the phrases and words of the 
Karaci dialect. 



Phrases ^ 

1. 8alamaliJci7n, baro, qefoj kybra ? Welcome, brother, how are 

you ? 

2. Gassuluj astoj ? Whence do you come ? 

3. Guj geStoj ? Where are you going ? 

4. Delilu astum, gestum vatavi agura lafgynam. I come from 

the village, I am going to the town to sell horses. 

5. Agura astagoj ? Have you any horses ? 

6. Ja agurum astagtiTii. I have one horse. 

7. Ja gajru kohvu astaq ? What else have you ? 

8. Doj mangaf, ja mangaf, pang guzij, dah bakra, tryn kukyry, 

deh pang ^imari, tryn kukar, ordaq, qaz, ja niejmun. 
Two bulls, one cow, five she-goats, ten sheep, three dogs, 
fifteen hens, three cocks, ducks, geese, and one monkey. 

^ In the transcription of words of the Bom and Karaci attention should be 
paid to the pronunciation of the following letters : — 

cA=guttural ch, as in 'loch.' c=ch soft. 

gr = /,A = aspirated k, as in in(kh)orn. S=sh. 

pA = aspirated fi, uoty*, as in li(ph)ook. z = t8. 

g = dj. y-ui. 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 261 

9. Qasta Tnasghul astoj ? What is your occupation ? 

10. Ma dom astwm. I am a Gypsy. 

11. Qithi dum astaq ? Are there many Gypsies here ? 

12. Nafsol, vali qiaqama. No, very few. 

13. Hue [?] buhu astaq ? Where are there many ? [should it not 

be gue instead of hue ?]. 

14. Hue har gu qutie. They are everywhere. 

15. Tera babuj, daji, unarus, chuldari astaq? Have you a father, 

mother, wife, children ? 

16. Babuni, dajum na'a, ama cliuldarurri, inarus, barun astaq. 

I have no father or mother, but I have children, a wife, and 
brothers. 

17. Tera astaq qyrmyzi mahudi ? Have you red cloth ? 

18. Masan astaq qyvTinyzi, kara, zardavi, gog, iasyl mahudi. I 

have red, black, yellow, blue, green cloth. 

19. Ma qasdum lipara sona agurahi. I want to buy a fine 

horse. 

20. Li2Ktr lolda angusdari. Buy a gold ring. 

21. Ha qan sona barq bat a ? What is this hard beautiful 

stone ? 

22. Divie ganiqqa dyrgha manisa ? Do you know this great 

man? 

23. Hu sona aqylla manis a. He is a very clever man. 

24. Ma ganisdeq guna manisa. I know a man of no great 

stature. 

25. Chujia na manqisda pis manis. God loves not bad people. 

26. Sona manisas sy manqisdad. Every one loves good people. 

27. Ha bani sor a. This water is salt. 

28. Qa gavia gas a. What bitter grass. 

29. Gand gulda hi. Sugar is sweet. 

30. Tu ne gaja qata seb. You did not eat sour apples. 

31. Bdeh ha gri de§ tera baruj. Give back this sharp knife to thy 

brother. 

32. Qacach vana khyrsiqi qalaz mejsiqa? When will you bring 

me the bear's skin ? 

33. Ma vanam teziqa 'maraliqi qalaz, logva, quqaz, ^ioHqi. I 

will bring you the skin of a deer, fox, wolf, lion. 

34. Gihiaz mimis gavar ininasta sonah aj. Wheaten bread is 

better than barley. 

35. Meri benam nejsusa ojjpal anguMari. My sister lost a silver 

ring. 



262 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 

36. Mera chalun huqandas Suchras luh govalasan. My uncle 

dug a ditch with an iron spade. 

37. Ha dar agura haj. This tree is crooked. 

38. Hu kaHa taza onasi. He eats fresh meat. 

39. Hye duhend hangi hkasta sona silda baniasan. They washed 

their hands with clean, cold water. 

40. Asan qmn buhu dada hi. This day (sun ?) is very hot. 

41. Qa Idav mangaf gerimda. What a fat bull is grazing (in the 

meadow). 

42. Hy chda bojamysgoz zard ranqasan. He dyed the egg a 

yellow colour. 

43. Ku kajduz teri qabar. Who stole your rug ? 

44. Qubu qaba ? Which rug ? 

45. Dyrgha, i. The long one. 

46. Ame (mejsi) besdenge ^ajymy. We were sitting in a shady 

place. 

47. Cygliyrmys chuti naziq sosasa. Cry out with a shrill voice. 

48. Varsindasi guri qisia. Our tent was soaked with rain. 

49. Ame pisdenq archi bani. We drink river water. 

50. Aqisan hanaq niiqa. Do not play with fire. 

51. Giviha rusdind. The women weep. 

52. Ghuldara cliazUdind. The children are laughing. 

53. Kukyryha hajiMind. The dogs bark. 

64. PiEq niju onyiu. The cat caught a mouse. 

55. Silala bafyr varsa. In winter snow comes [falls]. 

56. Hu sona gocach manis a. He is a brave man. 

57. Ohe akilli givi a. She is a clever woman. 

58. Mansaz ruhuz nd mia. The soul of man does not die. 

59. Qa soni Uyk arat a. What a beautiful moonlight night. 

60. Galamyn tu miqa. Do not swim in the well. 

61. Ma bahandum bahrast. I fastened the doors. 

62. Ttt lijmru^n guzi. You bought a young lamb. 

63. Hu qia Tnesa. He went into the wood. 

64. Ame dikom teri laftihi. We saw your daughter. 

65. Hye qie vatavi. They rode into the town. 

66. Ma ge^tum sotiam. I am going to sleep. 

67. Tu niom mala. You catch a fish. 

68. Hu chojnaend plov. He is boiling pilaf for us. 

69. Qire Ufa. Sing me a song. 

70. Qire feiM na (janisdum. I do not know any songs. 

71. Ame geliSding. We shall dance. 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 263 

72. Dime vasnais gara. You light a candle. 

73. Hye arisi gasdind. They are preparing a wedding. 

74. Tu saga na vitistuj. You say what is not true. 

75. Ma saga vitistuj. I speak truth. 

76. Guj chosduj. Where you live. 

77. Mera qarnm qutie. My home is everywhere. 

78. Ma thisan gestum deh. I will go into the village with you. 

79. Qacach geStuj. When will you go ? 

80. Duj Itafta phaga viganq. In about two weeks. 

81. Amari dehe tala pagis a. Our villages are behind the hill. 

82. Amari dehe neqa mesa astaq. There is a wood near our 

villages. 

83. Talas sirasta bafyr. Snow lies on the mountain. (?) Sir, head, 

mountain ? [The sentence is wrongly divided by Patkanoff. 
It should be Talas sir asta hafyr. On hill head is snow.] 

84. 31a nigyldum guriaqi. I went out from the tent. 

85. Tit isdisdoj mira vahrim. You stand before me. 

86. Hu isdisdoz (tiha) qaraz ortami. He stood in the middle of 

the house. 

87. Mira bahnytn agura astaq. The horse is under me. 

[ (?) The horse is my sister's.] 

88. Chuja biafti, bdeh mera qavrum. For God's sake give me my 

money. 

89. Tera qiti jasoj astaq. How old are you ? 

90. Qiird na sigisda buhu-buhu bagisda naista. What a Kurd 

cannot take away, that he gives away (?). 

91. Ata ghairi raanisasi a, my si eqaqan (?) lagisdiq. It is other 

folk's meal, but the mice fight. 

92. Pisiqi naros mys nisdaq. What is born of a cat catches 

mice. 

93. Dostasan qamy lapi va sovdasyz garysmys my ga. Eat and 

drink with a friend, but do not do business with him. 

94. Ku qamaz varahqam na dikus, cajymy na pijus. He who 

did not work in the sun, did not eat or drink in the 
shade (?) 

95. Davasi kona tuz, qi girgiazi tuz choj. Supposing the camel 

himself were straight, would his neck be straight ? 

96. Sona banir a, ama kukyri bafis a. Good is cheese, but in a 

dog's mouth. 

97. Giengo sukuma sack lapelan, nejsusen ban^i qanuma. 

Having set out to make himself horns, he lost even his ears. 



264 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 

98. Mund sirqa gahas nafsol qakla. Strong vinegar spoils the 

dish. 

99. Faqyr manis dykyna ja lilkva cJiiij,ja mismar. The wind- 

fall of a beggar is either a horse-shoe or a nail. 

100. Sebki mahus sona hi, amrna mancus ganila cliahi. The 

apple is beautiful outside, but rotten within. 

101. Guldi gibisa sapas cijasi apelank. With a sweet tongue 

one wiles a snake from its hole. 

Arata ; diij doma gesdind vatavi It was evening; two Gypsies 

cani lafgyni (vygynyf). Vani went to the town to sell sieves. 

vahriz qar vygija, lycaenda In front of them went an ass 

lazym gurabagura giaqan. laden with necessaries. The 

Domaha mahni chania neiqa, Gypsies stopped at a spring, 

pienth taza silda hani, qie they drank fresh cold water, 

huthaj. Qa cacJiJd tarkicha, and went on. When it grew 

domaha cuntite guriaha hala- dark, the Gypsies pitched a 

genda, ak vasnaend, atasi pus- small tent, lighted a fire, and 

urik chocjnaend. Minas arata made porridge of meal. After 

goennan paca, hye derseche syte, supper they lay down to sleep, 

sabahasi lasde bandaqi. but the next day they continued 

their journey. 

So far as we can judge from the phrases given above, the 
forms of the dialect of the Karaci (that is to say, in the Transcau- 
casus, since we have no data as to the grammatical side of this 
dialect in Persia) has in a notable manner lost its original form, 
this being supplied by Persian equivalents. But, nevertheless, 
more is retained than in the dialect of the Bosa. 

In a few adjectives traces of origin are preserved in a for the 
masculine and i for the feminine gender : aqilla Tnamis, ' clever 
man ' ; aqilli givi, ' clever woman ' ; gand gidda, ' sweet sugar ' ; 
guldi (jib, ' sweet tongue ' ; meri benam, ' my sister ' ; mera qarum, 
' my house ' ; teri qdbar, ' your rug,' etc. 

Of the cases the following show most plainly: instrumental 
singular in sa (isa, asa) or san {isan, asan): sosasa, 'with the 
voice ' ; gibisa, ' with the tongue ' ; (jovalasan, ' with a spade ' ; 
ranqasan, 'with colour'; dostasan, 'with a friend'; baniasan, 
' with water ' ; aqisan, ' with fire,' etc. The originative gives the 
following examples: dehlu, 'from the village'; (to this also must 
apparently be referred gassiduj, ' whence ') ; minasta, ' from bread ' ; 
guriaqi, ' from the tent ' ; atass, ' from meal ' ; varsindasi, ' from 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 265 

rain ' ; cyasi, ' from a hole/ etc. In three instances the ending as 
serves as an accusative : sona m,anisas sy Tnanqisdad, ' every one 
loves good men ' ; nnera chalun bugandus cuehras, ' my uncle dug 
a ditch ' ; guldi gihisa sapas cijasi apelank, ' with a sweet tongue 
you can wile a snake from its hole.' 

The ending az serves two purposes, the genitive case or an 
adjective: quq, 'Avolf; quqaz, 'of a wolf or 'wolfish'; gisu, 
' wheat ' ; gihcaz, ' of wheat ' or ' wheaten.' Words take this sufhx 
before certain prepositions: qaon, 'sun'; qamaz varahqam, 'in 
the sun ' ; qar, ' house ' ; qaraz ortami, ' in the midst of the house 
or room.' 

The nominative plural ends in ha like the Persian : giviha, 
' married women ' ; domaha, ' Gypsies ' ; kukyryha, ' dogs ' ; guriaha, 
' tents.' I have not been able to find examples of other cases. 

A few adjectives (perhaps in the genitive case) are formed 
from substantives, taking the ending iqi : maraliqi, siriqi, 
chyrsiqi, from maral, sir, chyrs. 

Numerals : one, ja ; two, duj, doj ; three, tryn ; four, Uthar ; 
five, pang ; ten, dah ; fifteen, deh pang. The other ^numerals are 
not met with in the examples. 

Personal pronouns : I, ^ina ; thou, tu, toj ; he, hy, hu : she, 
ohe ; we, ame ; ye, dmie ; they, Jiue, hye. In the dialect of the 
Syrian Gypsies also, ma, tu, hu. 

The oblique cases of the personal pronouns are used also as 
possessives, as is plain from the examples : mira vahriin, ' before 
me ' ; a mira qarum, ' my house ' ; tera astaq, ' you have ' ; a tera 
baruj, ' to thy brother ' ; amare dehe, ' our village ' ; masan astaq, 
' I have.' Other cases : thisan, ' with thee ' ; meisiqa vana, ' he 
brings me'; teisiqa vanam, 'I will bring you.' The traces of 
other pronouns are not altogether clear : /i«, 'this'; apjxd, ' one's 
own' (?); laj^elan, 'to one's self (?); qasta, 'with what'; hangi, 
' one's own.' 

The verbs present a great variety of form, and only in some 
instances, which are nearer the Persian form, can any regularity 
of ending be found. 



Present or Future — Singular Number 

Auxiliary Verb — 

astum, 'I am ' ; astoj, ' thou art ' ; third person : astaq, asta 
also a, aj, haj, hi. 



266 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 

Other verbs — 

1. astagum, gestutn, vanam, ganiMum, and ganisdeq. 

2. astagqj, geUoj, chasduj. 

3. sirasta, gestid, nisdaq, varsa, manqisdod, and na onanqisda. 

Plural 

1. gelisding, pisdenq. 

2. va^naieh, ganiqqa. 

3. va^naiend, rusdind, gasdind, chognaend. 

In the same tense are found the forms : oiiom, ' thou seizest ' ; 
onia, ' he dies.' 

Past Tense — Singular Number 

1. hahandum, nigyldum. 

2. gaja, liparun. 

3. isdisdoz, kajduz, bugandus, nejsusa, qia. 

Plural 

1. besdenge, dikotn. 

2. 

3. chojnaend, duhend, vasnaend, nejsusen, gesdind, qie, giengo. 
The following examples of the imperative are met with : 
bdeh, ' give ' ; lipar, ' buy,' ' buy ye ' ; Ufa, ' sing ' ; lapi, ' drink ' ; 
biafti, ' fear.' In Paspati's vocabulary, pp. 332-333, there are 
found in the dialect of the Asiatic Gypsies above ten words, which 
in the imperative prefix the syllable le (from lava). The same is 
found in our list in the words lafgynam and lepi, although they 
are not in the imperative. 

(To be continued.) 



REVIEWS 267 



REVIEWS 

Grmmnaire du Tchingane ou langue des Bohemiens errants. 
Par J. A. Decourdemanche. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1908. 

384 S. 

DECOURDEMANCHE'S Buch ist keine Beschreibung eines bisher unbekannt 
gebliebenen Zigeunerdialekts, auch keine zusammenfassende Darstellung 
aller oder doch der wichtigsten Mundarten. Es beruht hinsichtlich des Stoffs 
fast ganz auf den Angaben von Paspati {Mudes sur les Tchinghianes ou Bohemiens 
de V empire Ottoman)und. Yai\W.a,nt{Grammaire dialogues et vocabulaire de la lang^iedes 
Bohemiens ou Cigains), stellt aber den allerdings neuen, ja sogar iiberraschenden 
Versuch dar, die bekannten Formen samtlich auf ihre letzten Elemente zuriick- 
zufiihren und darin weit iiber alles bisher Geleistete hinauszugehn. Und dieser 
etwas kiihne Versuch wird nicht etwa in erster Linie zum Zweck der Aufhellung 
des Zigeunerischen unternommen, sondern, um an dieser fiir eine solche Analyse 
angeblich ganz besonders geeigneten Sprache eine vorbildliche Arbeit fiir die 
vergleichende G-rammatik des Indogeriuanischen iiberhaupt vorzunehmen. Man 
habe festgestellt, erklart Decourdemanche in seiner Vorrede, dass die indoger- 
manischen Worter in Wurzeln und Affixe zu zerlegen seien, habe die dieser 
Beobachtung entsprechende Arbeit auch ini Einzelnen ausgefiihrt, dann aber von 
einem Versuch, nun die Wurzeln noch einer weiteren Analyse zu unterwerfen 
ohne Grund Abstand genommen. Denn die Moglichkeit einer derartig weit- 
gehenden Zerlegung werde eben durch das im vorliegenden Buche gegebene 
Beispiel, die Zuriickfiihrung des Zigeunerischen auf einige wenige Elemente, seine 
Erkliirung aus den Band I, S. 390, dieses Journals schon angefiihrten fiinf Prin- 
zipien zur Geniige bewiesen. 

Da der Verfasser des vorliegenden Buches die Elemente, in die er die zigeune- 
rischen Worter zerlegt, offenbar nicht fiir blosse Abstraktionem hiilt, sondern ihnen 
eine einst selbstandige Existenz zuschreibt, so muss es, scheint mir, nicht wenige 
iiberraschen, dass in dem ganzen Buche auch nicht ein einziges Mai der Versuch 
gemacht wird, das moderne Zigeunerwort zuniichst einmal auf eine altere, uns 
iiberlieferte Form zuriickzufiihren, um von da aus dann weiter in die Urzeit zu 
schweifen. Infolge dieses Mangels geschichtlicher Betrachtung treten denn auch 
Decourdemanche's Wortzerlegungen zu dem von fast alien Sprachforschern fiir 
richtig oder doch wenigstens wahrscheinlich Erachteten in den meisten Fallen recht 
schroff in Widerspruch. So zerlegt sich das Wort trasul ' Kreuz,' das fraglos wie 
das von Pott {Die Zigeuner, II, 293) und Miklosich {Die Mundarten und Wande- 
rungen der Zigeuner Europas, VIII, 87)angefiihrte und auch richtig gedeutete trusul 
auf das altindische tri^ulam ' Dreizack' zuriickgeht, nach Decourdemanche (S. 169) 
in tras, einen Instrumentalis zu tra 'ausserhalb' mit der Bedeutung 'jenseits, sehr 
hoch' und ein possessives Element /, so dass trasul also urspriingliche 'in' oder 
' mit der grossen Erhohung ' geheissen haben miisste. So soU bav ' Fuss ' (S. 229) 
in ba aus 2^0, ' niedrig ' und v ' sich aufhaltend ' zerfallen, obwohl das doch ersicht- 
lich zugrunde liegende mittelindische pht wohl nach samtlicher Indologen Ansicht 
nicht vom altindischen padam getrennt werden kann, das v also gar nicht 
urspriinglich ist. So wird bei der Zerlegung von tut 'Milch' in tii ' Fliissigkeit, 
Schleim' und t 'mit' (S. 291) gar keine Notiz davon genommen, dass die zugrunde 
liegende mittelindische Form dudham auf eine altindische zuriickgeht, die noch ein 
bei der Analyse nicht beriicksichtigtes g aufweist, namlich auf dngdham. Das doch 
wohl kaum vom altindischen ndsikd zu trennende naJc ' Nase ' zerfallt nach Decour- 



268 REVIEWS 

demanche (S. 342 in na * Person Leib ' und k ' herausgeliend,' das zigeunerische 
rule 'Baum' aus raittelindischem rulckho aus altindischem ri(Z.\i-a/5 soil aus ru 'Saft' 
mit einem possessiven k bestehn (S. 289) ; das aus dem griechischen dpofios ver- 
kiirzte drum 'Weg' (S. 170) wird in dru statt dur 'fern' und m 'bleibend' auf- 
gelost ; das Wort momeli ' Kerze,' dessen Ableitung von dem aus dem Armenischen 
entlehnten mom ' Wachs ' nur von Leuten angefochten werden kann, die das ganz 
geliiufige Grundwort nicht kennen oder so organisiert sind, dass eine Auseinander- 
setzung mit ihnen unausfiihrbar wird, ist angeblich (S. 292) in mo ' viel,' me 
'Schleim' und Zi 'habend' aufzulosen. Und so geht's fort, fast das ganze Buch 
hindurch. Icli -will nicht versaumen, ausdriicklich zu erklaren, dass Decour- 
demanche's Werk audi einiges enthalt, was zwar nicht neu, aber doch mindestens 
nicht falsch ist. Neu und richtig zugleich ist aber wohl nichts von dem, was es 
bietet, es sei denn das im Anhang mitgeteilte, freilich verdachtig absonderliche 
Manner-, Weiber- und Kinderalfabet, iiber das ich nicht urteilen kann, hinsichtlich 
dessen der Berichterstatter aber doch wohl gut getan hatte zu sagen, woher ibm 
die Kenntnis desselben gekommen. F. N. Finck. 



Die Zigeuner und der deutsche Stoat. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen 
Rechts- und Kulturgeschichte. Inaugural- Dissertation zur 
Erlangung der Rechts- und StaatswissenscJtaftlichen DoJc- 
torwiirde der K. Bayer. Jiilius-Maximilians-Universitdt 
Wiirzburg, vorgelegt von Richard Breithaupt aus Kassel, 
Wtirzburg, C. J. Becker's Universitats-Buchdruckerei, 1907. 
pp. 87. 

Nearly two hundred and fifty years ago a German dissertation inaugurated the 
scientific treatment of the history and ethnogi'aphy of the Gypsies. But if any 
one looks to Breithaupt's dissertation in hopes of finding a new Thomasius, I fear 
he will be disappointed. Indeed, though the freedom of choice of a subject per- 
mitted to students in German universities is no doubt a tax on the professors' 
omniscience, it is difficult to see how a thesis, whose author has ignored all the most 
important new works on the subject of which he treats, can have been held suffi- 
ciently creditable to pass muster as a learned work. Surely to write a chapter on 
the fifteenth-century immigration of the Gypsies without reference to Bataillard, 
Miklosich, de Goeje, or even Hopf, is to show a lamentable ignorance of the 
literature on the point. To put forward Grellmann's Tamerlane theory as the 
accepted explanation of their coming, and to reject the twelfth-century Genuan 
monk's reference to Kaltschmiede without discussion of the slightly later evidence 
of Symon Simeonis and the host of other evidence which has been adduced to 
prove beyond any doubt that Gyjisies were known in the south-east of Europe 
some centuries before 1417, merely because it conflicts with that theory, is to 
prove oneself quite sixty years behind the times. Yet even so, if Breithaupt had 
fulfilled his promise and given a thorough and painstaking collection of the early 
authorities for that immigration, and had really saved one the ' trouble of referring 
to the sources,' one might reasonably be thankful to him. But here again I fear 
he proves little better than a broken reed. Of the three persons who spoke of 
the invasion as eye-witnesses or at least contemporaries he omits two, Korner and 
llufus. Of the two chroniclers who date the appearance of bands of those uninvited 
guests before the year 1417 he does not condescend to quote Fabricius. Nor can 
one rely with confidence on the accuracy of the passages which he does quote, if 
the first of them is a fair sample of the rest. A glance at the quotation from 



REVIEWS 269 

Krantz will convince any one that either Krantz or the man who copied him was 
surprisingly ignorant of Latin, and a collation of the text with the edition which it 
professes to follow, proves that Krantz was not the offender. In five-and-twenty 
lines there are at least as many mistakes, many of them entirely upsetting the 
grammar (e.g. Tartarus vulgus appellat for Tartaros) or the sense of the passage 
(e.g. nullum agnoscens for nullam agnoscens patriam). Even the simple tricks of 
ancient typography, such as the representation of m or n by a stroke over a vowel, 
are mysteries which Breithaupt has failed to penetrate. It is obvious that one 
cannot look for either thoroughness or accuracy in an author who is guilty of sins 
such as these, and, not to keep on carping, it is perhaps best to notice only the few 
points of interest in his summary account of the subsequent history of German 
Gypsies. 

The importance of the Gypsies, he says, lay in the influence they had on the 
large body of national wanderers. In Germany, as in England, it would seem that 
the Gypsies suggested to them the introduction of what they had formerly lacked, 
organisation. He points out that in the eighteenth century these organised bands 
of outcasts became a real danger in Germany, and that the Gypsies were associated 
with them, though admittedly in an inferior capacity, never as leaders in any 
desperate enterprise. Then, after a digression on the Friedrichslohra attempt at 
inducing them to settle, he gives some newspaper reports, written in an hysterical 
style with which any one who happened to be in a district through which our recent 
' German Gypsy ' visitors passed wDl be familiar, on the doings of the bands of 
G}"psies who were wandering about Germany at the same time. If, as one rather 
infers, his purpose is to prove that the Gypsies are a real danger to Germany still, 
it is surely a strange confession of national incompetence. The German police 
administration must be far less efl&cient than a casual visitor to that country would 
infer, if brigandage can be considered as an even remotely possible contingency in 
these days. 

One is comforted to find that in serious Germany there are some who raise a 
voice in defence of the unconstitutional free life of the Gypsies. Eotering, recog- 
nising their inborn penchant to wandering, claims it for them as a right and pleads 
for a ' Schweigen des Gesetzgebers.' Breithaupt will hear none of it, indeed he 
shows more than the usual normal man's lack of sympathy with eccentricity. 
Speaking of a noted child- murderer, he seems to rather regret that a severer 
sentence was not passed on his first crime because the circumstances of it showed 
a natural chronic tendency towards that particular form of crime. He seems to 
fail to see that those selfsame circumstances showed that the man was not fully 
responsible for his actions. Nor, if wandering and occasional petty pilferings are 
crimes, can the Gypsy be rightly counted responsible for his actions. The habit, 
as Rotering argues, is ingrained and irresistible. Breithaupt has another and a 
much stranger argiiment for refusing them special privileges as wanderers, that 
there are often some gdjos among them. By the same reasoning it would follow 
that bees are not worth carefully hiving because there are often some drones 
among them. 

But he has at least the sense to realise that ' getting at them through their 
children ' has not succeeded, and is not likely to succeed ; nor yet are attempts at 
inducing them to settle. To the latter he demurs, too, on the ground that the con- 
sequent intermarriage with Germans would be detrimental to the German race. If 
he were not prejudiced he might have inferred from the Meckese, whom he men- 
tions as undesirable poshrats at the settlement at Wittgenstein, that it would be 
equally detrimental to the Gypsy type. For the rest, his suggested legal reforms 
do not seem either very new or very startling. He would have a strict law passed 
that all begging, even if carried on under cover of hawking, should be punished, 
and that practising a wandering trade without a pass should be counted as Land- 
streicherd. Of German law I know nothing, and very little of German customs ; 



270 REVIEWS 

so this may all be new and original. But when in Germany, I so often saw 
' Hausieren ist verboten ' posted up on houses that I was led to suppose that the 
mere act of hawking, even if unaccompanied by begging, was almost a criminal act ; 
and Flynt's experiences among the German beggars prove clearly that the Putz 
(policeman) kept a pretty sharp eye on a wanderer's Flebbe (passport). ^ If the 
laws exist, and are not properly enforced, it is hardly fair to blame the Gypsies. 

Offenders he threatens with the Arbeitshaus — the very place, to judge by its 
name, which a conscientious Gypsy would try to avoid— and if they are foreigners, 
with banishment. Finally, considering the comfortable cii'cumstances of many of 
them, he would have them taxed. I am afraid he hardly realises that the comfort- 
able circumstances are generally due to the little perquisites which he wishes to 
deny them by stricter legislation ; and if he did realise it he would rail the louder 
against those perquisites. Yet are Gypsies the only persons whose unearned 
increments escape the tax-gatherer ? In Germany, as well as elsewhere, one meets 
with many outstretched hands, and they do not all bear the Gypsy thumbmark.^ 
If a hotel-porter and other servants may grow rich on hoarded tips, for which the 
tipper often receives but scant civility, why should a Gypsy dame be grudged her 
little gleanings won by transporting a credulous lover into the seventh heaven by 
her projihecies ? If a 'gentleman's gentleman' may superciliously refuse anything 
less than paper from a departing guest, why should a Gypsy not be allowed to 
shower blessings on one's head for a few halfpence, some cast-off clothes, or other 
unconsidered trifles ? Heaven help half the world if they are to subsist on what 
they can honestly claim to have earned by the sweat of their brows I 

Incidentally Breithaupt (p. 44) introduces us to an interesting personality, if 
his careless informant, who quotes no authority for his statement, is not in error, — 
one Hans Waldmann, Biirgermeister of Ziirich and King of the Swiss Tinkers. 
Breithaupt scouts the idea that a gentleman who loved to entertain nobility could 
have been boon companion with the most abandoned rascals in history. To a law- 
abiding mind like his doubtless the two ideas are incompatible. But Deacon 
Brodie did not find such a double life impossible, and the worthy Biirgermeister 
may have been a man of the same kidney. If he were, one would be glad to hear 
more of him. E. 0. Winstedt. 



1 Cf. Flynt, Tramping ivith Tramps (London, 1900), p. 178 et seq. 
- Cf. E. Bisland, The Life and Letters of Lafcadio Hearn (London, 1906), vol.i. 
p. 5, 



RECENT WORKS ON THE GYPSIES 

Miss Lucy Etheldred Broadwood. English Traditional Songs and Carols. 
London and New York (Boosey and Co.), 1908. Price 2s. Gd. net. Two of 
these songs were obtained by Miss Broadwood from a Gypsy family of the 
name of Goby, wanderers in Sussex and Surrey, — the ancient and noble 
' King Pharim sat a-musing,' to which a learned historical note is attached, 
and the sombre carol, ' The moon shines bright.' 

Heinrich von Wlislocki. The Stortj of the (?i}wies. Habits and Oustoms of a 
Wandering People. In the Harmsworth History of the World, part 24 (vol. 
iv., pp. 3104-3112). Price Id. net. Seems to have been somewhat carelessly 
written, and extremely carelessly translated and edited by the three ' associate 
editors '—still, it costs only 7d., and is ornamented with five illustrations. 

Albert Thomas Sinclair, (hjimj and Oriental Musical Instruments. Reprinted 
from The Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. xxi. April-September, 1908, 
No. Ixxxi., pp. 205-221. In this paper Mr. Sinclair 'throws out hints' as to 
the part Gypsies may have played in bringing the Tzimbal, Pan's pipe and 
Bagpipe from Asia to Europe. 



NOTES AND QUERIES 271 



NOTES AND QUERIES 

17. — Gypsy Parliaments 

Croftox in his 'Early Annals of the Gypsies in England' {J.G.L.S., Old Series, 
i. p. 8) quotes S[amuel] R[id]'s Art of Juggling (1612) as the first or only 
authority for fticts about Giles Hather, the eariy king of the Gypsies, and for a 
yearly Gypsy Parliament either at Divels-Arse-in-Peak in Derbyshire or at Ket- 
brooke near Blackheath. There is, however, an earlier authority from whom 
Samuel Eid seems to have borrowed both statements — S[aiimel] E[owlands]' ^ 
Martin Mark-all (1610). The second part of that work, entitled The Runnagates 
Race or the Originall of Regiment of Rogues, traces the history of the fraternity 
of Vagabonds from their origiu in Jack Cade's rebellion to the time of their sixth 
commander Cock Lorell, who met and conferred with the Gypsies under Giles 
Hather. In Jack Cade's army, as officers, were two unruly fellows Bluebeard and 
Hugh Roberts. Bluebeard first aspired to kingship and was elected, but got him- 
self hanged before he entered on the office. After the failure of the rebellion, 
Roberts and his band fled back to Blackheath and took to the woods, and when 
things grew quieter these ' Robert-men,' as they were called, separated, agreeing to 
meet once every three years at the same place. On the death of King Roberts, 
Jenkin Cowdiddle was elected, and when he fell at the battle of Tewkesbury one 
Spising succeeded. His end was the ' nubbing cheat,' and the next three kings, 
Puffing Dicke, Laurence Crosbiter, and Skelton, met a like or worse fate. Then 
followed Cocke Lorrell, a tinker and 'the most notorious knave that ever lived' ; 
and in his days came the Gypsies. 

' In the northerne partes another sort of Vagabonds (at the divels-arse-a-peake 
in Darbishire) began a new regiment, calling themselves by the name of Egiptians : 
These were a sort of rogues, that lived and do yet live by cousening and deceit, 
practising the arte called legerdemaine, or fast and loose, whereby they got them- 
selves no small credite among the Countrey people by their deepe dissemblino- and 
deceitfuU practises, feeding the common people, wholly addicted and given to 
novelties, toyes and new fangles delighting them with the strangenesse of the attire 
of their heads, and practising palmistry to such as would know their fortunes. 

' The first that invented this new fellowship was one Giles Hather : he carried 
about with him his whore called (Kyt Calot) ^ which was termed the Queene of 

1 That two different writers bearing the initials S. R. , and giving much the same 
information, should have written within two years of each other, strikes one as 
strange. Have bibliographers resolved the initials correctly ? 

2 There is much doubt, as I learn from some unpublished notes of our new 
president, whether this name can be taken seriously as a proper name. Callet or 
calot is an old English term of abuse, though the derivation is exceedingly uncertain. 
Murray's Dictionary states that the French cailklte (a little quail, a fool), or calotte 
(a peculiar kind of cap), and Gaelic and Irish caille (girl), have been suggested, but 
seems to think them all improbable. The earliest authority there cited is Cock 
Lorelles Ballad (circ. 1500) : ' Yf he call her calat, she calleth hym knave agayne.' 
Skelton writing in the very year here given as the date of the first appearance of 
Giles Hather's band, uses the same word : ' Then Elynour said, ye callettes, I shall 
break your pallettes ' (Elynoure Rummywj, 347); and a quotation from More, Con- 
futation of Tindale (1532), shows that Kate Calot was a generic term for a strumpet : 

'Frere Luther and Gate calate his nunne, lye luskying together in lecherj-.' There 
I will leave them, merely noting that the same word (Callot) was in use in France 
denoting a particular class of Abraham-men and women, ttigneux veritable ou 



272 NOTES AND QUERIES 

Egipties ; they goe alwaies never under an hundred men or women, causing their faces 
to be made bhicke, as if they were Egyptians ; they wander up and down the Country 
as it pleaseth them best, with their horses to carry their bastards and baggage 
with them : and when they come into any countrey towne, they pittifuUy cousen 
the poore countrey girles both of money, silver and the best linnen onely in hope to 
heare their good fortunes tould them. 

' After a certaine time that these up-start Lossels had got unto a head : the two 
chief Commaunders of both these regiments met at the Diuels-arse-a-peake, there 
to parle and intreate of matters that might tend to the establishing of this their 
new found Government' (Rowlands, Martin Mark-all, sig. G 4). 

Concerning Giles Hather Rowlands tells us on the next page : ' Captaine Giles 
Hather first beganne in a.d. 1528, concerning whom there is nothing made mention 
of, but of his cousonage and deceit, for these kinde of people lived more quietly 
and out of harme in respect of the other sort, making themselves as strangers, and 
would never put forth themselves in any tumult or Commotion, as the other sort 
did ; but what vice they exercised not one way, they were not inferior to them in 
the like, or rather worse another way, so that what betweene them both, they were 
two pestiferous members in a Commonwealth.' 

This description leaves little doubt that Giles Hather and his band were 
genuine Gypsies, though the story of their meeting and consorting with the ' cant- 
ing Caterpillars' may be purely imaginary. That, however, they did consort with 
them, the Scottish Tinklers are a living proof, so that the tale is not utterly im- 
possible. Assuming that such a parliament was held, was it a new invention ? 
or was it rather, as Leland, who refers to Rowlands in the introduction to his Slang 
Dictionary seems to think, a Gypsy custom adopted by the maunders 1 Samuel 
Rid's statement that the Gypsies met once a yeare, sometimes at the quaintly- 
named spot in Derbyshire, and 'otherwhiles at Ketbrooke' by Blackheath is, I fear, 
no evidence at all ; for, except for the mention of Ketbrooke, which may perhaps 
have been a noted Gypsy locality, it seems to be borrowed from Rowlands. The 
meeting at Blackheath is, as I have already mentioned, referred by him to the early 
Robert-men, and at the beginning of Martin Mark-all he again refers to the meet- 
ing of Cock Lorell and Giles Hather in Derbyshire, adding a note that they, the 
' canting Caterpillars,' still meet there once every three years. Probably Samuel 
Rid combined the two statements, altering three years to one, and referred them 
to the Gypsies. 

There is, however, other evidence for the existence of such parliaments in quite 
recent times, as may be seen from the following extract from The Times, January 
27, 1872, p. 5, col. 3, 'A Gipsy Parliament. The great Parliament of the Gijisies, 
which is held once every seven years, will be held this year on the second of 
February, at Canstadt, in Germany, out of deference for King Joseph Reinhard,^ 
who is ninety-eight years of age, and not able to undertake any long journey. 
Delegates of all Gipsy tribes will attend the Parliament to deliberate on common 
interests.' Tlie mere difficulty of convoking a pan-Gypsy conference is sufficient to 
throw doubt on the contributor's credibility. No doubt he misunderstood his 
informant, who was merely referring to a gathering of German Gypsies such as that 
in which Gilliat-Smith's Rheni.^h friends threatened to discuss his sin in eating 
horse-flesh {J.G.L.S., New Series, i. 138). Such gatherings are held once every 

fanx. Cf. Lacroix, Maura, usages et coutumes au Moyen Age (Paris, 1871 ), p. 500. A 
more probable derivation of the word is suggested by Dr. A. Kluyver, who connects 
it with the German Gypsy word chellddi, ' die Geliebte.' The Turkish Gypsy form 
is ktlavdi, ' meretrix. ' Cf. A. E. H. Swaen, ' Caliet Minx, Gixie ' in Englische Studien, 
xxii. (Leipzig, 1895), p. 325. 

^ For Reinhard as a German Gypsy name, cf. Liebich, p. 90 ; Heister, p. 149 ; 
and J.G.L.S., New Series, i. 3^3. 



NOTES AND QUERIES 273 

seven years, according to Liebich (p. 40), and take place at Easter. There would 
seem occasionally to be large meetings at other times too. Compare the notice of 
a meeting of 1000 Gypsies at Halensee, Sept. 11, 1890, 'to celebrate the end of 
their summer campaign before going south' (J.G.L.S., Old Series, ii. 252, from 
the Berliner Tageblatt, Sept. 12, 1890). 

Another congress is noticed in The Times just seven years later (September 29, 
1879, p. 7, col. 6). There we are informed on the authority of the Pester 
Lloyd that a congress of Hungarian Gypsies was held in the early days of 
September at Kirfalu, near Kaschau ; and that the principal subject of delibera- 
tion was ' the common interests of Gypsies everywhere ' — a sufficiently vague topic, 
hardly rendered more definite by the information that there was a lively debate 
on ' heart alliances,' ^ which 'are frequently contracted at such meetings.' This 
assembly apparently made no pretence at being a pan-Gypsy conference for all its 
broad discussions ; but even such partial parliaments are rather surprising. Does 
anything of the kind exist in England ? Among the Turkish Gypsies there seem 
to be large gatherings in the spring at the feast of the Kalhavd (cauldrons), but 
whether they discuss anything but good cheer I cannot tell. From the description 
in L. M. S. Garnett's The Women of Trirkeij and their FolMore (London 1891), 
vol. iL p. 362, it would seem that they pay their taxes to the tcheribashi to settle 
tribal affairs besides making themselves merry, and this is borne out by Paspati in his 
-Etudes sur les Tchinghiancs (Constantinople, 1870), page 27.^ But festivities seem 
to be their main object if their behaviour is similar to that of the Servian Gypsies.^ 

Assemblies are apparently held in America, too, for the benefit of Gorgios, a.«, 
according to the Xenia (Ohio) Gazette, 16th June 1899, a 'national convention' 
was to be held at Chicago in the latter part of the month, and a king was to be 
elected. Not that there was any dearth of kings ; it was ' King ' Jafirey who was 
there advertising for his son, ' Prince Henry Jaffrey,' aged 18 or 19, who was to 
have been proposed for the office, if he had not bolted with a horse and buggy 
belonging to his father. In any case, if forthcoming, he would be crowned king of 
the Jafi'rey tribe, on coming of age, whether his father were alive or not ! (Cf. Notes 
and Queries, 9th ser., vol. iv., 1899, p. 182.) 

Smaller tribal meetings are testified to in Armenia : 'Neither in Turkish nor 
in Eussian Armenia, do they bring their disputes before the state tribunals, but 
before the council of their elders, presided over by the Althopakal . . . ; in 
Russian Armenia he is associated with an Ustadar or secular caste-chieftain.'* 
But this is parallel to the trials among English Gypsies spoken of in my note on 
expulsions rather than to actual parliaments, and such meetings for judicial or 

* Doubtless the same as the ' Wahlbruderschaft,' on which Gjorgjevic has much 
to say. Of. Die Zigeuner in Serhien, Teil i. p. 59. This affords an additional proof 
that it is not a Servian custom adopted by Servian Gypsies, as Gjorgjevi6 at first 
supposed. 

^ Possibly it was on some such occasion that 40,000 Gypsies encamped near 
Belgrade in 1867 (cf. Lucas, Yethohn History of the Gypsies, p. 135). But that 
number must surely have been unusually large. 

^ Cf. Gjorgjevic, Die Zigeuner in Serhien, Teil i. (Budapest, 1903) p. 76, where 
there is a full description of the festivities on St. George's day. As that festival 
falls on the 23rd of April, like the Kakkavd feast and the Turkish Erdeleze, he infers 
that the practices of the Turkish Gypsies are similar to those of the latest comers in 
Servia on St. George's day. It is noticeable that Easter is a time of special festivity 
and importance among the German Gypsies too (cf. Liebich, p. 48). All these 
festivals fall at about the time of the breaking-up of the winter camp among 
wandering Gypsies ; and it seems probable that they are an expression of joy at 
the coming of the springtime, when they can indulge their Wanderlust again, rather 
than a mark of attention to any Gorgio saints. 

■* Wlislocki in Harmsworth History of the World, pt. 24, p. 3106 (London, 1908). 

VOL. II. — NO. III. S 



274 NOTES AND QUERIES 

other purposes were probably universal and common among the Gypsies up to a 
recent date : indeed, they may yet exist in lands much nearer than Armenia. 

E. 0. WiNSTEDT. 



18. — Gypsy Costume 



A promising source of information about Gypsy costume is indicated by Dr. A. 
Lechner in his article on ' Gauner listen des 16. Jahrhunderts aus Neuveville ' 
{Schiveizerisches Archiv fur Volkskunde, Zwolfter Jahrgang, 1908, Heft 2, p. 135). 
These manuscript lists were the predecessors of the iDrinted ' Listen von Zigeunern, 
Raubern und Mordern,' which were circulated in the eighteenth century, and the 
three which Dr. Lechner reproduces deal with bands which infested Switzerland in 
1565. Each tramp is identified by his Christian name, place of origin, mode of 
operations, and conspicuous bodily peculiarities ; but it is the description of the 
clothing which gives the catalogue its extraordinary interest. 

The following is, unfortunately, the only direct reference to a Gypsy, and he 
seems to have been a ' counterfeit Egyptian' : — 'jMarx von Frankfurt thut sich fiir 
ein Moren uss, sige schwartz, trag ein dicken wie die heyden, sig under inenn 
gewandlett, hab ein biichss unnd ein gwer.' 



19. — Gypsies in Europe in the Fourteenth Century 

The following extracts on Gypsies in Europe in the fourteenth century are taken 
from a short article, ' Die Zigeuner Musik in Ungarn,' by Ludwig Fokovi 
{Monatshefte fur Musik-Geschichte. 30. Jahrgang, pp. 145-148, Leipzig, 1898). 
The quotation is from pp. 146-147. The matter seems worthy of further 
research. 

' Nach einer bisher allgemeinen Annahme kamen die Zigeuner ungefahr um 
1417 zur Zeit der Regierung des Konigs Signiund nach Ungarn. Eine Abteilung 
zog unter ihrem Ladislaus benannten Wojwoden in die Zips, und da gab ihnen 
Ktinig Sigmund um 1423 zu Szepesvdralja einen Freiheitsbrief. Spiiter bekamen 
sie auch unter Wladislaw ii. ein iihnliches Diplom, und auch Sigmund Bdthony 
gab ihnen ein solches. Jedoch nach neueren Nachforschungen mussten sie schon 
im 14. Jahrhunderte hier gewesen sein. Wie konnte man es auch sonst erklaren, 
dass es in unserem Vaterlande schon um diese Zeit nicht nur mehrere ' Zigany ' 
(i-enannte edle und begiiterte Familien, sondern auch im Comitate Zempl^n 
'Zigany' benannte volkerreiche Dorfer gab. Das beweist Lehoczky (Szazdok, 
1894er Jahrgang) durch zwei im Archive des Lelesz-er Konvents aufgefundene 
Dokumente. In dem einem, datiert 1373 zu Visegrdd, befiehlt Palatin Emerich 
dem Lelesz-er Konvente, dass man in der Angelegenheit des Sohnes des Dominik 
Zigdny Untersuchung fiihren soUe ; in dem andern, aus dem Jahre 1377, erlasst 
Konig Ludwig der Grosse einen Befehl an den Lelesz-er Konvent, dass er die 
Angelegenheit des Ladislaus Zigdny untersuchen soil. Diese Beweise zeigen, 
dass im 14. Jahrhunderte eine Zigdny genannte EdelfamUie bliihte, die sich 
wenigstens ein Jahrhundert friiher niedergelassen haben musste, in welcher Zeit 
sie die Verdienste zur Erlangung des adeligen Titels erwerben konnte. 

In der Dokumenten-Sammlung der Anjou-Zeit (ii. B. 244. S.) ist ein Dokument 
verciffentlicht, datiert 'Visegnid 16. Mai, 132(i.' Kdnig Karl i. befiehlt den 
Kapiteln und Konventen, dass sie die dem Palatine gebiihrenden Geldstrafen 
eintreiben soUen. Hier kommt ein Edelmann Donienik Czigdni (oder Czigandi ; 
Kis- und Nagy Czigdnd in Bodrogkdz) vor, der in dem Dokumente als homo regius 
fungiort. Der name Zigany wird in alten Dokumenten auch anderen Ortschaften 
beigelegt und unterstiitzt die oben ausgesprochene Annahme.' 

Geo. F. Black. 



NOTES AND QUERIES 275 



20. — The Soozmanee : are thet Gypsies ? 

Professor W. I. Knapp has been kind enough to send for publication in the 
Journal the following letter from his collection of George Borrow's correspon- 
dence : — 

Tehran, April 4, 1844. [Reed. May 31, '44 in Oulton.] 

'Dear Sir, — Having had occasion to visit during the last year (in my capacity 
of Attach*^ to Her Majesty's Mission) the Province of Ardelan, which is inhabited 
by the Persian Koords, I then had an opportunity of seeing some individuals 
belonging to the singular tribe named Soozmanee or Soosmanee, which has been, I 
believe, from time immemorial established in that district. From what I had 
previously learned I inferred that the Soosmanee belonged to the Gipsy race, and 
as there are certain points in the character and habits of this tribe which differ 
essentially from those you have observed elsewhere [Zincali, 1841], and also from 
those of the Karachee or Caboolee, the ordinary Gipsy race of Persia, it appeared 
to me that a short account even of the little which I saw of them might not be 
uninteresting to you, in case you had not previously been acquainted with the tribe. 
I may mention that the word by which they express " water " is pdnee, which you 
give as a test-word of the Gipsy language. They also use the word lao, 'bring,' 
but as I have no knowledge of the language of India, I am unable to say if there 
are other words employed by them of Hindoostanee origin. I annex, however, a 
few words of their language, which were noted down as nearly as possible in the 
manner they were pronounced. [List wanting.] It is probable that these may be 
more or less a corruption of Koordish, but of this you will be better able to judge. 
It is perhaps possible that this tribe, though of Indian origin, may have been first 
established for a long period at Soos, or in that neighbourhood, from whence after 
their emigration from that place they had derived their present name of Soos-mdn. 
They themselves have some faint tradition of their having come originally from 
India, and even now among the women there are many with features, figures, and 
complexions which would denote Indian descent ; but the greater portion of those 
I saw, who were principally women, have the fair complexions, and the firm and 
strongly developed form of the Koordish race. Unlike their European brethren 
and even the other Gipsies of Persia, they are not a tented and wandering tribe, but 
inhabit the town of Senna and the villages adjacent to it. Their attachment also 
to the soil of that district is a circumstance worthy of note. Many attempts have 
been made by Persians to induce the women in particular to accompany them to 
other districts of Persia, but these have always failed when their absence from 
Koordistan was to be permanent ; and even in other cases when force and 
persuasion have induced them to leave it for a short time, they have always returned 
to their native place as soon as an opportunity occurred, and that too, with the 
sacrifice of to them large sums of money which they were procuring by dancing at 
Tehran. The occupation of the women is that of dancing, while the men act as 
musicians. Their profligacy as a tribe is perhaps unmatched in any part of the 
globe. It is usual, I am told, and the people themselves do not deny it, for 
a man who marries a virgin to let her out on hire to some Koord for a certain 
space of time and for a certain sum, and after the expiration of the time agreed 
upon the girl is usually returned to the husband. It is also said that no 
man of the Soosmanee tribe ever cohabits with his wife until after she has 
been thus disposed of. Even afterwards, on the arrival of a stranger at a village 
inhabited by them, the women come attended by their husbands or brothers 
and commence singing and dancing, which is continued until the hour of sleep, 
when the husband leaves his wife or daughter, as the case may be, and retires, 
leaving it to them to arrange the wages of their prostitution. If a Soosujanee 
woman should produce a male child, there is no festivity upon the occasion ; but if 



276 NOTES AND QUERIES 

it be a female, it is a source of rejoicing both to the mother and her husband. So 
open and undisguisedly do they can-y on their profligacy, that a woman, when 
asked before her husband who is the father of the chikl whom she may have in lier 
arms, will reply — such an Agha, or such a Beg, or such a Khan. I believe, how- 
ever, there is some sense of chastity [!] remaining in them, for it is said that a 
woman who has engaged for a week, a month, a year, or any fixed period, to live 
in concubinage with a man not of her own tribe, is strictly chaste ciuring that 
period. Outwardly they profess the Mahomedan faith, swearing by Mahomed and 
Mahomedan saints, but in answer to my inquiries on this subject, they said they 
had no belief whatever in him or even in God. Instances innumerable of their 
profligacy might be given, but as my object was merely to instance the two great 
points in which they difffer from Gypsies elsewhere, that is, in their profligacy, of 
Avhich I fear there is no doubt, their attachment to a particular and confined 
district, and their non-nomadic life, it is unnecessary for me to trouble you by 
entering into a more detailed account. — I have the honour to be, dear sir, your 
most obedient servant, Wm. Taylour Thomson.' 



21. — A NtJRNBERG Proclamation, 1699 
If it is proposed to publish gradually in the Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society 
a series of enactments relating to the Gypsies, the following proclamation, which I 
bought lately from a German bookseller, may be of interest. 

F. C. Wellstood. 

5^(gmttad£) ??urften iinb (Stdnbe be§ lobL ^van& 

•^-^ tf(i)eit (5raiffe§ fcfton bon fjeraitmer ^)ett wai^x gcnommen / \va§ 
maffen in bcro Snnben unb ©ebieteii firf) eine groffe Stn3al)( ftarder 
©arttn'iibev /^erinnttaijircnber 3»9f'ncr unb »iel oiittern >§errn5lo[en ©eftnbleing 
obne ^^d^ unb Urfunb / itaS ifcr eiqentUdieS 3!l)un unb Saffcn />§anbcl ober 
5BanbeI fclpe / ;;u ^Seunru^tcjs ^Befcfca^ev- unb ^lenflfligung beS Sorbin Betrangten 
itnb oom tc^tern ^rieii§=®efen annoc:^ entfvdfftetcn armen Untcrtf^ang unb 
?anbmann§ / ^icr unb bar 6etvetten laffc / iveqen bcrcn Qlug[c(^aff= unb Bnftrciunui / 
aU ©emciusfriidblirtier l^eute / oon benen man flrii nidnS pteg ju Ocrfetien / fonbern 
bielnifbr 'Kn^funbfcfmfftnng bc§ ^anbeS / llnflri)erbeit ber ©tiaffen / audi 
3erriitr=: unb ^inberung ber Gommcrcien ;;u befat)ven l^aGc/bie bcilfanie OieicljS- 
Conflitutiones, bciitlicbcn 3nt)alt nart) ; SRatl) /Bit't ""^ aiiall/auc^ ^I'fl ""b 
®en?alt an «C>il^^cn <\(hn\ i niitt)in a6er fid) uevanlaffet f»efunben / liero gu 
3Be[udiuni^ be§ auff ben fi 'ilpvUig lauffenben 1699. 5abv§ / nad)er beg ^eilgen 
9Reid}gsStabt 5)liirn6erg anggefdjrieOenen adgenicinen Sraif;-ConventsaOi]efd)icften 
9fidtben / ^^Dtfd^afften unb ©efanbten / i?ur a?evatlii"d)Iagunii gleidn'ovniiger 
bienlidjer -^Inftalt / and) iin'arflidier executions-3Befovbevnng fpecial-33efebl unb 
In(lru(5lion ju ert^eilon ; Qllfo ift/nad) yovljergeiiancjenev veiffcv ©vu^egung / ^u 
©enieinfanien (Sd)(uf? fommen / and) [oldjeu / iH^rniittelft beffen / auf offener (Sanl^el 
In beren aflerfeitigen ^favvs^^jielen / ;u jet'erniang lliadnidu unb 5fi?if[enfd)aff't / 
oevlcffu / o^er fcnil / auf anbere gc^vobnlicbe 'Jlitl) un^ SJcifj / afiigiren nnb 
buvdnv'l^enfg publiciren ^u laffen /fiir gut cra'Met ivDvtcn /fafj fte tie obevnannte 
®avtbviibcrc / Si'Afii'fv uno <§ervnIofeg ©cftntilein inner 14. Jlagen / nac!^ 
33eifnntii]nng beffen / bie 5vdncfifd)e i?anbe gdn^Iid) raunien unb nieitien / f{di 
and) bavinnen fi'irS fimfftig nid)t met)v bctretten laffen /unb' ba^ fiivolMU fcin 
5rember /iteld;cr feinen authentifd;cn *4^ap unb lUfunt» »on feinev oibentIi(^en 



NOTES AND QUERIES 277 

Dfrigfeit oor^^uireifen ^at / ober ftcf; fonfien / feiner ^anbirung / v§anbel§ unb 
SSantcIo iialbm iiid)t gcmigfain legitimiren fan / iveber gebultet ncd) paffirt, 
fonbern / iveilen 5iu]Icic() and) / wad) Oevfloffenen otigetadnen 14. 3^dgcn / cineu 
®fnevals3tieiff auf ctnma^I in aflen ^rdiicfifcben •&evr[d)afften unb Qlemtern 
fiorjunc^iuen / beliebct ivorbni / bcv= ober bicfelfce / ireldje »ou obgemelbtcr ©attung 
aU bann entivcbcr nod? ergrifen obcv ^ifrncd^fi ftd) oline glauhBuvb gen ^^ajj unb 
genugfainc legitimation itOer iliren etvlidjcu >§anbc[ unf SBanbel betretten laffen 
anirben / angei^alten / aud^ / fccftnbcnben T'ingen unti Umftdubcn nnd) / ^ur 
exemplarifd^en Straff gejogen / jur (Sd;nnl|= ober anbern -^Irbeit applicirt / te§ 
SanbS unb (SraiffeS offentlid? oenvicfon unb ivof)! gar auf bie ®a(ercn ober 
®ren^s5?eflungcn .gcgen ben Si'ncfen »erfenbet / otcr iveiterS alfo mit i^nen / n:ie 
e§ einem jeDen Jiirften unb Stantt (in beffeu Sanben fie angctroffen iverben) 
gcfdttig unb am rdt^Iidjilen ju fcvMi bebuncfen irivb / t»erfa[nen iverben folle : 
Snbenie a6er / bcm gcmeinen ©prid)=2Bort nadi / ber (Ste(.}(ev ;5uiveilen nidit fe»n 
untrbe / ivann ber Ǥcl}kr nid}t uhivc / unb fid) au6 bev fciel^erigen (Srfali)rnu6 
gejeigt / ba§ bcrglcic^en obeingangg berii^rte I'cute faft nod? atter Drten / 
abfonberlic^ aber in bcnen fd^Iedjtcn 5Birt:^§=armen unb ^irten= .^dufcvn / 
@d?dferelpen / ein^lid^'getegenen <§ofen / aud^ tvol gar bei) QEafenmeiftern 
>§eiicfer= unt) ©dicrd)^ ®efint) ifcren 5hifent[\i(t unb Untcrfdilaiff gefunten / t»ie 
bann unb irann felbft mil unter ter l^erfe gelegcu / unb bannenbevo biHid? cin 
iradjtfanieS -^lug auf fie ju fd?lagen ift; alC' irirb bevcn receptation, -3e^erbergung 
unf Slufna^m / bet) QSernieitiung ernfllidjen Dbrigfeittid^en (£infel}en§ / unb 
oberje^Iteus auc^ nod) me^r anbern fd^ireren iviUfiirlidjen €traffen / ingleidjen 
5)urd5gef)enb§ unb gdntjlid? uerbotten / ivornac^ fid) ju ad)ten. Signatum 
3^iirnberg bei) annodi tievfamniletem aflgemeinen 5-rdncf(ifd)en Sraif-Convent. 
'5^^" AS 1699. (L.S.) (L.S.) (L.S) (L.S.) 

Translation. 

Whereas the Princes and deputies of the honourable Frankish circuit have already 
for a long while observed how a great number of sturdy beggars, vagrant Gypsies 
and many other masterless men have here and there invaded their lands and 
territories witliout pass and document certifying their occupation, trade or traffic, 
to the disquiet and grievous oppression of their poor subjects and countrymen, 
already afflicted and weakened by the late war, for their expulsion and dispersion 
as public nuisances from whom one can expect to get no good, but rather spying 
out of the land, unsafety of the roads, and disturbance and hindrance of trade, the 
salutary statutes according to their clear content give advice, limitation, authority 
and force, but besides they have found themselves forced at their visit on the j I April 
of the current year 1699, afterwards to impart to the councillors and representatives 
of the statutory General Assembly, special commands and instructions for a con- 
sultation about uniform practicable measures and active execution : Wherefore 
after preliminary ripe consideration it was generally resolved also to have them 
read hereby openly in their different parish games for every one's information and 
instruction, or else posted up in any other ordinary way and thoroughly published, 
that it is resolved that the aforementioned beggars, Gypsies and masterless men 
do within 14 days after the proclamation of this, entirely quit and void the 
Frankish lands and no more enter therein in the future, and that henceforth no 
stranger who cannot show an authentic pass and document from his proper 
authorities, or otherwise properly prove his business, trade and traffic, be either 
sufifered or allowed to pass, but since it has been resolved too to make a clean sweep 
simultaneously in all Frankish dominions and jurisdictions at the end of the 



278 NOTES AND QUERIES 

specified 14 days, he or she of the aforesaid class who is then foundjor may shortly 
hereafter enter without authentic pass and sufficient legitimation of honest trade 
and traffic, be seized, and, after proving the case and circumstances, be sent to 
exemplary punishment, set to labour in the trenches or other work, openly banished 
the land and circuit, and even sent to the galleys or outposts against the Turks, or 
be otherwise treated as shall please and seem most wise to each prince and deputy, 
in whose land they are found : but since, according to the common proverb, there 
would oft be no stealer, if there were no concealer, and it has been shown by past 
experience that the persons alluded to at the beginning have found lodging and 
harbourage in almost all places, but especially in low inns, peasants' and shepherds' 
houses, sheep-cotes, lonely country houses, and even with public flayers, hangmen 
and catchpoles, who occasionally have themselves slept with them, and therefore it 
is reasonable to keep a sharp eye on them ; since the receipt, harbourage and 
sheltering of them is likewise fully and utterly forbidden on pain of serious 
attention from the authorities and the aforementioned punishments and more heavy 
punishments too if desired : wherefore beware. 

Signed at Niirnberg at the assembled general Frankish assembly, the A^'^.j 

1699. 



22. — GrTPsiEs IN Bohemia in Eleventh Century (?) 

' Bretislav, eldest son of the late King Vratislav, took formal possession of the 
Crown in September 1092. The commencement of his reign, after the customary 
public election, entbronization and festivities, was marked by a singular decree 
expelling from Bohemia the unwelcome people described as "soothsayers, sorcerers, 
and cheats " (Betruger), who liad acquired much influence over the simple folk by 
pretended divining arts in groves and woods. They were expelled from the 
country ; and their haunts burned. These people were probably a tribe of gypsies 
who had associated their practices of stealing and fortune-telling with the remnants 
of the old paganism. These wanderers came into prominence early in the fifteenth 
century ; but bands of them had been found in Hungary, Poland, and Northern 
Greece long previous to that time. Their patois language was composed of 
Hungarian, Slavonian, and Greek words ; and some German was added at a later 
period. Even in the eleventh century their origin had been forgotten. Possibly 
the decease of the dreaded King Vratislav encouraged a migration into Bohemia. 
Their native place must have been east of Hungary.' — Eobert H. Vickers, History 
of Bohemia, p. 125. Chicago, 1894. 8vo. 



23. — Tent or Workhouse 



The following anecdote from the Nineteenth Annual Re/port, 1907-1908, of 
the New Forest Gipsy Mission must have given less pleasure to the subscribers 
than it will to most members of the G, L. S. : — 

'A very old Gipsy woman is in the Union — she went there on account of 
illness. . . . The last time I saw her she was better in health and well cared for. 
The nurse and other friends were very kind, and hoped she would remain there. 
But I could see she was restless, and asked a reason for it. She soon told me that 
her children were in the Forest, and she liked being with them, and thought she 
had been in that place long enough ; she liked living out-of-doors best. "I won't 
bide here much longer," she said, just before I left ; hut we trust she will.' 

The Missionary, Mr. G. R. Shaw of Ashurst, Lyndhurst, R.S.O., Hants, is 
however kinder than his iirinciplcs, for though he complains that ' it is most 
difficult to get Gipsies to give up their tent-life — they seem to love the open air 



NOTES AND QUERIES 279 

and their freedom,' and is ' sorry that some of the Gipsies have left their cottages 
for the tent, and that none have left their tent for a cottage,' yet it is evident that 
a part of his ministrations consists in supplying new tent-covers, hawkers' licences, 
wedding-rings, and even donkeys to his parishioners. 



24. — A Gypsy's Account of his Race 

In the Rev. T. W. Norwood's note-books many pages are filled with vocabularies 
and facts which he obtained from Mr. Goddard Johnson of East Dereham, Norfolk. 
Among these is a series of answers to questions similar to those which Hoyland 
asked in the circular dated quaintly '5th Month, 16th, 1815,' which he 'sent 
into most of the Counties of England with a view to ascertain their [the Gypsies'] 
state.' As Hoyland's book was published in 1816, William Bos's answers cannot 
have been taken into consideration in drafting the report which appears on 
page 165. 

William Bos, a Gipsy, answered thus 3 July 1822. 

(1.) That they bury always in consecrated ground. Several of his family lie at 
Rounds [Rawnds] Church, Northamptonshire. If any place is desired by the dying, 
they convey the corpse to it. 

(2.) They mostly have their children christened, and get a certificate of it. 
Many, however, do not so. 

(3. ) We have no Gipsy prayers : we say the Lord's Prayer and Belief. There 
are records belonging to certain families, but not to all. 

(4. ) I have no notion whence we came ; nor what number we are now in Eng- 
land ; nor how many gangs we have. I never heard of Eaw's gang, Borthwick's 
gang, etc. 

(5.) We travel in Norfolk and Suffolk, but are not limited. Sometimes we go 
farther ; but do best where we are known. In winter we lodge in Yarmouth or 
Norwich. 

(6.) We sometimes meet together with those we know for drinking, feasting, 
dancing, and music. I do not know how numerous we are in Norfolk. 

(7.) Children are of the same trades as their parents mostly. The women wash, 
mend, beg old clothes, and tell fortunes. 

(8.) We come our rounds to certain places regularly. 

(9.) We camp in the same places as others, and do not know who has pre- 
ceded us. 

(10.) All Gipsies use the same language ; and my Father is one of the few who 
can write. Our Society has no regular laws, nor king. 

(11.) My family marries at Church by licence; but not one couple in 50 is so 
married. Very few can read. Most of us ' house ' in winter. 

(12.) I could not be happy if any of my children were taken from me ; so they 
are not taught. We have many forms of Patran to show the way to stragglers. 

On the same page are the following notes, the first of which is attached to 
Answer 12 above : — 

'James Brown explained this to Mr. Johnson, 14 April, 1826, and called it 
Patrin-ing.^ 

' Mr. England, a Quaker of Sheffield, is a Gipsy student.' 

'Reynold Hearn travelling at E. Dereham in 1823 fasted on Good Friday and 
the four Fridays next after from flesh, in consideration of the five wounds of 
Christ.' 

' Norfolk names — Hearne, Brown, Young, Boss, Smith.' 

Helen Grosvenor. 



280 NOTES AND QUERIES 

25. — Gypsy Glamour 

The following instance of Gypsy glamour, written, apparently about 1860, in the 
Rev. T. W. Norwood's Romany note-book, may be compared with the well-known 
case of Edward Bulwer, Lord Lytton (see J.G.L.S., Old Series, iii. 219) : — 

' The Gipsies have often told me the following story, which is undoubtedly 
true : — Some ten years ago a Mr. Birch (himself described as a clergyman), the 
son of a Mr. Birch, clergyman of Little Marlow, wandered with the Gipsies and 
shared their hard life. He fed as they did, wandered with blistered feet, and slept 
in the tent or open hedges. In no way does he seem to have shunned their mode 
of living. Mrs. Cooper tells me that it was for the love of . . . Cooper, a very 
handsome Gipsy girl, her husband's brother's daughter, then about sixteen years 
of age. 

' Birch is said to be now married and settled ; so also Ms innamorata, who 
married a fellow of her own caste and went to America. Each has now several 
children. On looking in the Clergy List for 1843 I see that the Rev. Samuel 
Birch,' D.D., was then Rector of S. Mary Woolnoth, London, and Vicar of Little 
Marlow, Bucks. He resolutely set his face, so says the Gipsy, against the mar- 
riage of his son with the sorceress.' 

The Rev. Samuel Birch, D.D., was vicar of St. Mary Woolnoth and St. Mary 
Woolchurch Haw in 1808, prebendary of St. Paul's Cathedral in 1819, and vicar 
of Little Marlow, Bucks., from 1834 until his deatli there on June 24, 1848. If, 
therefore, the last sentence of Mr. Norwood's note be true, the escapade must have 
occurred before the last date. Samuel, the eldest brother of the hero, was one of 
the earliest British Egyptologists and Cypriote scholars, a celebrated archaeologist, 
and head of a department in the British Museum. 

Helen Grosvenor. 



26. — Servian Gypsies in Scotland 

As Provost M'Cormick and I were walking along the high road in East Lothian 
yesterday, after an interesting visit to a tinkler camp in a certain loaning not far 
off, we became aware of a dark-faced youth, accompanied by a monkey, who was 
making his way toward us. He seemed so obviously a Gypsy that we naturally 
waited for him to come nearer, and we were not surprised when he asked permission 
to make his monkey (or maimoun, as he afterwards called it) execute a dance for 
our pleasure. The youth, who spoke French fluently, with a little English, in- 
formed us that he was fifteen years of age, was born in France of Servian parents, 
had been only two months in Great Britain, and had never followed any other occupa- 
tion than his present one. On being interrogated in French and Romani, he denied 
all knowledge of the latter language, and stated that he was not a Tsigane but a 
Servian, born in France. He was a handsome lad, with black hair and dark eyes. 
Any possible doubt as to his race was settled when he told us that his kinsfolk 
were following behind, indicating at the same time a most promising group now 
visible in the distance, advancing along the highway. After dropping some 
coppers into the tambourine which had helped to inspire the inai'moiui's saltations, 
and bidding his master goodbye, we turned to meet the main body. Before 
reaching them, however, we encountered a dark girl of about ten bearing a tam- 
bourine, who also announced herself to be a Servian, ignorant of Romani, although 
she failed to conceal a look of intelligence when we addressed her in that language. 
She, however, confined herself to French. We now turned to the main procession, 
which was close at hand. It consisted of two caravans containing women and 
children, two or three small boys marching in front, leading a young bear, and two 
men and a woman who, with a full-grown bear, brought up the rear. When we 
accosted the men in Romani they at once replied in the same speech, without the 



NOTES AND QUERIES 281 

slightest reservation. In our brief interview they exhibited the usual pleased 
perplexity at discovering gadjc who were acquainted with their language. Beyond 
adding that all the group were thoroughbred Romane, of Servian origin, I need 
not enlarge here upon this interesting encounter. These, however, were not the 
last of the band, for, bringing up the rear, at some considerable distance, was a girl 
of eighteen leading a large baboon, which gravely trod a measure for our amuse- 
ment to her chant of ma malniouna, with tambourine accompaniment. This girl, 
like her young kinsfolk of the avant-garde, disclaimed all knowledge of Roiuani, 
and announced herself to be a Servian. She spoke in French. The really note- 
worthy feature of this whole incident was that the young people, no doubt acting 
under previous instructions, repudiated the idea that they were Gypsies ; whereas 
their elders made no attempt at concealment. Moreover, there was no direct 
begging ; for, like true jongleurs, all offered some form of entertainment before 
asking for recompense. Finally, we were impressed by the physical beauty of 
many of them, and by their well-fed apj)earance and general air of contentment. 
Edinburgh, 27th August 1908. David MacRitchie. 



27. — BuxLo, 'Wide 

The adjective buxlo, ' wide,' has been preserved by the Welsh Gypsies in the 
phrase bux^o tan, applied to wide, waste, bleak, bare, unsheltered places — hiixlo 
silalo tan si, ' it 's a bare bleak place ' : hiixfu tan si dova, na 'cas akai kel; ' that 's 
a bare place, we won't stop here.' 

This explains an error in Sorrow's Lavo-Lil, due to his confusion of buJdo with 
bohalo ; cp. Romano Lavo-Lil, p. 26 : — 

' Buldo, a. Hungry ; huldo tan, hungry spot, a common. Hun Gyp Buklo 
tan (a wilderness).' 

' Boccalo, a. Hungry : boccaU pers, hungry bellies.' 

For Continental Romani variants, see Miklosich, vii. 24, Pott, ii. 399 ; Paspati 
has bughld tan, ' lieu spacieux.' John Sampson. 



28. — A Writer on Welsh Gypsies 
Attached to the word sano in the third verse of Darlington's '0 Naslo Rom, 
An Original Romany Ballad,' is the following footnote : 'Kek jinova kava lav mi 
kokero : latchdum lesti dray lillaw, ta o rei so kairdas o lil pcndas lesti sas kooshto 
Romano lav adray o Wotchines-rokerin' tem. Me jinova dusta Romani-chals adray 
doova tem, ta shunova booti lavyaw odoi so Romani folki adray o Lavines rokerin' 
tem kek jinenna : kek shunova sano : chivdum lesti adray kovaw gilli to kel o 
lavyaw jal tatcho — Biwan Kosh.' The writer of the book was probably Leland, 
who used the word in his English Gypsies, whence it was quoted by Smart and 
Crofton ; but it may have been a certain Seymour who is reported to have written 
on Gypsy families in Wales. Who was Seymour, and where was his work 
published 1 



29. — Westeriana 

Scholar Gypsies who knew Sylvester Boswell in the flesh (which was of a fine 
mahogany colour), or in that large portion of his spirit embalmed for us by our 
president in his Dialect of the English Gypsies, may be interested in reading what 
was probably the last Gypsy letter written by that venerable Romani cal. I 
myself am among the number who can boast 'Vergiliutu vidi tantum.' When as a 
youth moved by the spirit of romance I sought the society of the Gypsies it was 
from a grand-daughter of Sylvester that I learnt the elements of the language, and 
shortly after I became a pupil of the famous man himself. 

I can remember the feeling of awe and veneration with which I fir^t approached 



282 NOTES AND QUERIES 

his little tent at Seacombe, as a humble seeker after truth might have drawn near 
the portal of Plato. Should I find him brooding over the decay of the Romani 
race of which he considered himself the only worthy survivor, or translating the 
scriptures into a Biblical Romani adorned by pleasing forms, such as ' delleth. ' and 
' lelleth,' or perhaps inditing one of those moral poems in the composition of which 
he was understood to employ his last years ? I recalled his moving lines : — 

' After many roming years 
How sweet it is to be 
In peace and love and kindness 
With all I see.' 

But how contrary to expectation things sometimes turn out ! With mind 
attuned to the solemnity of the occasion I crossed the field to his camping place, 
arriving just in time to witness the last round of a hammer-and-tongs combat 
between the patriarch — then three years past the allotted span — and his son Bruce, 
who had apparently been guilty of some unfilial misdemeanour. Wester, members 
will be pleased to hear, was the victor, and he emphasised his victory by jumping 
nimbly on to a tree stump, flapping his arms like wings, and uttering three 
admirable imitations of the crow of a triumphant fighting cock, while the abased 
Bruce sullenly resumed his work at the clothes pegs. 

From this introduction dated a friendship which continued to the end of 
Wester's life. On the death of his son Byron, Wester, according to the invariable 
Romany custom, left his old camp for ever and removed to Walton where this 
letter, intended by him for insertion in the local parsers, was taken down by me at 
his dictation. 

Komelo Giliengri Bai, — ' Kova si te muk tut jin, ta sor mendi raid, mandi 
shorn o purroderest Romni-chel jido Jcond, adre Angiterra o sor-kon temd, ta kend 
te vel lachno apre puv adre o nevo gav, Buko-pdnigav. Vaniso-komini te vel te dik 
6 roker mansa, yon lachena adoi palla Tarbuck kichima. 

' Vaniso jinomesti rai komcla jin trustal o hinamos ro7n7ii-chald, vel kater 
mandi, pukerova me trustal lendi. 

' Mandi shorn o kokero mush kend, muklo jido adre 6 tem, te pukerova tumendi 
o tacho kova. Shorn me 6 purrodero 

Westdrros.' 

[' Dear Nkwspaper Sir, — This is to let you, and all our gentlemen, know 
that I am the oldest Gypsy now living in England or any country, and now to be 
found on the field in the new village [near] Liverpool. Any one who comes to see 
or talk to me, they will find [me] there behind the Tarbuck Inn. 

' Any learned gentleman [that] wants to know about the origin of the Romani- 
chals, let him come to me, I will tell [him] about them. 

' I am the only man now, left alive in the world, to tell ye the truth. — I am the 
ancient Sylvester.'] 

Here I might add an anecdote of Wester's last years. Passing the Gypsy field 
at Sleeper's Hill late one evening I came up to his tent and called out, ' Westdrus, 
santuadre?' There was no answer. *■ Westdriis santu adre?^ A quavering and 
agitated voice inquired, *■ Kon si duva?' '0 Romano Rai.^ The old man came 
bustling out at once, evidently greatly relieved, and explained that when at first he 
heard himself called he had taken me to be ^yek o mi duvelcske gcrc' ('one of my 
God's angels '), whom the Lord had sent to fetch him. 

After his death a treasure horde of watches, chains, rings, and other jewelry 
was found by his family buried in the ground underneath his tent. Wishing to 
purchase one of these as a keepsake I applied to Keuza, who told me that it was 
impossible. ' How is that ? ' ' Well, rai, I took the boat from the Landing Stage 
to Birkenhead, and dropped them all into the river.' John Sampson. 



NOTES AND QUERIES 283- 

30. — Gypsies, or 'Potters,'. of Natland, near Kendal 
(Cf. Hoyland, 1816, pp. 94, 99 ; Simson, Hist, of the Gypsies, p. 246) 

The Lonsdale Magazine, in 1821 (vol. ii. pp. 343-7), contained 'a short account 
of the Potters of Natland, a retired village near Kendal, by one who had had some 
opportunities of acquainting himself with the habits of a certain class of people 
which takes up its winter quarters there.' The writer suggests (p. 345), that when 
Gypsies were proscribed by Henry viii., Mary, and Elizabeth, many escaped to 
Scotland, * where they were tolerated,' and when the Acts were repealed in the 
reign of George iii., 'about that time they first appeared at Natland.' The potters 
of Natland are called ' the Fa gang ' * by the old inhabitants of the township, and 
agree with that strolling people. ' I suspect they are of their fraternity and origin- 
ally Gipsies.' 

Every year about Easter those capable of travelling leave the village, with a 
tea-kettle, pan, a few spoons, knives and forks, and a few blankets. The families 
have generally two good horses and carts with two or three asses, to convey their 
wares and children. Their first direction is to Burslem for a supply of pottery 
ware. This they vend in counties remote from Stafi"ordshire. They mostly beg as 
well as expose their wares for sale. From what I have seen and known of them, 
real poverty is not the motive for begging. They encamp every night near some 
village or farmhouse. They select more especially the angle where two or more 
roads meet. They rest their carts horizontally ujion two props attached to the 
shafts, and light a fire. Over this they erect three poles, joined together at their 
summits, and separated at their feet, and then suspend from them a chain with a 
hook for their kettle or pan. Stones serve as seats. They commonly introduce 
their horses and asses for the night into some neighbouring pasture. They spread 
straw beneath their carts and cover it with blankets, etc. 

About Michaelmas they return loaded with pots to Natland. The winter serves 
the men for ease and the women hawk their pots. The circuits they take with 
the weights in baskets upon their heads are almost incredible. Between the 
villages they sing in tones all full and forcible. In the villages they tell all the 
news they know and collect all they can and quafi" off volumes of smoke from short 
tobacco pipes no longer than their noses. The young girls as soon as strong enough 
to travel a ' round ' and ' hug ' a basket accompany their mothers. The women, 
mostly tall, rough, and masculine, are crowned with an enormous basket of pots 
carefully poised. Under the basket is an old hat, and beneath that a coloured 
kerchief. 

A long, gaudy, figured gown contracted from the waist into a narrow lobe 

^ Wright's Provincial Dictionary defines Faw as an itinerant tinker, potter, 
etc. Halliweirs Archaic Dictionary gives Faw-gang as a Cumberland term. The 
Gazetteer of Scotland, 1847, s.v. 'Kirk Yetholm,' says : 'Nearly the whole of them 
are "muggers," wandering dealers in earthenware.' (MacRitchie, Scottish Gypsies, 
pp. 13-16.) 

The Edinburgh Magazine, Ma,y 1817, p. 157, says: ' Their common appellation 
is Muggers, or what pleases them better, Potters. They purchase, at a cheap rate, 
the cast or faulty articles, at the different manufactories of earthenware, which 
they carry for sale all over the country. ' 

When Wordsworth describes the Gypsy comrades of his ' Female Vagrant,' he 
says that ' they, with their pannier'd asses, semblance made of potters, wandering 
on from door to door.' (MacRitchie, p. 47.) 

The Quarterly Review (1867), ii. 378, says the 'potters' of W^estmorland were a 
kind of indigenous Gypsies, often curiously bearing the names of the great Northern 
families. 

Notes and Queries (1885), 6th Series, i. 49, says: 'The potters and muggers of 
the Northern Counties are almost certainly of Gypsy origin. ' 



284 NOTES AND QUERIES 

behind and a blue flannel petticoat complete the figure. With folded arms and 
careless gait moves the female potter. By her side trots the youngster with head 
and legs exposed to wind and weather. Her hair flows upon her shoulders and 
keeps time in dangling to her movements. On one arm a basket of pots resting 
upon her hip, her head inclined, to maintain equilibrium. They ramble on till they 
stej} into their graves. When old age has impaired their vigour they can ill brook 
the dull, confined prospects of their smoky huts. They know nothing but the 
obsolete afiairs of the past generation, and their only creed, if they have one, is that 
after death, if they still exist, their state will be a happy one. 

They exult in their pretensions to an intimate acquaintance with the arcana of 
futurity. Saturday with them is the propitious day. Then the demons of fortune- 
telling have peculiar sway. 

Collecting rags, horse-hair, cow-hair, hare skins, and rabbit skins is a pretext 
for the old and infirm to indulge their dispositions. 

The men are a completely useless set. The best of them break down the 
hedges for fuel, and poach game and fish out of season. During the day they 
lounge round their carts. The only exertion they use is that of forming an otter, 
badger, or martin hunt of their own, with dogs which they keep for that purpose. 

The women are the entire supporters of their families. Their masculine habits 
give their muscles such power that they are both masters and mistresses, and if 
oSended chastise their husbands with great severity. 

The fecundity of the females is great almost to a proverb. Married or unman-ied, 
when the age arrives, most of the females bear children. All the illegitimate with 
the maintenance of the mothers and ofi'spring during the infant state are thrown 
uj)on the township. I could enumerate instances of wantonness so extravagant 
that they might be deemed impossible. (Compare MacRitchie, Scottish Gypsies, 
p. 18 and note.) 

The physiognomy of this people is as distinct as their manners. Their faces are 
round, eyes small, noses broad, and complexion sallow. Their expression indicates 
art and mystery. Their marriages are always between parties of their own tribe or 
some other tribe similar. Their marriages are invariably attended with the utmost 
festivity, kept up as long as any can produce a clink. I once witnessed a marriage 
feast, with dancing, singing, smoking, and drinking night and day for the greatest 
part of a fortnight. The old men, fathers of the married, were one day hugging 
each other, the next fighting, and on the third showing each other their treasures, 
chiefly guineas or half-crowns told into certain sums, each sum deposited separately 
in a stocking foot. In one of their drunken humours these 'purses' were used as 
footballs till one gave way. 

Notwithstanding their hospitality and attachment towards their own tribe and 
the tribes in general, their meetings are often subject to quarrelling. The battle is 
mostly a general one before its termination, but if a neighbour attempt to reconcile 
their dispute it is ten to one their whole fury falls upon him, particularly of the 
female part. Their enmity subsists no longer than their irritation. Their quarrels 
with others are the business of the whole tribe to avenge, either openly or by 
stratagem. 

The education of their children till of late years was, I believe, totally 
neglected. A free provision in tlie village school is now open to them, to tlie 
honour of a family whose humane exertions have distinguished it in the neighbour- 
hood. Notwithstanding the pearl has been cast before swine. No kindness 
scarcely can thaw their superstition and prejudice. If the children go it is well, if 
not it is well. The children, left to their own inclinations, go anywhere but to the 
school. 

They pass nationally for Christians, while individually they are heathens, 
barbarians. H. T. Ckofton. 



NOTES AND QUERIES 285 

31. — Natl AND Gypsy Fortune-telling 

The same writer, IIoXuTrpdy/xcoi', in vol. iii. (pp. 64-6) describes the Sleeping 
Powder (or Love philtre) sold by these Natland Potters. ' About eighteen years 
avo the range of buildings in which the Natland Potters then resided was burnt 
down and the families dispersed into different parts of the village. During one 
winter, from the house occupied by one of the old and most suspicious families 
a beating sound issued. The next-door neighbour set himself to pry into the 
matter, and beheld the whole family pounding peats and wrapping up the powder 
in small quantities in paper. As they never played their Gipsey pranks near 
home, the old man was at a loss to guess for what this powder could be intended. 
One of these papers was sometime after offered in sale to a farmer's wife so near 
Natland as the Hay-fell-side. While the old Gip was describing its properties 
and relating its origin (that it was discovered by her husband's brother, the 
seventh son of a Jew), and that it usually sold at half-a-crown but the good wife 
might have it for a shilling, in pojas the husband who handed the Gip to the 
door I 

When the Gips want hats, coats, stockings, etc., they frequently lower the price 
of their powder, or persuade the girls to give them such things instead of money, 
as their dreams will be more to their satisfaction in consequence. 

To answer enquiries as to disposition and habits of the future husband, one 
of the clan has a wonderful mermaid. A piece of catgut or some such hygro- 
metrical substance is cut into the shape of a mermaid. This is laid flat upon the 
palm of the female's hand. Move some part it will. If its head, he will be 
passionate ; if its fins, quarrelsome ; if its body, he will be idle, drunken, worth- 
less, and will starve her ; if its legs, he will run away and leave her ; if its feet, 
he will kick her ; if it lies almost still, he will soon die, etc. etc. 

Many a long stocking foot has been filled with ' Geordies ' [sovereigns], as a 
recompense for their services. 

' As fortune-tellers, however, Natland Gipseys do not solely shine. They are 
eminent as quacks, and prescribe as eminent pharmacy. If modesty would allow, 
I could favour your readers with many secrets in their Materia Medica.' 

H. T. Crofton. 

32. — Gypsy Language and Origin 

Professor A. C. Woolner, Principal of the Oriental College, and Registrar of 
the Punjab University, Lahore, India, has most kindly sent the following important 
account of his views on the problem of Gypsy Origin : — 

' On coming to India about six years ago I hoped to find the Romanichel at 
home, and that a comparison of European Romani with Indian Romani would help 
to elucidate the former, and that a comparison of Romani with other Indian verna- 
culars would indicate the origin of the race. But such investigations as I could 
make gave only negative results. 

' In the first place nomad or jangli tribes of apparently very different nation- 
alities were alluded to as " Gypsies ' ; and secondly, from all accounts it seemed 
clear that the dialects of none of these tribes (nor of the Jat peasants suspected by 
de Goeje) resembled Romani more than Hindustani does. 

' This of course was disappointing : but after all, if one considers the history 
of the Indian languages, was anything else likely in any case ? Suppose we assume 

'(1) that the ancestors of the European Gjqisies were ftt some time in India, 
say 800 a.d., and that they then spoke an Indian dialect : and 

'(2) that a number of these original Romanies left India, and a number 
remained. 

' The exiles would take their dialect with them at the stage of develoiiment 
reached in India by the time of their departure. Any future development could 



286 NOTES AND QUERIES 

arise only from within itself, by further action of phonetic decay, false analogy, 
composition, etc., and from contact with foreign languages. The preservation in 
some form of the original language, even by isolated bands, would be due partly 
to movements which were too rapid to allow a new language to be assimilated 
thoroughly (which would take more than one generation), and partly to the con- 
venience of possessing a secret language, which they had no need to invent but 
learned from their parents. 

'Those who remained in India, on the other hand, would continue to be 
influenced by the main current of Indian languages, and their dialect would o-o on 
developing on the same lines : there would be no reason to preserve archaisms, 
they would speak more or less the ordinary language of the district they lived in, 
and for a secret language they would require something like the " back-slang " that, 
I think, Rajendra Lala Mitra detected in Bengal. 

' For what then are we to look 1 One might hope that in songs or peculiar 
sayings some archaisms might lurk ; but, when one considers how much the lan- 
guage of all the Indian popular songs and proverbs has changed since 1000 a.d., 
even this seems a forlorn hope. 

' Again, if the Roman^ previous to leaving India had been wanderers, as ever 
since, would not their dialect have been something of a mixture even before they 
left ? If your Rom is living among non-Indian dialects his language is conspicu- 
ous ; but among Indian dialects it would become merged in a mass of illiterate 
patois. Similarly the Gypsy is conspicuous in Europe as an Oriental, and as a 
nomad ; but the further East you get the more ordinary he becomes. Asia still 
contains many nomads, many people who prefer the open air to a roof, many people 
who will eat anything, not to speak of fortune-tellers, jugglers, musicians, bear- 
leaders, horse-fakers, etc., etc., and they can hardly all belong to one tribe. So 
how are we to detect a Gypsy apart from his speech and habits ? 

' It seems to me we need a large series of photographs and measurements, and 
I hope Pittard's suggestion will be taken up. From the Indian side the best thing 
to do would be to prepare such a series for any tribe or caste suspected of being 
Gypsies. A comparison of these with a collection from Europe and the near East 
would probably acquit a good many of our vagrants of the soft impeachment, and 
it might strengthen Sinclair's theory. 

' But, of course, if the Romanies wandered out of India, so may they have 
wandered into India some centuries before, and like other immigrants have lost 
their real original language altogether ! Language may point to North-West India 
as the original home of the Gypsies, as in the case of Singhalese, another Indian 
language developing on peculiar lines outside India ; but North-West India has in 
the course of centuries given a home and a new language to a variety of invaders. 

' He is certainly an elusive fellow, this Gypsy, and I can only suggest as a 
desperate resort that we measure his skull. How far West ^can he squat on 
his heels 1 ' 

33. — Gypsy Mesmerism 

In discussing the Gypsies as 'commessi viaggiatori delle scienze occulte, 
Colocci {Gli Zingari, p. 72) conjectures that 'Qualche nozione d'ijinotismo e certi 
fenomeni mesmeric! dovuti ai contatti chiroscopici anticipavano forse in loro i 
successi dei Cagliostro e dei Rosenkreuzer.' He does not, however, quote any 
authorities, and it may therefore be worth while to reprint the passage from 
Glanvill's Vaaihj of Dogmatizing^ on which Matthew Arnold based his poem 

1 This book must not be confused with the same author's ' Scepsis Scientifica : 
Or, Confest Ignorance, the way to Science ; In an Essay of The Vanity of Dogmatiz- 
ing,' etc. The full title of the work which contains the episode of the Scholar-Gypsy 
la ♦ The Vanity of | Dogmatizing : | Or | Contideuce in Opinions | Manifested in a 



NOTES AND QUERIES 287 

The Scholar-Gipsy, although it is well known for its beauty to many Romane 
Eaia. 

' That one man should be able to bind the thoughts of another, and determine 
them to their particular objects ; will be reckon'd in the first rank of Impossibles : 
Yet by the power of advanc'd Imagination it may very probably be efiected ; and 
story abounds with Instances. I 'le trouble the Reader but with one ; and the 
hands from which I had it, make me secure of the truth on't. There was very 
lately a Lad in the University of Oxford, who being of very pregnant and ready 
parts, and yet wanting the encouragement of preferment ; was by his poverty 
forc'd to leave his studies there, and to cast himself upon the wide world for a 
livelyhood. Now, his necessities growing dayly on him, and wanting the help of 
friends to relieve him ; he was at last forced to joyn himself to a company of 
Vagabond Gypsies, whom occasionly he met with, and to follow their Trade for a 
maintenance. Among these extravagant peoj^le, by the insinuating subtil ty of his 
carriage, he quickly got so much of their love, and esteem ; as that they discovered 
to him their Mystery : in the practice of which, by the pregnancy of his wit and 
partz he soon grew so good a proficient, as to be able to out-do his Instructours- 
After he had been a pretty while well exercis'd in the Trade ; there chanc'd to ride 
by a couple of Scholars who had formerly bin of his acquaintance. The Scholars 
had quickly spyed out their old friend, among the Gypsies ; and their amazement 
to see him among such society, had well-nigh discover'd him : but by a sign he 
prevented their owning him before that Crew : and taking one of them aside 
privately, desired him with his friend to go to an Inn, not far distant thence, 
promising there to come to them. They accordingly went thither, and he follows : 
after their first salutations, his friends enquire how he came to lead so odd a life 
as that was, and to joyn himself with such a cheating heggerly company. The 
Scholar-Gypsy having given them an account of the necessity, which drove him 
to that kind of life ; told them, that the people he went with were not such 
Impostours as they were taken for, but that they had a traditional kind of 
learning among them, and could do wonders by the power of Imagination, and 
that himself had learnt much of their Art, and improved it further then themselves 
could. And to evince the truth of what he told them, he said, he 'd remove into 
another room, leaving them to discourse together; and upon his return tell them 
the sum of what they had talked of: which accordingly he perforni'd, giving 
them a full account of what had pass'd between them in his absence. The Scholars 
being amaz'd at so unexpected a discovery, earnestly desir'd him to unriddle the 
mystery. In which he gave them satisfaction, by telling them, that what he did 
was by the power of Imagination, his Phancy binding theirs ; and that himself 
had dictated to them the discourse, they held together, while he was from them : 
That there were warrantable wayes of heightening the Imagination to that pitch, 
as to bind anothers ; and that when he had compass'd the whole secret, some parts 
of which he said he was yet ignorant of, he intended to leave their company, and 
give the world an account of what he had learned.' 



34. — The Stanleys' Forfeited Estates 
This story may or may not throw a light on the difficult and involved question 

as to how the Stanleys came by their name. 

It was told me, two or three years ago, by two members of the Stanley tribe, 

both being grandmothers of over sixty. 

I Discourse | of The | Shortness and Uncertainty \ of our | Knowledge, | And its 
Causes ; | With some | Reflexions on Peripateticism ; | And | An Ajjolotjy for I'hilo- 
sophy I [rule] \ By Jos. Glanvill, M.A. | [rule] | London, Printed by B. C. for Henry 
Eversden at the Gre^- I Hound \niit. Pauls-Church-Yard. 1661.' [The whole within 
double rules.] 8vo. The passage quoted begins on page 195. 



288 NOTES AND QUERIES 

According to their statement, Sir Sloane Stanley of Ower, Hants, bought the 
lands, wealth, and title that by rights belonged to their own tribe. For their 
' grandfather's big grandfather' was at that time shown a flaw in the will by the 
family lawyer, and was told that he could, by taking advantage of this flaw, gain 
the whole estate, on condition that he shared it with the lawyer ! But their 
great-great-grandfather, being a ' God-fearing kind of man,' made answer to the 
la^v7er in this wise : — 

' No ! I won't sell my breakfast to buy myself a dinner ! ' 

Therefore the Stanley tribe has remained poor, proud, and independent unto 
this day. 

But ' the other side of that gateway to the Stanley mansion was carved all 
over the stone'— so they'd heard — 'with pictures of Gypsies, their tents, their 
trade implements, and their three-legged cooking pots.' 

Did the Stanleys get their name from their trade (according to Borrow) of 
stone-masons ? Or did they transpose the Gajo name of Stanley or Stony Lea, 
which they claim as theirs by inheritance, into the Romani Baremescri ? It is a 
riddle which only themselves may solve. Alice E. Gillington. 



35. — 'An Egiptian in the House' 

The manuscripts of the Rev. Oliver Hey wood, one of the ejected ministers of 
1662, have been edited by Mr. J. Horsfalf Turner, and contain some very curious 
matter. Here is a passage which will be found at p. 99 of the third volume : — 

'There was one Samuel Mitchel drinking in Halifax, April 11, 1667, at Mr. 
Wades, there came a man and woman to Mr. Wade desiring them to tel them 
where to find something they had lost, for they took him for a conjurer, he said 
he could not tel but he had an Egiptian in the house that could, they ;together 
came to Sam Mitchel, he blubbered that no body could tel what he sd. Wade 
was his interpreter, and gave them instructions about the lost thing, they were 
satisfied and gave him three shillings for his paines, they drunk that merrily, but 
upon munday after this Mitchel dyed. . . . He threatened his wife (as tis said) 
the day before he dyed that if she went not to wak. [Wakefield] and swore that 
the inventory was lesse of her former husbands goods he would kill her— but God 
took him away.' 

Does this mean that Mitchell was a Gypsy, or that Wade called him an 
' Egiptian ' because he dealt in fortune-telling ? William E. A. Axon. 



36. — Ceremonial Purity 
Mrs. L. J. Miln's Wooings and Weddings in viany Climes (London, 1900) con- 
tains a special chapter (chap, xxviii.) on the Gypsies, in which it is stated that 
* Among the German Gypsies a woman may do no cooking, nor touch the food of 
another, while she has a chUd of less than five months or is expecting the birth of 
a child ' (p. 383). E. 0. Winstedt. 



37. — Twopence Halfpenny 
Happening to glance at Miss Garnett's Women of Turkey and their Folklore, 
(London, 1891, vol. i. p. 165), I notice that she has a Greek ■n-apafivdt.ov, taken 
from Les Litteratnres Popidaires, vol. xxviii. p. 75, called ' The three wonderful 
dresses,' which is very similar to Mr. Sampson's ' Twopence Halfpenny ' (J. G. L. S., 
New Series, ii. 144). There are three brothers who are sent to kill a monster, in 
which they fail, though the youngest wounds him. There is the same descent of 
a well ; the bringing back of three damsels ; and, after continued underground 
adventures of the hero, the same incident of cutting off" a piece of his flesh to 
satisfy the agent (an eagle) which brings him up to earth ; and finally, marriage 
with the chosen damsel. E. 0. Winstedt. 



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<' >/ 



JOURNAL OF THE 

GYPSY LORE 



SOCIETY 



NEW SERIES 



Vol. II APRIL 1909 



I.— RICHARD PISCHEL: EIN NACHRUF 

Von Franz Xikolaus Finck 

TT'URZ vor dera Ablauf des vergangenen Jahres hat unsere 
-*-^ Gesellschaft durch den Tod eines ihrer Mitglieder einen 
aussergewohnlichen, in seiner Tragweite vielleicht kaum abzu- 
schatzenden Verlust erlitten. Richard Pischel ist um die Weih- 
nachtszeit nach schwerem Leiden in Madras verschieden, an der 
Schwelle des Landes, das er nach ungewohnlicher Vorbereitimg 
zu seiner Wiirdisfungf in Erflilluns: eines ehrenvollen Auftrao^s 
betreten hatte. Finer Einladiing der indischen Regierimg folgend, 
hatte er im November des Jahres 1908 die Reise nach Kalkutta 
angetreten, um dort in einem Kreise einheimischer Gelehrten 
Vortrage iiber die Sprachen des indischen Mittelalters zu halten. 
Der Tod hat ihn daran gehindert, dieses Werk auszufuhren, ein 
Werk, das die berechtigte Schatzung deutscher Forschung sicher- 
lich noch betrachtlich erhoht haben wtirde. Der Tod hat ihn 
aber auch daran gehindert, seine schon hochbedeutende Kenntnis 
indischer Kultur durch den ihm bis dahin nicht vergonnt gewe- 
senen anschaulichen Einblick in das Land seiner Traume zu einer 
einzigen zu gestalten. 

Es sind nur wenige Abhandlungen verhaltnismassig geringen 
Umfangs, die der dahingeschiedene Gelehrte der von unserer 
Gesellschaft vertretenen Zigeunerphilologie gewidmet hat. Wenn 
vol. II. — xo. IV. T 




290 RICHARD PISCHEL: EIN NACHRUF 

man aber auch nicht die Zahl dieser Schriften zum Massstabe der 
Wertung macht, sondern sie — wie es sich gebiihrt— zu wdgen 
versucht, auch dann wird man noch zngeben milssen, dass andere 
fiir diesen Teil der Indologie wohl mehr geleistet haben. Und 
doch hat unsere Gesellschaft in ihm Einen verloren, den in 
absehbarer Zeit aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach kein anderer wird 
ersetzen konnen. Dass Richard Pischel weit mehr war als nur 
ein freilich auch als solcher schon Achtung gebietender Zigeu- 
nerphilologe ; dass er sogar noch betrachtlich mehr war als die 
Gesamtheit seiner Werke : das ist 's, was auch in seinen Arbeiten 
auf dem verhaltnismassig engbegrenzten Gebiete deutlich zutage 
tritt, was diesen ihren eigenartigen Wert verleiht. So lassen 
sich denn auch diese kleineren Arbeiten kaum verstehen und 
ganz gewiss nicht wiirdigen, wenn man nicht die gesamte Wirk- 
samkeit des dahingeschiedenen Gelehrten ins Auge fasst, wenn 
man nicht ausser dem Forscher auch noch den Menschen zu 
begreifen versucht. 

Sein Lebenslauf ist die Entwickelung eines arbeitsamen, zu 
selbstandiger Auffassung befilhigten jungen Mannes zu einem 
grossen Gelehrten, etwas scheinbar Einfaches, aber etwas, was 
doch gerade durch diese Einfachheit trefFend gekennzeichnet wird. 
Nie hat Richard Pischel etwas hervorgebracht, was blendete; 
aber vieles hat er geschaffen, was erleuchtete. Ein grosses 
Wohlwollen war ihm eigen ; aber nie schreckte er davor zuruck, 
um der Sache willen auch scharf zu verletzen. Ein tapferer 
Streiter fiir die Wahrheit betrat er die Bahn. Mit Kampfes- 
freudigkeit ging er unentwegt voran und meist zum Sieg. 

Griindlich geschult, habilitierte er sich im Jahre 1874, nach 
langerem Aufenthalt in London und Oxford, an der Universitat 
seiner Heimatstadt Breslau. Schon nach einem Jahre siedelte er 
als ausserordentlicher Professor nach Kiel iiber. Nach zwei wei- 
teren Jahren wurde er ordentlicher Professor in Halle, und im 
Jahre 1902 folgte er einem Rufe nach Berlin, zu einer Wirksam- 
keit bestimmt, die ihm und der Berliner Universitat in gleichem 
Masse zur Ehre gereichen soUte. 

Der Ausgangspunkt seiner Forschung war das Studium des 
klassischen Sanskrit gewesen, imbesonderen das des indischen 
Dramas. Als er seine Tiitigkeit in Berlin begann, war er jedoch 
schon weit iiber dieses engere Gebiet hinausgegangen. Schon seine 
grundlegende Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen, deren erstaunliche 
Bewaltigung eines ungeheuer reichen Stoffs andern Forschern 



RICHARD PISCHEL: EIN NACHRUF 291 

Jahre, wenn nicht gar Jahrzehnte eigener Arbeit erspart, wtirde 
genugen, um dies zu beweisen. Aber dieses grosse Werk stand 
schon damals keineswegs allein da. Die Gesaontheit indischer 
Kultur war es, auf deren Erforschung Piscliels Wille gerichtet, 
deren Klarlegung seinem Geiste schon zu einem grossen Teile 
gelungen war. Dieses Streben nach Universalitat ist jedoch nicht 
nur in seinen Schriften verschiedenster Art zum Ausdruck 
gelangt. Es hat auch seiner iiber diese hinausgehenden Tatigkeit 
ihr Geprage verliehen. FreiHch ist es ihm nie um eine zu unserer 
Zeit auch wohl nicht inehr erreichbare Universalitat zu tun 
gewesen, die alles Erkennbare zu einem einheitlichen System zu 
verarbeiten strebt. Und selbst das hat er nicht versucht, wenig- 
stens die ganze Welt der Sprachen oder litterarischen Erzeug- 
nisse wie mit einem Blick zu iiberschauen. Nur indisches 
Geistesleben ist bis zum Abschlusse seiner ganzen Wirksamkeit 
das eigentliche Object seiner Forschung geblieben. Aber diese 
indische Kultur hat er im weitesten Sinne zu erfassen, in all ihren 
Ausldufern zu verfolgen gesucht. In diesem Geiste hat er auch 
seine Schtiler heranzubilden getrachtet, hat er die Blicke jiingerer 
Forscher auf China und Tibet gelenkt und auch den Lehrkorper 
der Universitat zu erganzen gestrebt. Wenn ein jaher Tod ihn 
uns nicht entrissen hatte, wtirde er seinen Einfluss auch wohl 
noch liber das schon Errungene hinaus geltend gcmacht, und es 
vielleicht auch erreicht haben, fiir die Universitat, die so eng mit 
Wilhelm von Humboldts Wirksamkeit verknlipft ist, eine Kraft 
heranzubilden, die, auf dessen grosstem Werke weiterbauend, auch 
die geistige Welt des indischen Archipels wtirde erschliessen 
konnen. 

Dieses Bild des Dahingeschiedenen mtissen wir uns fest ein- 
pragen, um verstehen zu konnen, wieviel auch unsere Gesellschaft 
an ihm verloren hat. Nicht nur die Folgerichtigkeit eines nach 
Universalitat strebenden Indologen ist es gewesen, die ihn auch 
zur Erforschung des Zigeunerischen gedrangt hat. Auch sein ihn 
als Menschen auszeichnendes Wohlwollen, sein rein menschlicher 
Anteil an den Farias Europas hat sicherlich mitgewirkt. Denn 
wenn auch Pischels Bedeutung nicht auf seinen Zigeunerstudien 
beruht, so sind sie ihm doch, wie alle wissen, die ihm haben naher 
stehen durfen, ganz besonders lieb gewesen ; und er wtirde auch 
fiir eine weitere Ausgestaltung dieser Studien durch andere nicht 
nur aus Pflichtgeftihl, sondern mit fast innigem Anteil gewirkt 
haben. 



292 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

Wenn man aber auch von diesem Anteil des Gemlites absieht, 
dem er, aller pathetischen Rede abhold, in seinen Abhandlungen 
tiber die Zigeuner keinen besonderen Aiisdruck verliehen hat, so 
bleibt diesen doch noch ein gar seltener Vorzug. Sie erscheinen 
nicht als Darlegungen einer mehr oder weniger zufallig erwor- 
benen, bruclisttickartigen Erkenntnis, sondern als lichtvoUe Klar- 
stellimg eines Stiicks Geisteslebens, das rait kiinstlerisch anscliau- 
licher Kraft in seinem wirJclichen ZusamTnenhang erfasst ist. Das 
ist 's, scheint mir, was auch diesen kleineren Erzeugnissen aus des 
Qfrossen Gelehrten Werkstatt einen dauernden Wert verleiht. 



II.— THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES ^ 

By the late Geheimrat Professor R. Pischel 
Translated from the German by Dora E. Yates 

IN the year 1417 there suddenly appeared in Europe a race 
of wanderers, strange in appearance and customs, who ever 
since have roamed restlessly from spot to spot, hating all men 
and hated by all. Subjected as they were to almost inhuman 
persecution at the hand of magistrate, peasant, and citizen, they 
have succeeded in bidding defiance to every danger ; and the 
harshest laws have affected them least. These people were the 
Gypsies. Wherever they are found they are always the same. 
And they are to be found everywhere. One comes across their 
travelling caravans in Siberia as well as in Algiers ; Gypsy bands 
wander on the banks of both the Indus and the Mississippi, and 
there is no single country in Europe which the Gypsy has not 
visited. With a wretched van and horse he travels from Hungary 
to Jutland, from Scotland to Poland, indifferent to wind and 
weather, ragged and dirty, everywhere an unwelcome guest. 
Everywhere a stranger, he is everywhere at home. Scattered as 
they are throughout the world the nomad Gypsies are nevertheless 
a united body, an independent race, at the present day, for they 
have preserved for themselves that closest bond of nationality — 
a mother-tongue handed down from past ages. Misfortune has 
linked this people together, and a record of misery fills many 
pages in their history. Even the Church rejected them. The 

' Deutsche Rundschau, vol. 36, 1883, pp. 353-7r). 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 293 

sixth and last of the Articles which Laurentius Petri, the first 
Lutheran Archbishop of Upsala, published with the King's per- 
mission in June 1560, states briefly and bluntly Med Tartare 
skal Prdsten sig intet befatta, hvarken jorda theras lik eller 
Christna theras ham ^ (No priest shall have any intercourse 
with Gypsies, nor bury their dead nor baptize their children). 
Even in 1787 the Lithuanian minister Zippel pronounced this 
harsh judgment on them : ' Gypsies m a well-ordered state at 
the present day are like vermin on an animal's body.'^ In every 
state the number of decrees passed against them is extraordinarily 
OTeat, and not a few resemble the edict of Frederick William i., 
Oct. 5, 1725, which enacts that ' All Gypsies of male or female 
sex, found within the Prussian states, shall, if they are above the 
age of 18 years, be hung without any mercy, whether they have 
already been punished by branding, flogging, or banishment, or 
have entered the country for the first time, singly or in bands, or 
have been able to produce passports or not.' ^ 

But stringent laws of this nature have done them far less 
harm than decrees which attempted to put an end to their 
wandering life by granting them certain privileges on condition 
of settling. These laws have undermined their national character- 
istics, and have brought about that decay of the old genuine 
Gypsyism which is everywhere visible to-day. The Gypsies readily 
acknowledcre this fact themselves. ' El krallis ha nicobado la liri 
de los cdles (The king has destroyed the law of the Gypsies) ; 
we are no longer the people we were once, when we lived amongst 
the sierras and deserts, and kept aloof from the Busne,' a Spanish 
Gypsy once said complainingly to Borrow the missionary.* He 
was referring to Charles iii.'s law, Sept. 19, 1783, which allowed 
the Gypsies to enter any profession or business. Yon venna sor 
reiaiv ta raunia kondw (they are all become gentlemen and 
ladies now),^ declared an English Gypsy about his companions. 
And both are right. The Gypsy ceases to be a Gypsy as soon 
as he is domiciled and follows some trade ; in the course of 
time he even forgets his mother-tongue, and uses onl}^ the 
language of the nation in whose midst he is living. The Gypsies 
who have settled in Constantinople have almost entirely forgotten 

1 F. Dyrlund, Tatere og Natmandsfolk i Danmark, p. 13. Coijcuhagen, 1872. 

- Berlinische Monatsschrift, 1793, vol. xxi. p. 148. 

^ Berlinische Monat'isckrift, 1793, vol. xxi. p. 110. 

* Borrow, The Zincali, 1843, i. p. 218. 

5 Smart and Crofton, The Dialect of the English Gypsies, 1875, p. 236. 



294 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

their mother-tongue, and their children only understand Turkish. 
The so-called Turkish Gypsies (turski cigani) who live in the 
cities of Servia are Mohammedans, dress like Bosnians, and speak 
Servian. Spanish Gypsies have given their verb the terminations 
of the Spanish verb, while the English have robbed theirs of all 
its suffixes and simplified it according to the English pattern. 
Moreover, the Spanish Gypsies use to a very large extent Spanish 
endings, the British English, and the Norwegian Danish, so that 
it is especially in Spain, England, and Norway that the Romani 
vocabulary has been greatly influenced by the vernacular. But 
the same is true of all the other European countries. All the 
European Gypsy dialects contain Armenian, and in greater 
number Greek words, and also, according to the individual 
country, Rumanian, Hungarian, Slavic, German and French 
elements, quite irrespective of the special local colour of each 
separate dialect. These foreign elements are of the utmost 
importance, for they alone supply us with a clue by which 
we may determine the road taken by the Gypsies on their 
immigration into Europe. 

The Romani dialects, therefore, present a highly coloured 
language-picture which deteriorates year by year, as knowledge of 
the old dialect diminishes. A single example will show how 
powerful the influence of the vernacular already is in our own 
day. In the old dialect of the English Gypsies the sentence, ' I 
wish to go to Heaven (the Gypsy says, ' God's house ') when I die,' 
used to run, komova te jal adre mi Duvelesko keri kana merova ; 
in the modern dialect it is, ' I 'd korn to jal adre mi Duvel's ker 
when mandi mers.' Here the old terminations have been aban- 
doned in avour of English constructions.^ Sundt relates that on 
one occasion a Gypsy woman came to a Norwegian farm, and 
there, with a perfect torrent of words, practised the art of begging. 
When the farmer rebuked her for it, she gave him this historic 
answer: Devel har ci dela mander pu at cera pre; saa maa 
mander cera med moien for at le kahen til cavoane meros (God 
has given me no land to till ; so I must work with my mouth to 
get food for my children). - The words and suffixes in Roman 
type are Danish. Without any hesitation a German Gypsy woman 
translated the sentence, * Er hat einen spitzigen Schnabel ' (It 

' In all foreign words c and j are to be i)ronounced tsch and 'Inch respectively. 
" Hnadt, Beretning om Fmite- eller LandstrT/gej-folket i Norye, p. 167. Christiania, 
1852. 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 295 

has a pointed beak) by les hi yek schpitzigu schndhluo} An 
example of the Spanish dialect has been given above. It is high 
time to collect what can still be saved. The number of Gypsies 
who can still speak Romani in a comparatively pure form is 
steadily decreasing, so that Norway is not the only country where 
Gypsies are found who sing old songs, whose words, it is true, they 
still remember, but whose meaning they can no longer clearly 
explain. 

Within the last ten years,^ then, such keen interest has been 
shown in the field of Gypsy lore that it is permissible to speak 
with Bataillard of a ' Philologie Bohemienne.' The credit for this is 
due in no small degree to Miklosich, whose excellent work on the 
Gypsies of Europe ^ has had a highly stimulating influence. 
Miklosich has attempted to determine the exact origin of the 
Gypsies by the evidence of abundant linguistic materials. To state 
the problem as it stands to-day, and to show how far Miklosich's 
view is supported by the latest researches in the field of Indian 
folk-lore, is the aim of the following pages. 



The oldest theory (which has not completely disappeared even 
at the present day) as to the origin of the Gypsies, is that they 
came from Egypt. Conrad Justinger, in his Berner Chronik for 
the year 1419, was the first to express this view in his remark 
about the Gypsies who came in that year to Basle, Zurich, Berne, 
Soleure : ' Warent von egyptenland, ungeschaft'en, swartz, ellend 
lute, mit wiben und kinden' (They were from Egypt, pitiful, 
black, miserable, with women and children). It was also held by 
Geibel, whose ' band of wandering Gypsies ' were ' suckled on the 
banks of the sacred river Nile.' This theory was supported by the 
statements of the Gypsies themselves, who, soon after their first 
appearance in central Europe, declared ' Little Egypt ' to be their 
fatherland. Their leaders, who Avere mounted and richly dressed, 
called themselves ' Kings ' or ' Dukes ' or ' Counts of Little Egypt,' 
and the band obeyed their behests. They professed to be on a 
seven years' pilgrimage imposed on them by their bishops as a 
penance, because they had lapsed from Christianity into heathen- 

1 Riidiger, Xeuester Zuwachs der teutschen, fremden und allgemeinen Sprachkunde, 
erstes Stuck, p. 68. Leipzig, 1782. 

2 This was written in 1883. 

* Mundarten, Vienna, 1872-80, and Beitrdge, Vienna, 1874-8. 



296 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

dom. The band which appeared before Bologna in 1422 was 
under a certain Duca di Egitto named Andreas, who had taken up 
his quarters in the albergo del Re, while the bulk of his people 
lodged themselves inside and outside the city gate. Duke Andreas 
declared that he had abandoned Christianity, whereupon the King 
of Hungary had plundered his land and taken him prisoner. He 
had then been baptized anew with four thousand of his subjects, 
and the King of Hungary had imposed a seven years' pilgrimage 
on them, and commanded them to go to the Pope at Rome. A 
different version of this same tale was told by the Gypsies at Paris 
in 1427, while in other places they served up the legend of a cease- 
less wandering without rest or respite, because their ancestors 
in Egypt had refused to receive Joseph and Mary and the Child 
Christ when they fled from Herod. Others again declared that 
they had left Little Egypt on account of the barrenness of the 
land. These stories were at first believed. Much sympathy was 
shown to the Gypsies, and at the outset they were received with 
hospitahty and gifts. Thus in the book of accounts of the city of 
Frankfurt-am-Main we find an entry of four pounds and four 
shillings for bread and meat to be given ' den elendigen luden usz 
dem cleynen Egypten' (to the poor people from Little Egypt). 
In 1429 the city of Arnheim (Guelders) gave ' den greve van Klijn- 
Egipten met synne geselschap in die eer Gaids ' (to the Earl of 
Little Egypt with his company to the honour of God), six florins 
of Arnheim. ' Item, to the same earl and to the heathen women, 
to the honour of God, half a muid of wheaten bread costing one 
florin of Arnheim and two blanks. Item, to the same, a barrel of 
hops costing forty blanks. Item, again to the same, a barrel of 
herrings, costing fifty blanks.' In Zutphen, presents were made 
in 1459 to the ' Koninck van Clijn-Egypten,' and in 1496 Duke 
Karl of Egmont, the warlike prince of Guelderland, gave ' Grafen 
Martyn Gnougy, gebooren van Klijn-Egypten' a passport through 
his country, because he was on a pilgrimage ; however, the Count 
and his people were not to stay longer than three days in any one 
place. There are other records elsewhere of presents and letters 
of protection to Gypsies, as in the case of the band which appeared 
in 1417 in the Hanseatic towns, and then advanced into Switzer- 
land and Italy, and produced a letter of protection from the 
Emperor Sigismund. Isolated bands at first advanced quietly, and 
this fact, together with the high-sounding titles assumed by their 
leaders, gave rise to the statement, which has long been believed. 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 297 

that these first Gypsies were radically different from those who 
followed them, and from the Gypsies of to-day. Kings, Dukes, 
and Counts of Little Egypt are frequently mentioned in old Dutch 
and German records, as also in those of other countries. Martin 
Crusius in his Annales Suevici speaks of a monument near Stein- 
bach erected in honour of ' the Right Honourable Lord, Lord 
Panuel, Duke of Little Egypt and Lord of Hirschhorn in the same 
country,' with the Duke's coat of arms, while in 1498 'Freigraf 
John of Little Egypt was buried at Pforzheim. 

Little Egypt may possibly stand for the Peloponnesus, which 
we must regard as the first European home of the Gypsies, They 
were undoubtedly settled there in the second half of the fourteenth 
century, for in 1398, as Hopf has shown, Ottaviano Buono, the 
Venetian Stadtholder of Nauplion, confirmed to the Gypsies in that 
neighbourhood, and especially to their captain, John, the privileges 
which his predecessors had granted them.^ At the close of the 
fifteenth century German travellers make mention of a Gypsy 
colony consisting of from two hundred to three hundred huts at 
the foot of Mount Gype near Modon. Arnold von HarfF even 
speaks of a country called Gyppe which, he said, was the original 
home of the Gypsies and about forty miles distant from Modon, 
while, according to the Count Palatine, Alexander von Veldenz, 
the Venetians translated Gype by Little Egypt. Whether this be 
correct, or whether Little Egypt be a country like Aristophanes' 
Nephelococcygia, the fact remains that until the close of the last 
century, the Egyptian origin of the Gypsies was universally 
accepted as correct, and by it alone can we explain the presence 
of names, reminiscent of Egypt, still borne in certain countries by 
Gypsies of to-day. In Spain they were called in olden times 
Egypcianos or Egipcianos, and similarly at the present day 
Gitanos, as in Portugal. In England in the sixteenth century 
they were Egipcions, and to-day Gypsies. In old Dutch records 
they are called Egy pliers, Egiptenaren, Egyptenaers, Giptenaers 
side by side with Heidenen, Heidens [heathens], their sole appella- 
tion to-day. The French formerly called them Egypt iens, and 
now Boliemiens, possibly because they produced letters of protec- 
tion from the King of Hungary and Bohemia, or came direct 
from Bohemia; the Greeks name them TvJ)tol (Gifti), and the 
Albanese Ecgit. In a Slavonic record of the year 1698 they Averc 

1 Carl Hopf, Die Einwanderung dtr Zigeuner in Europa, pp. 11 sqq. Gotha, 
1870. 



298 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

termed gens Pharaica, and in Hungary they were also formerly 
called Pharao nepek (Pharaoh's people), or Pharao nemzetseg 
(Pharaoh's race). Indeed, Thomasius has made even the impossible 
possible by deriving our word Zigeuner direct from Aegyptiani by 
these stages : Aegyptianer, Gyptianer, Zianer, Ziganer, Zigener 
(' like Italiani to Italiener '), Zigeuner (' because we in South 
Germany love diphthongs'), an etymolog}' which even at this date 
has won the support of Ave-Lallemant.^ Christian von Hof- 
mannswaldau seems to have had some such etymology in his mind 
when he composed the following epitaph on a ' Ziegeiner.' 

' In stern wanderings I spent my life ; 
Two lines will teach you who I 've been. 
Egypt, Hungary, Switzerland, Beelzebub and Swabia, 
Have named, reared, fed, slain and buried me.' 

As the Gypsies first came to Germany from Hungary it can be 
easily understood that Hofmannswaldau considered Hungary to 
be their fatherland, as Presbyter Andreas of Regensburg had done 
before him. The latter entered St. Augustine's Monastery at 
Regensburg in 1410, and in his Diarium sexennale says of the 
Gypsies in the year 1424, ' this race came from the region of 
Hungary.' Thurnmayr von Abensburg, better known by his 
Latin name Aventinus (ob. 1534), calls the Gypsies in his Annates 
Bojorum ' a pack of knaves, a gang scraped together from the 
borders of Hungary and Turkey ' ; and in Hanover and Schleswig- 
Holstein, and probably also in other North German countries, they 
were frequently called ' Hungarian ' in former days. In the records 
of the city of Frankfurt-am- Main they are likewise called Beheimen, 
that is, Bohemians, as in France. But the true Low German 
name of the Gypsies is Tdtern, and at the present day they are still 
so called with slight dialectical differences throughout the region 
where Low German is spoken, and also in Denmark and Sweden. 
Hei is sau gel as 'n Tdter (He is as yellow as a Tartar) is a 
common saying in North Germany, where some small districts 
even bear names compounded with Tdter. Thus in Hanover, before 
the city gates and on boundary landmarks, the name Tdternpdl 
(Gypsy-post) frequently appears, while parts of the boundaries 
are called Tdterpdle, although to-day there is no longer any post 
left standing. But in former times posts actually did stand there — 
in fact, these Tdternp>dele (Gypsy- poles) were nominally supposed to 

' Thomasius, Diasertatio philonophica de Cingaris, § 9. Leipzig, 1677 ; Av^- 
Lallemaut, Das Deutsche Gaxmerlhum, i. p. 10. 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 299 

mark the limit beyond which Gypsies might not approach a town. 
In Holstein there is a Tdtemloch in Schnellmark forest near 
Eckenforde, and a place called Tdterbusch in the parish of 
Hohenfeld. 

When the Gypsies first appeared in Germany, the common 
folk thought that the Tartars had returned, and transferred this 
name to them. The Dominican monk, Hermann Korner, who 
lived in the days of the Emperor Sigismund, describes them as 
' horrible in appearance and black as Tartars.' Albert Krantz in 
his Saxonia (Cologne, 1520) expressly states that the common 
people called them Tartars, and Rufus in his Lilbeck Chronicle 
says of them, ' desse guemen ute Tartarien ' (' These came out of 
Tartary '). The Tartar, like the Egyptian theory, has also found 
supporters, and thus, side by side with the name Tatern, attention 
was given to the Dsungarei, a word which has been connected 
with Zingari (Zigeuner). It was believed that the Gypsies were 
originally Tartar hordes who, about 1400, had separated from 
Timur's army. The name Zigeuner, like Tatern, has been equally 
misapplied, in order to determine the fatherland of this race. 
Hasse asserted their identity with the Sigynnae of Herodotus — a 
theory which has recently been again advanced and defended by 
Bataillard, who also maintains that Homer's Sinties on Lemnos 
were Gypsies. 

All attempts to discover the origin of the Gypsies must neces- 
sarily fail, so long as they are based on purely external assonance in 
names.^ With a race like the Gypsies, which has no old tradi- 
tions, there is only one way of discovering its origin — by studying 
its language. Of course, at first it was essential to determine 
exactly what was the language of the Gypsies. At the close of the 
seventeenth century Wagenseil, Professor of Jurisprudence and of 
Oriental Languages at the once celebrated University of Altdorf, 
professed to have arrived at the origin of the Gypsies through the 
gateway of language. But what he considered to be Romani was 
German thieves' slang or Rotwelsch; and, as he found many 
Hebrew elements in it, Wagenseil declared that Gypsies were 
German Jews. But as soon as true Gypsy was examined the pro- 
blem was solved. Two men — Rildigcr in 1777 (published 1782) 
and Grellmann in 1783, simultaneously and quite independently, 

^ Numerous other theories are specified by Grellmann in his work — still valuable 
to-day — Historiacher Versuch iiber die Zigtuntr, second edition, pp. 228 sqq. Guttin- 
gen, 1787. 



300 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

by chance rather than through a deep study of the tongue — reached 
the same result, in both cases based on totally inadequate materials 
and a very imperfect knowledge of the language. What these two 
men, who were soon followed by others, merely suggested. Pott 
proved with scientific precision. His great work, Die Zigeune?' in 
Europa unci Asien (Halle, 1844-5), put an end to every possible 
doubt that might still exist, and from that date it has been a 
universally known and incontrovertible fact that the original 
home of the Gypsies is India, and their language an Indian one. 

Now there are few countries in the world in which such an 
immense variety of languages exists as in India. Nations which 
are not even remotely related have settled here side by side, and 
even within the same race-groups the number of dialects is 
extraordinarily large. There are four race-groups in particular, 
which from the earliest times have been sharply separated. To 
the south of the Vindhya Mountains in the Deccan there dwell 
the Dravidians, in the Vindhya range itself and the surrounding 
district the Nishada races, while a great part of the north has 
been settled by races of Thibetan origin. The centre of the 
country — Hindustan — is peopled by our blood-relations the Indo- 
Aryans. But the Marathi in the Deccan are likewise Indo- Aryan, 
as are also the ruling races in the north from Nepal to Kafiristan, 
and by far the greater number of the tribes of the Hindu Kiish, 
as we first learned two years ago from Major Biddulph's excellent 
work.^ Even if we take only the chief Aryan dialects into 
consideration their number is extraordinaril}^ great. In the east, 
from north to south successively, we have Asami, Bangfdl, Oriya ; 
in the north, from east to west, Nepali, Kamaoni, Garhwali, Dogri, 
Kashmiri, Dardu, Kafiri; on the west, from south to north, Marathi, 
Gujarati, Sindhi, Multani, Panjabi ; in the centre Hindi pre- 
dominates perhaps as far as Benares, and from there Bihari, while 
Urdu or Hindustani is used throughout the greater part of India 
as the lingua franca. But all these languages are subdivided 
into numerous dialects which frequently differ so greatly inter 
se, that tribes who live only a few miles apart are unable to 
understand one another. Even in so comparatively small a 
province as Kafiristan the difference in dialect is so great that, as 
Biddulph remarks, many tribes can have no mutual intercourse 
on that account. It is to this Indo-Aryan family, then, that 
Gypsies also belong, but the utmost diversity of opinion still 

' Biddulph, Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh. Calcutta, 18S0. 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 301 

exists as to which district of India should be regarded as their 
fatherland. 

II 

Since the Gypsies call themselves Sinte or Sincle, Sindh was 
alleged to be their original home. But the two names have no 
connection, and there is absolutely no trace of any near relationship 
between Sindhi and Romani. Bacmeister, to whom Rtidiger in 1777 
communicated his discovery of the Indian origin of the Gypsies, 
replied that he found that Romani ' agreed with the dialect of 
Multan, a province situated in the south-west of India, but with no 
other of the numerous Caucasian tongues.' Bacmeister undoubtedly 
meant Panjabi, for he could hardly have acquired any knowledge 
of Multani. Biittner considered that Romani resembled Afghan, 
and Ascoli suggested the possibility that the Gypsies were 
Sindhians who had resided for a long time among the Afghans. 
The fatherland of the Gypsies, then, has been unanimously trans- 
ferred to the west of India, and here, it is thought, we shall be 
able to prove that their history began. 

The great Persian epic poet Firdusi, who lived about the year 
1000 A.D., relates in his Shah-Name how the Persian king Bahram- 
Gur (about 420 a.d.) requested the Indian king Shankal of Kanoj 
to send him ten thousand Luris, to delight his poor subjects by 
their skilful lute-playing. Bahram-Gur granted them a dwelling- 
place of their own, gave each a donkey and a cow, besides a liberal 
supply of wheat for sowing, and made them choose a king. But 
the Luris made short work of their wheat and cows, and at the 
end of the year were quite destitute. The king, exasperated at 
their thriftlessness, now commanded them to load the asses with 
their possessions, and earn their bread by songs and instrumental 
music; every year they must travel through his country and 
rejoice rich and poor with their songs. The Luris, says Firdusi, 
in accordance with this command wander about the world, seeking 
work, associate with dogs and wolves, and rob day and night on 
the highway. 

The same story is told by other Persian writers, and one of 
them especially emphasises the fact that the Persian Luris of 
to-day are descended from those Luris. Moreover, Luri or Luli is 
the name which by choice the Gypsies still bear to-day in Persia, 
and, however much Firdiisi has embroidered his tale with romance, 
there is no adequate reason whatever to doubt the fact itself, that 



302 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

in the first half of the fifth century a considerable number of 
Gypsies migrated from India to Persia — which, however, by no 
means implies that these Gypsies were the ancestors of the 
European Gypsies. This tale of Firdusi's is also found in the 
Arab historian Hamza of Ispahan, who lived half a century before 
Firdusi. Hamza calls these Indian musicians Zott, and from 
Arabic vocabularies we know that this word is arabicised from 
Jat and can also be pronounced Zatt. Further, we hear that 
these Jats dwelt in Sindh and Multan, and were split up into 
several tribes, of whom the Bodha supported themselves by 
camel-rearing, and dwelt in huts like nomads, while the most 
northerly tribe, the Kikan, were celebrated for their horse- 
breeding. The tribe which lived on the southern sea-coast 
adopted the trade of piracy, and in 768 plundered Jedda, the 
port of Mecca. Bataillard in 1849, as a result of this information 
about the Arabs, first identified the Gypsies with the Indian Jats, 
and twenty-five years afterwards the learned Dutch Arabist De 
Goeje, who accepted the Zott legend,^ independently arrived 
at the same conclusion. We learn through him that in the 
seventh century a large number of Zotts served in the Persian 
army, and when defeat threatened the Persians, deserted to the 
Arabs, embraced Islam, and settled for the most part on the banks 
of the Shat-el-Arab in Basra. Mention is also made of sedentary 
Zotts in other parts of the Euphrates district, who in this case 
were not only soldiers, but whole families with their goods and 
chattels. In 669 or 670 the Khalif Moawia settled a number of 
Zotts in Antioch and other seaports of Syria. When the Arabs 
began their incursions into India the Zotts in that district at first 
resisted them, but later joined them as allies; but they were so 
untrustworthy that the Arabs resolved to transport a great number 
of them. They were sent with their women, children, and buffaloes 
to Kaskar, in the marshes near the Tigris, and later some of them 
were transported to Syria. Those who remained behind in Kaskar 
took advantage of the disturbances which broke out after Harun- 
al-Rashid's death to seize the chief power in that city. Reinforced 
by runaway slaves and malcontents, they seized the highroads 
and waterways, plundered caravans and ships as well as the 
granaries of Kaskar, and brought matters to such a pass that in 
820 no one dared to cross their territory, and the regular trans- 
port ships from Basra to Bagdad could no longer run. Several 

' De Goeje, Bijdrage tot de Oeschiedenis der Zigeuners. Amsterdam, 1875. 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 303 

attempts to subdue the Zotts failed, and it was not till 834, after 
an obstinate resistance, that they were overcome and led in 
triumph to Bagdad. They made their entrance into that city 
in national costume, and were publicly displayed to the people 
on three successive days and then transported to Syria, to whose 
inhabitants they caused much trouble. In 855 the Byzantines 
made an attack on Syria and carried off to Byzantium the Zotts, 
with their women, children, and buffaloes. When the rebellion 
in Kaskar had been crushed the Zotts in India were also subdued, 
and severely punished. Later they again got the upper hand, and 
in consequence of their plundering raids became such a terrible 
pest that in 1025 Mahmud of Ghazni, whose army they attacked, 
took severe measures, and Timur in 1398 led an army in person 
against them, killed two thousand, and carried off immense booty 
in cattle and captive women and children. Soon afterwards he 
marched against Delhi, and before the decisive battle which 
gained for him the ascendency of India, he ordered all the 
prisoners of war whom he had captured since his arrival in 
India to be slaughtered in a single day. Their numbers are said 
to have exceeded a hundred thousand. That the captive Zotts 
were among the number cannot be doubted, for they were the 
very men whom Timur had least reason to spare. There is only 
one supposition, as de Goeje aptly remarks, which could refute 
the theory that the Gypsies came to Europe with Timur's army — 
namely that the Zotts may not have been Gypsies. And were 
they Gypsies ? The fact is universally believed. The only man 
who has hitherto expressed a doubt on the matter is Bataillard, 
who, as mentioned above, had himself declared in an earlier work 
that the Jats were identical with the Gypsies. Bataillard could 
not solve the problem because at that date (1875) adequate 
linguistic material was not forthcoming ; for here again language 
alone can supply conclusive evidence. 

But since that date O'Brien's work in 1881 ^ has given us a 
fuller knowledge of the Jat dialect, Jataki or Multani, and a 
comparison with Romani proves that the languages are essentially 
different. On a single point in phonetics — the partial preservation 
of r after consonants — they certainly do agree ; but otherwise they 
radically differ in phonetics, inflection, and vocabulary. Of course 
one might assert that here, as elsewhere, the Gypsies forgot their 
language after their settlement and were absorbed by the people 

* O'Brien, Glossary of the Multani Language. Lahore, 1881. 



304 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

of the land. But this theory is utterly untenable. For some of 
the Jats still live to-day by camel-rearing, travel far into Persia 
and to Damascus, where they are still called Zutt, and can be easily 
distinguished from the Gypsies, who are called Naiuar. 

Undoubtedly the Jats are the oldest nation of the southern 
Panjab; in former days they had their own princes and a native 
nobility, and in their songs and legends have preserved the 
memory of better times. At the present day they are somewhat 
despised and are looked upon as rough ignorant fellows. Their 
language is neither Panjabi nor Sindhi, but an independent dialect 
between the two, and it is not within the bounds of possibility to 
suppose that they only adopted it at a recent date. It is rather 
their old mother-tongue. If our Gypsies were the descendants of 
those Zotts who in 855 were transported to Byzantium, it follows 
that we must necessarily find numerous Arabic and Syrian words 
in the European Romani dialects. The Romani dialects of Europe, 
as I have already briefly mentioned, contain numerous loan-words 
from the languages of the various countries in which the Gypsies 
stayed for any length of time ; in all, therefore, there ought to be 
a considerable number of Arabic and Syrian elements. But this 
is not the case. De Goeje has certainly pronounced ten Romani 
words to be Arabic, but quite erroneously, as Miklosich has proved.^ 
Miklosich's researches definitely establish the fact that the 
route taken by the Gypsies from India to Europe, after passing 
through Persia, was not south by Arabia, but north by Armenia. 
Miklosich, however, admits the possibility of Gypsy bands having 
also marched south and re-united later with the northern hordes 
in Greece. But even in that case we should find Arabic elements 
in the European Gypsy dialects, and Miklosich only formulated 
this theory because, like De Goeje, he considers that the Zotts 
were Gypsies. By reason of our newly acquired linguistic know- 
ledge, we can now definitely assert that the information which De 
Goeje has given us from Arabic sources is the history, not of the 
Gypsies, but of the Jats.^ The fact that the Arabs also call the 
Gypsies Zotts must by no means be denied — is, indeed, undeni- 
able. But it proves nothing further than that the Arabs trans- 
ferred to the Gypsies the name of the Indian race with whom 
they had most frequently come into contact, because the Gypsies 
also came from India. Those who allege the identity of Gypsies 
with Jats on these grounds might equally well identify them 

' Cp. ./. a. L. .9. , New Scries, i. 15, note 2. '^ Ihid.,\. 14, note 6, and ii. 216, nolo. 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 305 

with Bohemians because the French called them Bohemiens, 
or with Hungarians because they are so called by the North 
Germans, or with the Greeks because they bear that name in the 
constitutions of Catalonia and in Dutch records of 1459 and 1460. 
Moreover, apart from language, nothing justifies the identification 
of Zotts and Gypsies. An anonymous writer in the Edhiburgh 
Review, 1878, collected all the evidence which could possibly be 
produced in its favour, and he is even inclined to trace the migra- 
tion of the Gypsies from India back to Mahmud's crushing defeat 
of the Jats. But among the few points of resemblance there is 
not a single characteristic one; on the other hand, it is of the 
utmost importance that the J ats were brave soldiers, which no one 
can say of the Gypsies. They are, on the contrary, the greatest 
cowards imaginable. Our information about the Zotts, then, can- 
not be utilised to prove that the Panjab was the home of the 
Gypsies. 

On the other hand, this theory is supported by the fact that we 
find in the Panjab a wandering tribe who in customs and name 
are very like the Gypsies. They are the Changar race. Rienzi in 
1832 was the first to give us information about the Changars.^ 
He calls them Tzengaris, which is nothing but Changar as enunci- 
ated by the Marilthi, who pronounce the Sanskrit sound ca (i.e. 
tscha) like tsa. According to Rienzi, on the Concan and Pirate 
coasts they are also called Vangaris, and Sukatir on the coast of 
Malabar. They are Nomads, and are distinguished from the other 
Indian races by their religion, their institutions, their customs and 
language. They are, as a rule, of a blackish hue, which justifies 
the name 'black Hindus' given to them by the Persians. In 
times of war they plunder, carry supplies to the army, and deluge 
it with swarms of spies and dancing-girls. In peace they manu- 
facture coarse linen, and trade in rice, butter, salt, intoxicating 
liquors, opium, perfumes, etc. They carry their wares on oxen 
from one place to another. Their women are handsome and 
beautifully formed, but addicted to the most repulsive forms of 
debauchery. They often steal young girls whom they afterwards 
sell at need to natives or Europeans. They are also accused of 
offering human sacrifices to evil spirits, and of cannibalism. 
Almost everywhere they act as procurers, and the women tell 
fortunes for money. On these occasions they strike a drum in 
order to conjure up the evil spirits, utter with the air of a sibyl 

^ Rienzi, in the Revue EncydopMique, tome Ivi., pp, 365 sqq. Paris, 1832. 
VOL. II. — NO. IV. U 



306 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

and with extraordinary fluency a number of mysterious words, 
regard the position of the heavens and the lines on the hand of 
the person consulting them, and then solemnly pronounce his 
fate. The women also practise the art of tattooing. They draw on 
the Hindu women's arms stars, flowers and animals, pierce the 
outline with a needle, and rub the punctures with a certain juice 
which makes them indelible. Moreover, the Tzengari, on occasion, 
may practise any craft. They are closely bound together, and live 
in families; frequently one sees father and daughter, uncle and 
niece, brother and sister living together, and cohabiting like 
animals. They are suspicious, liars, gamblers, drunkards, cowards, 
and totally uneducated. They have no creed but the fear of evil 
spirits and fate. 

Thus far Rienzi's description. He adds that the original home 
of the Tzengari must be sought in the country of the Marathi, and 
that their dispersion was due to Timur's invasion of India, 1398. 
He also gives a short vocabulary which is absolutely valueless, as 
the words are partly Arabic, partly corrupt Sanskrit. It cannot 
be denied that many of the characteristics emphasised by Rienzi 
are genuinely Gypsy. Even the kidnapping and cannibalism 
myths are still believed about Gypsies at the present day. Rienzi's 
description of the Tzengari agrees pretty closely with Abb6 Dubois' 
sketch (written as early as 1825) of a Deccan tribe, which he calls 
LambacU or Sukatir or Benjari ; and the two last names prove 
that he had the same race in mind as Rienzi, for the latter also calls 
his Tzengari Sukatir and Vangaris, obviously the same word as 
Benjari. Dubois likewise mistakenly locates their home in the 
country of the Marathi, and compares another tribe, closely resem- 
bling them, which he calls Kuraver or Kurumaru, to the 
European Gypsies.^ The next to advance our knowledge of the 
Changars was Trumpp, in 1872. According to Trumpp,^ one 
of our best authorities on North- West India and its dialects, the 
Changars are the only homeless race who, in fairly large bands, 
roam along the banks of the great rivers of the Panjab and through 
the waste lands which surround them. The Changars build them- 
selves temporary reed huts, and in roughly constructed boats 
follow the craft of fishing or alligator-hunting. Besides fish, 

^ Duboia : Moeurs, Institutions, et Cdremonies des Peuples de Vlnde, i. pp. 74 sqq. 
Paris, 1825. Cp. Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and 
Ireland, vol. ii. p. .531. London, 1830. 

" Mittheihmgen der anthropologischen Gesellscha/t in Wien, ii. p. 294. Vienna, 
1872. 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 307 

alligators and such animals, they also eat carrion (like the Gypsies). 
They are somewhat unsociable and avoid the neighbourhood of 
towns and villages (by no means a Gypsy characteristic). Accord- 
ing to Trumpp they migrated from Sindh, since they all — without 
exception — speak either pure Sindhi or a dialect mixed with 
Panjabi. No trace of religious customs is to be found among 
them. Trumpp remarks further that they closely resemble our 
Gypsies in customs as well as in name (Ital, Zingaro, Cingaro), 
and that they travel abroad as far as Persia, which would easily 
explain their emigration to that country. 

Finally, Leitner has recently (1880) given us fresh information 
about this race and its language.^ According to Leitner the 
Changars do not call themselves by this name, which seems 
to have been given them by others not of their race. Among 
themselves they call one another Cuhne, which, according to 
Leitner is equivalent to ' Beloved.' They are divided into several 
castes, and are by no means a race of wanderers or professional 
thieves. The modesty of their women is proverbial ; they are tall 
and dark, and delight in adorning themselves. The Changars 
have their chief settlement in Lahore ; moreover, Changars also 
live in other towns of the Panjab, in Peshawar and 'a station 
behind Peshawar.' They know nothing about Sindh and do not 
speak Sindhi. The Changars mentioned by Trumpp are unknown 
to them by that name. They call them Same or Me. The 
Changars in Lahore do not catch fish (except spawn with their 
hands), and do not eat alligators. According to Leitner the 
following points confute the identification of Changars and 
Gypsies : — 

(1) The Changars are not musical, but hire singers and musicians. 

(2) They neither mend kettles nor shoe horses. 

(3) They do not tell fortunes. 

(4) They are not thieves by profession. 

Moreover, they are good Mohammedans, and pride themselves 
on eating no forbidden food. The remainder of Leitner's account 
of their customs does not concern us here. 

These three accounts by Rienzi, Trumpp, and Leitner are so 
contradictory that it might be considered impossible to reconcile 
them, and Leitner's definite statements apparently decide the 
question of identifying the Changars with the Gypsies in the 
negative. But it is only apparently. To the Gypsy scholar many 

^ Leitner, A Sketch of the Changars and of their Dialect. Lahore, 1880. 



308 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

of these inconsistencies are easily explained. The information 
given by Leitner about the Changar dialect is unfortunately very 
scanty, although of immense importance in characterising the 
race. We have seen that in no country do the Gypsies still 
speak their language in its purest form, but always interlard it 
with words from the vernacular of the race with whom they live. 
Moreover, the Gypsy acquires foreign languages with the greatest 
ease, and does his best to hide his own tongue as well as his 
nationality from strangers. He is never at a loss for an answer, 
and to inquiries as to what this or that is called in his language, 
he at first either denies that he has a mother-tongue, or he gives 
words from any foreign dialect which he knows, or finally, with 
the utmost barefacedness, words from his interrogator's own 
language. He who wishes to learn anything from the Gypsy must 
possess two things — knowledge of his tongue and money. Against 
the latter the Gypsy never holds out, and it was principally by 
this means that the Greek doctor, Paspati, succeeded in compiling 
his exceedingly valuable collections in the language of the Turkish 
Gypsies. A Gypsy once offered to teach the author of this 
article his tongue for a hundred Thalers, but soon lowered his 
demands. Of course exceptions can be found. Thus Sundt dis- 
covered in the Gypsy Frederick Larsen Hartmann a willing teacher, 
and others too have been able to obtain information from Gypsies 
without any special difficulties. On the whole, however, the 
Gypsy is reserved and inaccessible. Nevertheless, he who speaks 
his tongue will soon be able to lull his suspicions. Before he 
spoke Romani all Sundt's attempts to approach the Gypsies con- 
fined in Norwegian reformatories and prisons were in vain ; but 
once he had learned their language he found just the opposite, 
and says it was often amusing in the extreme to see what a 
marvellous effect was produced by two or three words of Romani. 
This I can corroborate from my own experience. Liebich, 
the police magistrate, a very good Romani scholar, tells a 
story ^ of a Gypsy named Charles Augustin, brought before the 
Criminal Court at Lobenstein for begging, who was described as 
one who obstinately denied his Gypsy origin. Even before Liebich 
he resolutely lied, although his external appearance left no doubt 
as to his origin. Then Liebich suddenly addressed him : Tu hal 
Rom, vie huin Rom, raker cacopen (' You are a Gypsy, so am I, 

' Liebich, Die Zigeuner in ihrem Wesen und ihrer Sprache, pp. 23 sgq. 
Leipzig, 18G3. 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 309 

speak the truth '), whereupon the Gypsy, nonplussed, crossed his 
arms on his chest and replied with a low bow, Me horn (' I am '), 
Later he gave Liebich some valuable material. 

Puchmayer owed his knowledge of Romani to several Gypsy 
boys.^ Before he became intimate with them, one of them used 
to say to the other as soon as he thought a question suspicious, 
ma pchen ('don't tell'). To the question what 'thief was [in 
Romani] Puchmayer only got the answer, ' I don't know,' and 
when later the band was examined at court, one of the older 
Gypsies replied to the same question : ' We haven't that word in 
our language.' Others relate similar incidents. 

It is not to be expected, therefore, that the Changars, if they 
are Gypsies, would have given Leitner full information about their 
language, and it is, further, not surprising that the Changars 
whom Trumpp describes spoke Sindhi or a dialect mixed with 
Sindhi or Panjabi. At the same time they may very well have 
had their own language. Leitner's Changar dialect is, then, a 
confused medley compounded of Panjabi, Arabic, and a jargon 
which apparently has often been artificially vamped. No one 
can seriously believe that the Changars call the moon ' the thing 
that has risen,' or the elephant ' the big black (animal),' or the 
hawk 'one who pounces on game and eats it,' and other such 
examples. These are statements invented by the Changars in 
order to hide the true terms from their questioners. But even 
admitting this, and allowing for numerous other mistakes which 
undoubtedly exist in Leitner's work, there still remains a consider- 
able substratum of words (whose etymology, it is true, is still 
doubtful), which can neither have been invented nor misunder- 
stood. If they are really Changar words, then the Changars are 
no Gypsies. But it will always remain a striking fact that the 
name which the Changars give themselves is apparently a good 
Romani word, as also their word for one who is not a Changar. 
The first word is ciibne. A Changar is called cubna, a Changar 
woman cuhni. According to Leitner, this is supposed to mean 
' beloved,' and it is conceivable that the Changars themselves 
gave this explanation. But it really means ' the poor,' and is, 
unless appearances are deceptive, the European-Gypsy word 
cuveno (fem. cuvni, pi. cuvene), with which the Asiatic-Gypsy 
word coni, ' to become poor,' is connected. The true Gypsy is 
fond of calling himself coro rom or corelo rom ('poor man'); the 

1 Pott, loc. cit. , i. p. 63, note. 



310 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

Gypsy women whom Diefenbach questioned called themselves 
' poor black people.' It can be easily conceived that the Changars, 
who had long been sedentary in Lahore, had forgotten the true 
meaning of the word; perhaps too they intentionally concealed 
it, although they had no apparent reason for so doing. The 
second word is goca. A goca is one who is not a Changar. 
The word is obviously the purely Romani gajd, gdjo, gaco, by 
which term the Gypsy designates all who are not Gypsies. If 
Leitner means to argue from the occupations of the Gypsies at 
Lahore that they are not Gypsies, his conclusion will not hold 
good. It must not be forgotten that the Gypsies in Lahore have 
long been sedentary, consequently they have lost many of their 
own peculiarities by their lengthy sojourn among the natives of the 
Panjab. A great part of the sedentary Gypsies in Wallachia and 
Servia, the Vdtrassi and the so-called Turkish Gypsies, as well as 
some of the Persian Gypsies, might also, if Leitner's arguments be 
regarded as conclusive, be considered non-Gypsies. For it is true 
of them too, that they are not musical, and neither mend kettles, 
nor shoe horses, nor tell fortunes; nor are they thieves by pro- 
fession. Rienzi reproaches the Tzengari women for licentiousness, 
Leitner exalts the Changar women as models of virtue. Equally 
contradictory are the statements about Gypsy women. While most 
writers describe them as extremely immoral. Borrow says there 
are no women in the world more modest than Gypsy women, 
and Zippel was bound to confess that he did not know a single 
case of a Gypsy woman who had had an intrigue with a native. 
Personally they naturally consider themselves very moral : — nane 
lubnid hi romnid (' Gypsy women are no harlots '), declared a 
South Italian Gypsy. At any rate, adultery among Gypsies is very 
rare, and is severely punished. The man has the joint of his 
knee or arm shattered by a gun-shot, the woman has her nose 
cut off or a gash made on her face, generally right across the nose. 
Towards a stranger, on the contrary, they are often most immodest 
both in speech and manner, in order to give him pleasure and 
thereby extort money; but beyond that point, as a rule, they 
never go. The difference in the food of Trumpp's and Leitner's 
Changars is easily explained by the totally different conditions 
under which they live, the former being nomads on the banks of 
rivers, and the latter residents in towns. Since, moreover, Rienzi's 
description of the Tzengari throughout exactly fits the Gypsies, 
the possibility that the Changars are really an Asiatic branch of 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 311 

the Gypsies, identical with them both in name [and race], cannot 
be excluded. 

But even if this actually were the case, it by no means follows 
that the Panjab is the fatherland of the Gypsies. The Changars 
in Lahore themselves declare that their forefathers came from 
the mountains of Kashmir and Afghanistan, and this statement 
seems to be confirmed by evidence in their dialect. Leitner gives 
for 'son,' 'male child,' the Changar word dibld, and dibli for 
' daughter,' ' female child.' Burnes quotes the Kafir words clahla, 
' son,' dahU, ' daughter,' and Lister, with the same meaning, ddvala, 
ddvali. In the Kafir dialects made known to us by Trumpp 
and Biddulph these words are not authenticated. But since the 
number of Kafir dialects, as I have already mentioned, is very 
great, there is no reason for questioning Burnes and Lister's 
statements, especially as they are corroborated by the Changar 
word. The fatherland of the Changars, then, is the extreme 
north-west of India. But that is the very district in which 
Miklosich locates the Gypsies' first home. 

Ill 

In short, proof san only be furnished by the language, and this 
Miklosich has done. He has shown that the Gypsy dialects agree 
so closely with those of the extreme north-west of India, the 
languages of the Dards and Kafirs, in a number of phonetic peculi- 
arities, and at the same time are so utterly different from all the 
other Aryan dialects of modern India, that in the present state of 
our knowledge their close relationship must inevitably be accepted. 
Only these dialects and Romani still retain in their pure form the 
old Sanskrit phonetic groups sta, shta, which all the other modern 
Indian dialects have changed to tJta, tha. They alone have pre- 
served the r after consonants to any great extent, and their 
vocabularies, as well as their inflections, show many points of 
similarity. Especially characteristic of the Gypsy dialects is the 
fact that they substitute the sounds tli, p/i, kh for Sanskrit dh, hh, 
gh, and this sound- change, again, is only to be found in the Dard 
and Kafir dialects. That it is peculiar to north-western India is 
proved by the fact that it occurs in Culika-Paisacika, one of the 
middle-Indian dialects. But the first home of the Paisilci 
languages was in the north-west, and the author of the only work 
wliicli we know to have been written in Paisaci was a native of 



312 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

Kashmir. On account of its harshness, — perhaps, too, on account 
of the crudeness of the people whose language well represents 
them, — the Indians called it the devil's language, for that is the 
meaning of the word Paisaci. 

From the evidence of language alone we might definitely state 
that the original home of the Gypsies was in the extreme north- 
Avest of India, and that they are next of kin to the Dards and 
Kafirs, But there are other supplementary arguments which 
must be taken into consideration. The Gypsies call themselves 
by choice Rom or Rom; a Gypsy woman is Romni, ' gypsy ' [adj.] 
is romano or romano. Collectively, they call themselves RoTna 
or Romane cave, ' Gypsy children.' Rom means ' man,' ' person.' 
Drew had heard that among the castes into which the Dards are 
subdivided, there was actually one called Rom ; but he was not 
able to obtain more detailed information about them.^ The name 
Rom goes back to Baltistan. There, at the beginning, or in the 
middle, of the seventeenth century, a part of the Dard race of Shin 
was scattered in the midst of a race of Thibetan origin which rules 
the country. These Shin in Baltistan were contemptuously called 
by the Baltis Brokpa, or ' Highlanders,' because it fell to their lot 
to cultivate the high-lying, and therefore barren, districts of the 
country; they called themselves, however, Rom. They are a 
particularly filthy race. Finally, Leitner,^ from two Dard dialects, 
gives the signification ' race ' for the word rom or rdm. One of 
these dialects Leitner calls Arnyia, but according to Biddulph,^ 
a better name is Kliauar, from the tribe Kho in Chitral. Accord- 
ing to Biddulph, moreover, the word is pronounced rom and means 
a ' flock ' [of birds]. The Kho, above all other Dard races, are 
noted for their large and beautiful eyes, which, as Biddulph says, 
remind one of the English Gypsies, with whom they share the 
reputation of being clever thieves. Their women are celebrated 
for their beauty, and in former days were in great request at the 
slave-markets of Kabul, Peshawar, and Badakhshan. According 
to Biddulph the Kho are the original inhabitants of Chitral, not 
like the Shin, who only forced their way later by conquest ; they 
now live in the condition of a conquered people. The language of 
the Kho, about which Biddulph gives us detailed information, 
presents no evidence, however, of a closer relationship with Romani 

' Drew, The Jumvioo and Kashmir Territories, p. 425 (note). Loiidou, 1875. 
- Luituer, Account of Dardistan, Kashmir, Ladakh, etc., i. p. 6. 
^ Jjiiklulpli, loc. cit., p. 47. 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 313 

than is shown by the Dard dialects. No conchision can be drawn 
from Leland's account ' of an Indian nomad tribe, called by the 
natives Trablus {i.e. ' Tripolis ' or Syrians), but among themselves, 
Rom. The statement is much too vague to be of any value. 

It should be absolutely impossible to consider any longer that 
the Doms or Dums are Gypsies, as Leland and many others still 
do, accepting the theory as unquestionable. The Doms appear in 
Sanskrit authors under the name Doiiia or Do'niha, as musicians 
and thieves. They are relegated to the meanest order of mankind, 
which is GdHed gvajxika or gva2xica, 'dog-cooks,' because they ate 
dog's flesh. In the history of Kashmir there is a legend that some 
Doma maidens so enchanted Cakravarman, the King of Kashmir, 
by their beauty, and skill in dancing and singing, that he made 
them his Avives, and was murdered in consequence. The Doms are 
to be found in many different parts of India, but most frequently 
in the west and north-west; in Dardistan their settlements are 
chiefly in Yasin, Nagar, and Chilas, where they form a sixth part of 
the total population. Tribes of Doms wander restlessly about 
with little ragged reed tents, which they pitch outside villages 
and strike again with marvellous rapidity, after having plundered 
the village. Others make mats, ropes, fans, and similar articles ; 
in Dardistan the}^ f^re musicians, smiths, and leather workers. The 
nomad Doms eat carrion without hesitation, and are drunkards. 
These are all true Gypsy characteristics, and the name Ddiii may 
also be explained as identical with the Gypsy name Rom, for the 
pronunciation of the D and R are very similar. Thus Brockhaus, 
as early as 1841, declared that the Doms were Gypsies. But, in 
spite of the similarity of their name and customs, it is absolutely 
erroneous to identify the Dom with the Rom. Beames says the 
Doms have the peculiarly glassy eyes of the aboriginal Indian, 
and Gardner emphasises the fact that they differ from the Hindus 
in their high cheek-bones, smaller but well-built figures, and their 
greater vivacity. Biddulph describes them as very black, with 
coarse features and mean appearance, and Drew's description of 
the Doms of Jammu leaves no doubt that they belong to a differ- 
ent race from the Aryan people in that country, the Dogras. As 
yet we have no trustworthy information about the Dom mother- 
tongue. The Doms speak the language of the people among 
whom they live. Decidedly they are not Aryans, and therefore not 
Gypsies. 

^ Leland, The Gypsies, pp. 336 sqq. London, 1882. 



314 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

Hitherto it has been impossible to establish a closer connection 
between the Gypsy tongue and any one of the numerous dialects 
of the Dards and Kafirs. Nor must we overlook the fact that all 
these dialects have been greatly influenced by the languages of 
neighbouring races, and that in many of them a considerable 
number not only of Iranian but also of un-Aryan elements is to 
be found. Since, then, the dialects of European Gypsies have 
been materially changed by European loan-words, the difference 
between the two language-groups often appears much greater than 
it would do if all foreign elements were excluded. We may con- 
fidently expect that the relationship will strike us far more 
forcibly when, on the one hand, we are more intimately acquainted 
with the languages of the Hindu Kush, and on the other with the 
dialects of the Asiatic Gypsies. Already, even the scanty infor- 
mation Paspati has given us about the latter reveals considerable 
antiquity and individuality; and of the Hindu Kiish dialects, 
Narisati and Khauar, in spite of all discrepancies, exhibit even in 
details various points of similarity. Miklosich's conclusions can 
hardly be altered materially ; up to the present they have been 
substantially corroborated by the recent labours of Shaw, Drew, 
and Biddulph. 

But if the first home of the Gypsies is in the extreme north- 
west of India, then the doubts which Count Gobineau raised about 
the purity of their Indian origin must vanish. The Persian 
Gypsies, whom Gobineau interrogated in 1857, declared that their 
home was in the Kabul district ; they had been expelled from 
that country and could not return. They unanimously asserted 
that neither they nor their fathers had ever been in India, nor 
derived their origin thence. Gobineau considers this to be true, 
' because many races have gone to India, but none have ever left 
it ; and further because, on account of the caste-theory, according 
to which even the most miserable outcast is yet of a higher status 
than the stranger, there would not be a single Paria who would 
leave the sacred land where he was assured at his re-birth of 
reaching a higher caste. Because, moreover, to meet the sup- 
posed case of Indian tribes which had resolved to migrate, their 
peninsula had no dearth of deserted and absolutely free districts ; 
finally, because to carry out such an enterprise, and successfully 
cross the Indus, and force a way through the tribes who occupied 
the passes, and then through the Afghans, seems rather at vari- 
ance with the military resources, courage, and energy of the 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 315 

Gypsies ; and if we imagine a peaceful exodus, their numbers were 
somewhat too great for people ever to suffer their immigrations 
willingly.' ^ 

Gobineau's conception of the tribes of western India is here 
incorrect. Western India has succeeded from the remotest times 
in escaping the Brahmin influence, and Brahminism in its crude 
form has never gained a footing there. Our knowledge of the 
older religion of the Dards is scanty, but it is certain that it was 
never Brahminism in its Central Indian form. Whereas the cow 
is considered a sacred animal by orthodox Hindus, many Dard 
races, especially the Shin of Gilgit, regard it as unclean. They 
will touch neither cows nor calves, and take neither milk, butter, 
nor cheese; only quite lately could they be persuaded to wear 
calf-leather shoes. The Brokpas in Baltistan outwardly profess 
Buddhism, but in reality worship demons. That in former times 
Buddhism was also widespread in Dardistan is proved by numerous 
traces of architectural monuments. The last Hindu King of 
Gilgit was named Sri Buddliadatta, and unmistakably showed by 
his name what religion he professed. Other tribes seemed to 
have worshipped Brahmin gods, if we are justified in forming a 
conclusion from names of places and rulers. The accounts given 
by Trumpp, Elphinstone, and Biddulph of the religion of the Kafirs 
are in part very contradictory. Biddulph maintains that he has 
even discovered a kind of Vedic religion among them ; in reality 
it is a crude worship with blood-offerings. These races, therefore, 
must not be judged by the standard of Brahmin culture and 
Brahmin religious observances. The assertions of these Persian 
Gypsies that they came from the Kabul district may be reconciled 
with the truth if they are not taken too literally. Such state- 
ments from the lips of a race like the Gypsies have very little 
value, though we must beware of deciding a 'priori that they have 
no value at all. But, as a rule, they have only very hazy ideas 
about their original home. The Gypsies of Tokat, in Asia Minor, 
declare that their forefathers came from Persia, which may be 
quite true, without obliging us for that reason to regard Persia as 
their fatherland. On their first appearance in Europe the Gypsies, 
as mentioned above, named Little Egypt as their first home. But 
an exception was made by the band which appeared at Forli, in 
Italy, in 1422, some of the members of which said they had come 
from India, as we are told by Brother Hieronymus in his Forli 

^ Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenldndischen Gtstlhchaji, xi. pp. 689 ■■^qq. 



316 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

Chronicle. This is our sole direct testimony of this nature, but it 
is especially valuable on account of its age. 

Wlislocki ^ claims to have found a second. The Transylvanian 
Gypsies have a ballad, the gist of which is similar to that of 
Hildebrand's Song. A son slays his father, who is unknown to 
him, and throws the slaughtered man ' into the holy river ' (ando 
soman len). Wlislocki thinks that the ' holy river ' can only mean 
the Ganges, the holy river of the Indians, and he even goes so far 
as to believe it probable that the ballad was composed, perhaps, on 
the banks of the Ganges, An unfortunate misrepresentation of 
facts ! 2 The Ganges has never been a sacred river to the Gypsies 
in any higher sense than the Oder or Theiss at the present day. 
Moreover, the Spanish Gypsies have also a ballad of similar pur- 
port. Some Norwegian Gypsies told Sundt that the Komany 
tongue was brought into Norway two hundred years ago by their 
sainted ancestors. They had dwelt at first in the city of Assa in 
Assaria, east of Russia. They had been expelled from there by 
the Turks many, many years ago, and had therefore scattered as 
exiles over the whole earth. Sundt is prepared to identify Assaria 
with the province of Assam, in the extreme north-east of India, 
which is impossible. Asami, the language of Assam, shows no 
closer connection with Gypsy than any other language in the east, 
including Bihari, although Hornle and Grierson quite recently 
claim to have found a near relationship between the latter and 
Romani.^ If the Norwegian Gypsies referred by Assaria to any 
particular country at all, it must have been in general terms to 
Asia itself. In a Polish Gypsy song, the Gypsy to whom it is 
ascribed says of his fatherland that it is far off in a distant country, 
that it lies beyond the iEgean Sea* [hinter clem griechischen 
Meere]; while there is a legend among Bohemian Gypsies that 
many hundred years ago their ancestors lived in a great kingdom 
which was far away in the east.^ But the majority have no longer 
even this common memory of a former home in the east. Some 
South Italian Gypsies state that they had always been in Nea- 
politan territory, ' daW antigo tempo.' A Gypsy woman emphati- 

1 H. von Wlislocki, Erne Hildebrands- Ballade deT transilvaniachen Zlgtiiner, 
pp. 6, 8. Leipzig, 1880. 

- Cp. Wlislocki's defence in Vom loandernden Zigeunervolke, pp. 23-4. Ham- 
burg, 1890. 

•' Prospectus of a Comparative Dictionary of the Bihari Language, p. 3. Calcutta, 
1882. 

* Miklosich, M^mdarten, iii. p. 31. 

■■* MiUheiluH'jen aus dem Leben dues Richttrtt, ii. p. 324. IJambuig, 1S4U. 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 317 

cally declared ' Chestu lu regnu nostru,' while another called 
herself a Zingara clelV Egitto} 



IV 

' What caused the Gypsies to fly from India is a mystery, 
and we have scarcely any hope of ever unveiling this mystery.' 
So wrote Miklosich in 1873, and he will probably prove right. 
To-day we can no longer look to the history of the Zotts for the 
solution of the problem, nor to the campaigns of Jenghiz Khan or 
Timtir leng, but must turn to the history of those countries which 
we have recognised as the original home of the Gypsies. This 
history, however, is particularly obscure. The races of the Hindu 
Kiish are for the most part quite as uncivilised as the Gypsies, 
and have no better recollection of their history than the latter. 
The history of Dardistan — and this is also true even of separate 
states — only begins with the introduction of Mohammedanism. 
Of the line of Princes of Gilgit, who were Hindus, long as it is, 
only the name of the last has come down to us — the above- 
mentioned Buddhadatta. According to tradition his kingdom 
was of vast proportions. His palace was in Gilgit. Buddhadatta 
was a mighty ruler who caused his subjects grievous suffering. 
This brought about his downfall. An adventurer named Azru 
or Azor (according to some of the accounts a brother of the 
governor of Iskardu) killed him, married his daughter, and be- 
came the founder of a new dynasty, the Trakhane. From him 
the present princes of Gilgit, Hunza and Nagar, trace their 
descent, and it was he who introduced Mohammedanism. From 
the genealogy of the three states mentioned above, it seems 
probable that this event took place at the end of the thirteenth 
or beginning of the fourteenth century, if one reckons twenty-five 
years for each generation as Biddulph does, or a hundred years 
earlier, if with Cunningham we reckon thirty. 

The anniversary of the fall of Buddhadatta is still celebrated 
to-day by the Dards. The festival is called Taleni, a word that is 
supposed originally to have meant a bundle of chips, which were 
fastened together and used as a torch. The Taleni-feast takes 
place on the second day of the New Year's festival, Nos. Two 
hours before daybreak bonfires are kindled, and everybody hurries 
with a torch in his hand to the Shawaran, the open square, where 

' Ascoli, Zigeunerisckes, p. 129. 



318 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

polo, the national game of the Dards, is played, which Drew has 
described for us with such graphic detail. Drums are beaten in 
order to wake the sleepers, and as soon as day dawns torches are 
thrown in the direction of Gilgit, or into Gilgit itself when the 
throwers are able. All day long there is dancing, singing, and 
polo, and this is repeated with some interruptions for a whole 
month. In Hunza and Nagar the festival is called Tum-shelling 
(wood-scattering) ; in Astor, Lomi. In the valley between Ponyal 
and Ghiza, where the population consists almost entirely of Shin, 
no language but Shina may be spoken during the festival, and 
a kind of demonstration against the neighbouring Kho and the 
non- Aryan Vurshik takes place. Each family kindles a bonfire 
of cedar- wood, and somebody calls out, 'To-day let all our 
enemies in the Highlands remain above, and all in the Lowlands 
remain below. May those who wear Kori (leather boots worn by 
the Kho) perish, and those who wear tauti (a kind of leather 
boots worn by the Shin) thrive and flourish!' He who speaks 
Khauar or Vurshiki on this day is beaten and ill-treated. In 
Gilgit there are still four families living who take no part in the 
Taleni-iesiSt, but lock themselves into their houses and consider 
the feast-days a time of mourning. They declare that their fore- 
fathers were Buddhadatta's cooks, an office which guaranteed full 
exemption from taxes. 

That the Taleni- Heeist is celebrated in memory of a highly 
important event in the history of the Dards cannot be doubted, 
and there is just as little reason to question the personality of 
Buddhadatta. The legend seized upon his personality at the 
right moment. They believe that he is still living in a district 
surrounded by glaciers, whence he tries to escape yearly at the 
time of the winter solstice (which forms the beginning of the 
Dard year), but is driven back by the Taleni, because he cannot 
endure fire. Biddulph declares that in the Ta^em-feast we see the 
last remains of the fire-worship of Zoroaster, a theory which can 
easily be disproved by the fact that in Chitral, Chilas, and Darel 
bonfires are nowhere lighted, and therefore do not constitute an 
essential part of the festival. The threats against the Kho point 
in an entirely different direction. Buddhadatta's fall must cer- 
tainly have been followed by battles, and it is possible that the 
Kho took up his cause, and that the oppression to which (as I 
mentioned above) they are subjected to-day dates from that 
time. 



THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 319 

It is a remarkable coincidence that, so far as we yet know, 
the migration of the Gypsies from India must have occurred at 
exactly the same time as these struggles between the Dard tribes, 
namely, at the end of the twelfth or thirteenth century. If, as 
I believe in opposition to Hopf, the people mentioned in the 
Itinerariuufi Symonis Siriieonis in Crete, in 1322, as being ' of 
the race of Chaym ' (i.e. Ham), were Gypsies (Hopf makes the 
highly improbable suggestion that they were Coptic negroes), 
that would be the earliest mention of the Gypsies on their road 
to Europe. In any case they undoubtedly settled in Corfu before 
1346, and were established in Wallachia about 1370. Almost all 
their own accounts state that they did not voluntarily migrate 
from their home, and that is quite credible. Hitherto chronology 
has raised no objections to the theory that their expulsion is 
connected with the great revolutions which were the outcome of 
the rise of a new Mohammedan dynasty in Gilgit. 

The Bohemian Gypsies, to whom I have already referred, 
stated that many hundred years ago their ancestors lived in a 
huge kingdom far away in the East under a certain King Sin, 
Several neighbouring princes were suitors for the hand of Sin's 
beautiful daughter, and among them was the great king Talani. 
The princess, however, rejected his suit, as she had already 
decided in favour of another young prince. Then Talani, highly 
incensed, made hot war upon Sin, defeated him, took the princess 
captive, cut off her and her bridegroom's nose and ears, and led 
them away as slaves. He then harried the land so terribly by 
plundering and burning that no one could live there any longer. 
Many hundred thousands of men, women, and children emigrated, 
and rejoined their fugitive king, who led them to the West, where 
he expected to conquer a great kingdom. A second great battle 
soon took place which Sin lost, together with his life. The whole 
army was cut to pieces, and the scattered troops, having thrown 
away their weapons, now marched in large or small bands with 
their women and children farther and farther west, and settled 
wherever they were tolerated. They called themselves Sinde 
after their unfortunate king.^ 

King Sin owes his origin to the desire to explain the folk- 
name Sinde ; the word Talani reminds the judge, to whom we owe 
the record of this legend, of Tamerlaine (Timur leng), an impossible 
conjecture. He who trusts the siren of assonance, and does not 

^ Mittheilnngen aus dem Leben tines Richters, ii. pp. 324^sgg. 



320 THE HOME OF THE GYPSIES 

shrink at daring combinations, may connect the Gypsy legend of 
the cruel King Talani with the Dard festival Taleni, which is 
celebrated in commemoration of the death of some cruel monarch. 
I am content at having called attention to both, and will only add 
that, under Shah Muhammed of Persia, the chief of the royal 
runners, who, like all couriers at that date, was a Gypsy, bore the 
name Talan Khan.^ 

The time has not yet arrived to decide questions of this 
nature. It is still a disputed point whether the Gypsies are 
more closely related to the Dards or the Kafirs, and it would be 
premature therefore at the present stage to connect their history 
with that of Dardistan. The district, in which further research 
must be undertaken, has been indicated. Our hope rests on the 
Hindu Kush. 



III.— TRANSYLVANIAN GYPSIES 
By Joseph Pennell 

MR. PENNELL'S sketches have added much both to the attrac- 
tiveness and to the scientific value of the Journal, for many 
facts which a hundredweight of type cannot convey are concisely 
expressed by a sketch and a few ounces of zinc. It is therefore 
with great regret that we record that on the next four pages 
appear the last of the admirable Transylvanian series, so generously 
lent to the Gypsy Lore Society, which can for the present be 
reproduced. When, however, the Society is more firmly established, 
it is to be hoped that Mr. Pennell will make another excursion 
' To Gypsyland ' — and Gypsyland may be found much nearer 
than Transylvania, for it is synonymous with the civilised world — 
and re-awake our gratitude by again allowing some of the contents 
of his portfolio to grace the pages of a magazine where they 
receive a peculiarly warm welcome. Insatiable beggars and 
unabashed, may we also express a wish which arises in the 
mind of every member, that, on that occasion, Mrs. Pennell will 
add to her husband's vivid pictures the living words which seem 
to make them move and speak ? 

^ Gobiueau, Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenl. Gesellschafl, xi. p. 693. 



TRANSYLVANIAX GYPSIES 



321 




AT NADGY BANYA 

By Joseph Pennell 

(To ivhom the copyright belongs) 



VOL. II. — NO. IV. 



322 



TRANS YLV AN! AN GYPSIES 



>^ 



^J 






'VIA- i-h,'^M> 



^ --N/?' 




A WOMAN AT D^ES 

By Joseph Pennell 

(To whom the copyright belongs) 



TRANSYLVANIAN GYPSIES 



323 




TWO OLD PALS 

By Joseph Pennell 

{To luhom the copyright belongs) 



324 



TRANSYLVANIAN GYPSIES 




A CAMP 

By Joseph Pennell 

(To whom the copyright belongs) 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 325 

IV.— SOME WORDS ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANS- 
CAUCASIAN GYPSIES— BOSA AND KARACI 

By the late Professor K. P. Patkanoff 

Translated from the Russian by D. F. de l'Hoste Ranking 

(Concluded f 1^0711 page 266) 

B. Karaci 

IN the list of Mr. Aknazaroff, from which I have borrowed a 
great part of the Karaci words, a notable portion are manifestly 
softened, that is, the vowels are pronounced not open, as a, o, u, 
but as d, 6, u, in conformity with local pronunciation. But this 
orthography was not always strictly adhered to, and I have found 
it more convenient not to mark them, since the amount of material 
is not very large, and does not allow of the possibility of indicating 
the pronunciation of every word with exactitude. 

In this list are collected all the words found in the lists of 
Messrs. Aknazaroff and Ouseley. As it was often impossible to 
extract from the phrases the original form of a word, they are 
given here only in that form in which they are met with in the 
phrases, sometimes with suffixes, the verbs too in various moods, 
tenses, and persons. 

LIST IP 
Dialect of the Kara(5i 

1. chuja, chuija, 'God.' P. A. khuva, huva; Syr. chuja; Bl. 

chuda; Pers. Ij^ [khuda]. 

2. qam, gam, ' the sun ' ; qamaz varahqam, ' in the sunshine.' 

P. A. gam ; Bl. gharmi ; Syr. ga')n, gemm ; E. kham. 

3. viiftav, ' the moon.' Pers. c_>'u^ [iiuihtdb]. 

4. isyk, ' the moon.' 

1 K. = Karaci; B. =Bosa; Bl. =Beluchistan Gypsy ; E. = European Gypsy ; Syr. 
= Syrian Gypsy; P.A. =:Paspati's Asiatic Gypsy; Aeg. = Newbold's Egyptian 
Gypsy. See vol. i. p. 250. 

In the transcription of words of the Bom and Karaci attention should be 
paid to the pronunciation of the following letters : — 

c/t — guttural ch, as in 'loch.' c=ch soft. 

g = Z:A = aspirated k, as in in(kh)orn. S=sh. 

2)^ = aspirated p, not/, as in li(ph)ook. z = ts. 

fj = dj. y=ui. 

The additions within square brackets have been kindly made by Dr. G. S. A. 
Ranking, Persian lecturer in the University of Oxford. 



326 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUC ASIAN GYPSIES 

5. danani, ' the stars.' Syr, tschennanih ; E. con, ' a month. 

6. ruhuz, ' soul,' ' heart.' [Arab.] ^^ [ru^-, ' spirit,' ' soul ']. 

7. tnanis, manes, ' a man.' B. manus ; Syr. manus, menes ; E. 

8. dorti, ' a Gypsy.' Syr. douon ; B. ?om ; E. roon. 

9. habuj, ' a father.' B. ftctp/t ; P. A. 2'>(^'P0 ; Syr. babur. [Phi. 

t__)b 27(x6 ; O.P. i_ilj or I) b 6a6a, ' father.'] 

10. dadi, ' a father.' E. dad. 

11. cZaji, 'a mother.' P. A. dado; Syr. dajur; E. c^ai. 

12. mami, 'mother.' E. mama; m^ami, 'grandmother,' 'aunt.' 

[Skt. TFT 7)icl77i; P. UU mama, ' mother.'] 

13. 6aro, 6or, 'brother.' Syr. bhairu. [Skt. bhrdtar; Avestic, 

brdtar ; Pers. ^til y birddar, ' brother.'] 

14. 6ew, 6e/iw, 'sister.' P.A. beno; E. pen. 

15. Tnarus, 'a wife.' 

16. ^tf ^, giveh, ' a woman.' 

17. chuldari, chuldara, ' children.' 

18. chalun, ' uncle.' Pers. Turk. JU. [khdlii, ' uncle ' ; Ar. Jl>- 

khdl'''']. 

19. zaru, ' son.' Syr. sariJ:, ' a boy ' ; passaru, ' a child ' ; Kurd. 

. .U, plur. i^^^j^J [zdru, plur. ^artlM'Ji]. 

20. ^a/i^i, lavki, ' daughter.' P.A. lavti ; Syr. Idfti, lautih. 

21. dulgiveh, 'a widow.' Turk. J^ [tul] + ^-ive^. 

22. mc?c?i, 'an old woman.' P.A. vidi, 'old'; Bl. buddi; Syr. 

23. gara sabi, gara savi, ' the master of the house.' gar + 

[Arab.] j^^U [sdUh]. Cf. 95. 

24. aWsi, ' a wedding.' Arab. ^^.^ ['arus], vulg. ^,^ ['arts], ' a 

bride,' ' a wedding.' 

25. dost, ' a friend.' Pers. ij:^^^^ [dust], 

26. chasta, chast, ' the arm,' ' the hand.' P.A. khast ; Syr. chasst 

27. aki, 'eye.' B. ak'i; P.A. a/ci; Bl. akki; Syr. a/a, akkih; 

E. ^'ctM. 

28. pa/, ' foot,' ' leg.' B. pav ; P.A. bav ; Syr. pawusi, paviss ; 

[Pers. l) ^^a, b pac, * foot.'] 

29. nak, nank, 'nose.' P.A. na/c; Bl. nak; Syr. 9ia/i;; B. lang; 

E. ua/c. 

30. gfirgfiasi, 'neck.' 

31. baf, ' mouth ' ; kukyry bafis a, ' in the mouth of a dog.' 

32. zever, 'mouth.' P.A. zavur; Syr. yavorum. [Old Persian 

and Pahlavi, Jj zafar, ' mouth,' ' maw.'] 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 327 

33. qan, Man, ' ear.' Syr. kan, kenn ; E. kan. 

34. Sach, ' horns.' Pers. • Ll [shdkh\ 

35. gih, §iv, 'tongue.' P.A. djih; Bl. dih\ Syr. dschuhb] 

E. Sib. 

36. angul, ' finger.' P.A. angul ; Bl. cMigri'i ; Syr. dngul. 

37. chiutn, ' stomach.' 

38. luleh, ' leg.' Pers. <d^ [lula], ' a tube/ ' a pipe.' 

39. 6u</i, ' hip/ ' thigh-bone.' Turk. 1?^ [hilt;]. 

40. fcuc, 'beard.' B. konc; P.A. gutch; Syr. A:ec/i, kutsch. [Cf. 

Pers. <Lj^ fcusa (adj.), having a small beard on the chin.] 

41. mangaf, mangav, 'cow/ 'bull.' P.A. mangav; Kurd. ijL\.<^ 

manga, ' a cow.' [? .if CjU mdda gdv, ' cow.'] 

42. agura, agora, ' horse.' P.A. ar/oW ; B. qori ; Bl. f/uro- ; Syr. 

uguhra, gorih, aghora. 

43. guzej, ' she-goat.' 

44. guzy, ' lamb.' Turk, ^j J [quzi]. 

45. qar, ' ass.' P.A. kar ; Syr. ktrr ; Pers.^ri. [khar, ' ass '] ; E. kher. 

46. bakra, bekra, 'ram.' P.A. bakara; Bl. 6a/cro, 'goat'; Syr. 

bakra ; E. bakro. 
^^. kukyry, ' dog.' 

48. senuta, ' dog.' Syr. szenuta ; Aeg. sunno. 

49. cZa?;a, ' camel' Turk. Cj J cZai;(i. [Cf. P. ^ j c^av, stem of ' to 

run.'] 

50. chyrsi, ' bear.' Pers. (j.ys- [khirs]. 

51. marali, 'stag.' Turk. J\^ [mami]. 

52. gu^, ' wolf.' s.:Jj^ [gilrk]. [Pers. _^^ gurg.] 

53. lugva, logva, ' fox.' 

54. ^-ir, ' lion.' Pers.^.^, [sher]. 

55. pisig, ' she-cat.' P.A.jaisi/c; Syr. psiA;; Pers. C^j^Aj [^^is/ii/c]. 

[Pers. _C1j l^us/ta/;.] 

56. viys, mysu, ' a mouse.' Liuli, mus] E. muso, ' rat ' ; Pers. J^^y^ 

[inusli]. 

57. meimun, ' monkey.' Pers. ^^jv.* [maimilii] ; E. maimuna. 

[Mod. Grk. 77 /xat/ioO.] 

58. fjiinari, cwmri, ' hen/ ' fowl' P.A. djimari ; Syr. chumari, 

szmary. 

59. kukar, ' cock.' P.A. gukari ; Bl kukkyr. 

60. orc?a(/, ' duck.' cJoj^l [tlrfZa/^]. [Pers. cJw^^^ itr(^a/i:.] 

61. r//ias, gaz,' goose.' Turk.jU [qdz]. 



328 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 

62. mcica, metfe, 'fish.' B, Tnancav, P. A. matcho; BLmact; Syr. 

nnacha ; E. ma^o. [Pers. ^^U indlil.'] 

63. iniasi, ' meat.' P. A. Tnasi ; Syr, maszih ; E. wicts. [Skt. tt*^ 7nas.] 

64. /vi/ir, ' milk.' P. A. kir ; Syr. kir. 

65. ^eM, ' oil/ ' butter.' 

66. c/ia'a, ' an egg.' Pers. <ijlri. [khdya]. 

67. &a-mr, ' cheese.' P. A. j^ewcZir ; Pers. j^Ju [panlr]. 

68. saj?, ' snake.' Syr. sa7ip ; E. sctp. 

69. huih, ' earth.' E. phtvv. 

70. bani, pani, ' water.' B. pani ; P. A. pani, bani ; Bl. pani ; 

Syr. pani, bany ; E. pani. 

71. varsinda, 'rain.' Syr. wiirrszinda; E. brUind. [Pers. 

6jiA-.y barsanda, ' raining,' used as noun ' rain.'] 

72. c?a/ms, ' sea.' Syr. de7igiszy; Turk, jii j [dangiz]. 

73. arc^-, archi, ' river,' fluvial' Turk, j ,T [arg]. 

74. galamyn, 'well.' [Cf. H. jalamay.] 

75. chania, 'spring,' 'source.' P.A. khani, 'fountain'; Syr. 

khani ; Pers. ^j l:>- [khdn'i] ; E. hdnik, chaning. 

76. 6ct/ir, 6rt/2/r, 'snow'; bafyr varsa, 'it snows.' Bl. barf; 

Pers. t_i^. [&a'^/]. [H. U-.y t_jy &<xr/ barasta, ' it snows.'] 

77. aA;, ag, aik, 'fire.' P.A. e^/^; Bl. ag; Syr. a(/, ac/u; Aeg. ag, 

yag ; E. jat/. 

78. alav, 'flame.' B. lavavis, ' fire ' ; Pers.^.!)<T [alao, 'a flaming fire']. 

79. dadu, ' smoke.' [Pers. j. j r^ttcZ, ' smoke.'] 

80. vai, ' wind.' P.A. ■ya^ ; Syr. uai, vai. 

81. bat, 'stone.' P.A. mi; Bl. vatta; Syr. wat,wutt; Aeg. path. 

82. 2)af/is, ' hill' [Probably H. 'jnchhe, ' behind.'] 

83. silala, ' winter.' P.A. s^^a^^ ; E. Ulalo. 

84. (/as, ' grass.' B. qas ; P.A. ghas ; Bl. ^/ia ; E. khas. 

85. cZar, ' tree.' Pers. j\^ [ddr ?]. 

86. mesa, ' a wood.' Pers. «iAj.,« [me.s/ia] ; E. vesh. [Pers. ,iAj 

6es/ia.] 

87. seb, ' apple.' P.A. sey ; Bl. sib ; Pers. ^_^^ [sib]. 

88. f/aver, ' barley.' B. gav ; P.A. djev ; Bl. c?iaz<. ; Syr. dschou ; 

E. rZjov. [Pers. ^ jau.] 

89. f/im, ' wheat,' ' wheaten.' Syr. geszu. 

90. minus, menav, 'bread.' B. malav; Syr. mana; E. manro, 

maro. 

91. ato, ' flour,' ' meal' P.A. ata. 

92. puhirik, ' porridge.' 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 329 

93. vatavi, ' town.' 

94. deh, ' village.' B. leh ; P. A. di ; Syr. dehe ; Pers. ^. j , 6 j [dih, 

deh]. 

95. qar, gar, ' house.' B. gar ; Bl. ghar ; E. ker, kher. 

96. giiri, ' tent.' P.A. gur, ' house ' ; Syr. kuri. [Probably 

diminutive of gar.] 

97. gabas, ' plates,' ' dishes.' 

98. Suchr (termination not clear), ' pit,' ' prison.' Turk, ly ^>- J .j^ 

[chuqr, chuqur]. 

99. qdbar, qaba, ' carpet.' 

100. bahrast, ' door.' 

101. f/arcfc, 'candle.' Pers. cl^ [chirdgh]. 

102. sirqa, ' vinegar.' Pers. a$._- [sirka.]. 

103. guzi, 'gown,' 'coat.' 

104. kuli, ' cap,' ' hat.' Pers. a.K [kulah]. 

105. muzi, ' shoes.' Pers. tj^.< [muza]. 

106. mahudi, 'cloth.' [Pers. (modern colloquial),] Turk. lii^^aU 

[mdhut]. 

107. angusdari, 'ring.' P.A. angushteri; E. ctngustri; Pers. 

108. ranq, ' colour.' Pers. clXj^ [Pers. i±tij rang.] 

109. jpildav, ' gold.' 

110. urp, 'silver,' P.A. orp; Bl. rupa; ¥i.rup. 

111. ^-ii/i, 'iron.' P.A. ^tti, loha, 'anvil'; Bl. loJia, lugha; Syr. 

lehhi. 

112. (/ri, 'knife '(?). 

113. ceri, 'knife.' B. curi; P.A. tcJturi; Syr. chiri; E. ^uH. 

114. ^ct%c?, ' sugar.' Pers. jj.j [gct^icZ]. jj*^ [A;anc?]. 

115. nuZ, 'salt.' B. nol. 

116. Zu/iva c/iUji, ' horseshoe.' 

117. 7nisinar, ' n&iV Arab. ,U*u.< [m-ismcir]. 

118. tuvrar, ' sword.' F. A. turvar; Syr. turwaur. 

119. cam, 'sieve.' Bl. canri ; B. gaihri, gahri. 

120. qavruTTh, ' money ' (my money ?). 

121. qalaz, ' skin,' ' hide.' 

122. sehti, ' tent-rope.' 

123. dykyna, ' a windfall,' ' a find ' ; cf. E. dikdva, ' I see,' 

' notice.' 

124. bandagi, 'path,' 'road,' 'journey.' 

125. hanaq,' joke,' 'trick'; Pers. cjj».>, clXaa [These words do 

not exist] hanaq myqa, ' do not tritie.' 



330 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 

126. tu, 'spittle.' P.A. tuy, ^J ; tu my qa, 'do not spit.' [Pers. 

^y tuf\ H. L-ij^" thuk.] 

127. hafta, 'week.' Pers. iJJut, [hafta]. 

128. 6ajymy, 'shade,' ' in the shade.' 

129. gire, 'song.' ^. gilL 

130. plav, ' pilaf/ ' stewed rice.' Pers. Turk, jl) [pildo, pildv]. 

131. vitishij/tYuth..' [Noun. Really a verb = ' thou sayest.'] 

132. jaS, ' age,' ' years.' Turk. ^\j^ [ydsh]. 

133. sovdasyz, 'trade,' 'business' (termination unintelligible). 

Pers. \j*-j [saiidd]. 

134. cija, ' burrow,' ' hole.' Pers. <Uil-^ [chdha]. [Pers. cU- chdh, 

' a hole,' ' pit,' ' well.'] 

135. masghul, ' busy.' Arab. ^j^iJL^ [mashghul]. 

136. gyrmyzi, ' red,' ' beautiful.' Pers. ^j^ y [girinizi. Cf. Eng. 

crimson.] 

137. Imra, ' black.' Turk, c j [A;ara]. 

138. kola, ' black.' P.A. ghali ; Bl. kala ; Syr. kalah, kalo ; E. 

kalo. 

139. paranah, ' white.' P.A. bunari ; Syr. pannarey ; E. parno. 

140. gog, ' dark blue.' Turk, c.) ^ [kuk]. 

141. 711^6, ' dark blue.' P.A. nile, nili. Pers. JjJ [nil]. 

142. jas2/^, ' green.' Turk. J^llj [i/as/iii]. 

143. zardavi, zard, ' yellow.' P.A. zarde ; Syr. ^arcZ ; Pers. jj 

[sctrcZ]. 

144. lolda, ' golden.' P.A. ?o/iri, ' red ' ; Syr. louro, loley ; E. lolo. 

145. oppcd, 'silvern,' from orp, rup, 'silver.' Cf. 110. 

146. ^or, ' salted.' Pers. .^ [s/mrj. 

147. gavia, ' bitter.' P.A. ghavre, ri. 

148. gulda, di, 'sweet.' P.A. giddS; Syr. giillda, 'honey'; gilldih 

bana, ' sweet, pure water ' ; E. gudlo. 

149. ga^a, 'sour.' V.A. khati. 

150. so7ia, 'good,' 'beautiful.' Bl. sunrd, sanri. 

151. barah, varah, ' big.' B. vorov ; Syr. burro, barra ; Aeg. burro ; 

E. bare. 

152. (junah, guna, ' short,' ' little.' B. gunak. 

153. lolagenda, ' lad.' 

154. giaqama, ' small,' ' little.' 

155. cZacZa, <aict, 'hot.' P.A. tatei; B. faifyj ^y^-tuhtie, tottey. 

156. siWa, si^, .si, 'cold.' P.A. silali, sii; Syr. ssi/; E. ^ikdo. 

157. gaii, 'swift,' 'quick,' ' dexterous.' 

158. deS, ' sharp," keen ' (?). 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRAXSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 331 

159. miind, ' sharp,' keen.' 

160. barq, 'hard,' 'firm.' cJj [hark]. 

161. dyrgha, i, ' long,' ' high.' P.A. diorghi. [Skt. ^jj dirgha, 

' long.'] 

162. pis, pels, ' bad,' ' evil.' Pers. ^»jo [pes, ' leprous,' hence ' vile,' 

' evil ']. 

163. tosa, ' fresh,' ' cool,' ' new.' Pers. t\\j [tdza]. 

164. hi.z, 'smooth,' 'level.' Pers. jy [tilz], 

165. -Jirtsig, ' thin,' ' fine.' Pers. cJjlj [7idzuk]. 

166. klav, ' fat,' ' greasy.' 

167. aqylla,aJcilli,'mtGlligent.' [Arab.] JiU ['aqil]; JJjLc ['aqillu{l)]. 

168. go&ich, ' brave.' J^y [qilchdq]. 

169. ghairi, ' strange,' ' foreign.' Arab. tj?Ac [ghairl]. 

170. lySaenda, ' burdened.' 

171. faqyr, 'poor.' Arab.^ii [faqlr']. 

172. ^am^t, ' rotten.' \JB..\y^Xi^ gandhild\ 

173. lazym, 'necessary.' Arab. *;^ [Idzim]. 

174. tarki, ' da.rk' ; tarki-cha, ' darkness' (1). Fers. (jXJJ [tdrik]. 

175. gurabagura, 'diverse,' 'varied.' Pers. . -s-r^yr [jur-ha-jilr]. 

176. 7iaros, ' born,' ' created.' 

177. agura, 'crooked.' 

178. buhii, ' much,' ' many.' B. buhu ; Bl. bahu, baghu ; Syr. 

bhuyih ; Aeg. bhut ; E. but, buhu. 

179. sy, 'every one,' 'any one.' 

180. huthaj, ' further.' 

181. vcdi, ' much.' 

182. bangi, ' one's own ' ; bangi qanuona, ' my ears ' ; bangi chasta, 

' my hands.' 

183. lafgyni, ' to sell'; lafgynam, 'in order to sell.' P.A. lavkinim. 

184. vygynys, 'to sell.' B, vygnel; P.A. vuknim; E. bikndva. 

185. lipara, ' to buy ' ; liparun, ' you bought ' ; Zipar, ' buy.' 

186. soviet, syte, ' to sleep.' 

187. qire feikl, ' to sing a song.' 

188. sukuma, ' to do,' ' to make ' (?), 

189. lepi, ' to drink ' ; lapi, ' drink ' ; pientk, ' they drank up.' P.A. 

lepi; Syr. nepium; E. ^;ic6^t. 

190. jaunk, ' to go.' 

191. jja?;, ' to arrive.' P.A. pa. 

192. kavun, ' to eat ' ; kami, qami, ' thou eatest.' P.A. kkami ; 

Syr. kami ; E. clucva. 



332 ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 

193. lachti,' to fight.' 

194. naun, 'to bring/ 'fetch.' 

195. qaidum, ' I desire.' [Pers. qasdaTn, ' my desire (is).'] 

196. gesttvm, ' I go often ' ; gestoj, ' thou goest ' ; gesdind, ' they 

go.' 

197. ganisdeq,'! know'; na ^anUdum,'! know not'; ganiqqa, 

' ye know.' 

198. saga, ' I say,' ' speak.' [Verb. Eeally a noun = ' truth.'] 

199. qefoj, ' thou feelest ' [i.e. well or unwell]. 

200. chaMiij, ' thou livest.' 

201. isdisdoj, 'thou standest ' ; isdisdoz, 'it is worth.' 

202. vanain, ' I carry ' ; voAia, ' thou earnest,' ' bringest.' 

203. nafsol qasta, ' to spoil,' ' damage.' 

204. nisdaq, ' to catch,' ' to hunt,' ' to fish.' 

205. onanqisda, maoiqisdad, ' to love.' B. tnangel ; E. Ttiangdva. 

206. gerimda, ' to graze.' Pers. i^sj.s^ [charidan] (?) 

207. 7nia, ' he dies ' ; na tnia, ' he dies not.' [Pers. j,^ mtr.] 

208. varsa, ' he comes.' 

209. kasta, ' he eats.' 

210. niom, ' thou seizest ' ; niju, ' he seized.' 

211. gelisding, ' we dance,' ' shall dance.' 

212. piMeng, ' we drink.' 

213. va^naU, ' light the fire ' ; vamaend, ' they kindled the fire.' 

214. riisdind, ' they weep.' 

215. chazisdind, ' they IsiUgh..' 

216. hafisdind, ' they scold/ ' bark at,' 

217. ga&dind, ' they build,' ' set in order.' 

218. chognaend, ' they boil.' 

219. hahandum, ' I shut,' ' fastened.' 

220. nigyldwm, ' I went out.' 

221. gaja, ' thou didst eat.' 

222. bugandus, ' he dug.' Pers. ^sJ6 [kandan] (?) 

223. kajduz, ' he stole.' 

224. neisusa, ' he lost ' ; neisusen, ' they lost.' 

225. qia, ' he is gone ' ; qie, ' they are gone.' 

226. besdenge, ' we sat down.' E. bes. 

227. dikutn, ' we saw.' E. dikdva. 

228. vygija, ' he crawled.' 

229. qisia, ' she was drenched.' 

230. bojamysgoz, ' he painted.' 

231. duhend, ' they washed off.' 



ON THE DIALECTS OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN GYPSIES 333 

232. mahni, ' they stopped,' ' halted.' [Cf. Pers. ^j^jU ondndan, ' to 

remain.] 

233. hiafti, ' fearing.' 

234. Ufa, ' sing thou.' 

235. my ga, ' do not enter. 

236. my qa, my qan, ' do not do.' [Pers. ma kun, ' do not do.'] 

237. sabahi, 'another day.' [Arab.] U^ [mbdh]. 

238. asan qam, ' to-day.' 

239. mahils, ' without,' ' outside.' 

240. mancus, ' within.' 

241. quthie, ' everywhere.' 

242. hargu, ' everywhere ' (?). [Pers. \p^.i> har jd (vulg. Jtar ju), 

' everywhere.'] 

243. gaJ7no, ' yet,' ' still.' 

244. 7ieqa, neiqa, 'beside,' 'near'; amari dehe neqa, 'near our 

villages ' ; chanija neiqa, ' at the source.' 

245. talas, ' on,' ' upon.' [Probably Arab. Jj tal, ' a hill.'] 

246. tala, ' beyond,' ' by,' ' upon.' E. tele. [Probably Arab. Jj tal, 

' a hill.'] 

247. ortami, ' in the midst.' Turk. Ij ,^ [urtd] ; qaraz ortatni, 

' in the midst of the house.' 

248. valiri, ' before ' ; mira vahrim, ' before me ' ; vani vahriz, ' in 

advance of them.' 

249. balmy, 'under'; mira bahnym, 'under me.' [Probably 

wrongly translated by Patkanoff, and is a double genitive 
meaning ' my sister's.'] 

250. varahqam, ' into,' ' under ' ; qamaz varahqam, ' in the sun.' 

251. phaga viganq (?), ' across,' ' after,' ' through.' 

252. hu, ' who.' Syr. ku ; E. kon, ko. 

253. kybra, qybra, ' what,' ' what sort.' 

254. qa, qan, qubu, ' what,' ' what sort.' E. ke. 

255. kona, ' what.' 

256. kohva, ' what.' 

257. qi, ' in order that.' Pers. ^^ [ki]. 

258. gassuluj, ' whence.' 

259. guj, gue, ' where,' ' whither.' E. gal, kaj. 

260. qai^ach, ' when.' gc6 + jU^ [cAag]. 

261. qithi, ' how often.' E. keel, gizzi. 

262. qasta, ' with what.' 

263. nafsol, 'no,' 'not.' 

264. naj, na, ' no,' ' not.' 



334 ENGLISH GYPSIES IN 1596 

265. amma, * but.' [Arab.] Ul [ammd\ 

266. ya, ' or.' [Pers.] b [yd]. 

267. ha, ' this.' 

268. ^Jtic^ct, ' after,' ' since.' [Pers. ,^ ^as.] 

Besides our chief object of saying 'a few words on the dialects 
of the Transcaucasian Gypsies — Bosa and Karaci/ our paper has 
touched passingly on the question of the oneness of the language 
of all Gypsies known in different places under varying names. 
We also touched on another question, interesting to students and 
still undecided at the present day, that is, with what Indian race 
the Gypsies are linguistically most closely allied? or in other 
words, from what race now existing in India may the Gypsies 
proceed ? While leaving the final word on this point to specialists 
in the knowledge of modern Indian dialects, we cannot pass over 
what was said by Newbold thirty years ago: 'The dialects, in 
which speak the numberless races who swarm in the districts 
bordering on India from the sea to the snowy heights of the 
Himalaya and Tartary, have a marked and undeniable family 
resemblance with the Gypsy dialect. At the present time I can- 
not lay my hand on a particular race and say, this is the parent 
stock of the Gypsies; but, so far as I can judge from my own 
observation, this strange race draws its origin not from one but 
from many tribes, forming a great family dwelling on the banks 
of the Indus or in the districts round it.' 

\N.B. — There are one or two obvious errors in the vocabulary 
as given by Patkanoff. He has in some instances given the wrong 
value to words contained in the phrases — notably in phrases 81, 
83, 87 (p. 263), and Nos. 82, 131, 198, 245, 246, and 249 of the 
vocabulary. These have been pointed out to me and corrected 
by Dr. G. S. A. Ranking. — The Translator.] 



v.— ENGLISH GYPSIES IN 1596 

[The Early Annals of the Gypsies in England is a field so carefully reajied 
by our President that few stray ears would seem to remain for the casual 
gleaner. Here, however, is one, taken from the pages of Archaeologia Cambrensis 
(Fourth Scries, vol. liii., 1882, pp. 226 sqq.), to which journal it was contributed 
by R. 0. Jones, Esq., of Fonnion Castle, Glamorgan. 

The document, whose preservation we owe to this gentleman, is a substantial 
addition to our knowledge, being, so far as I am aware, the only existing record of 
an actual attempt to carry out the provisions of the statute of 5 Elizabeth cap. 20, 



ENGLISH GYPSIES IN 1596 335 

by returning every member of the band each to his own parish, there to be 
established in 'some honest Service . . . lawful Work, Trade or Occupation.' 
The determination to deal in this thorough-going fashion with a band of nearly 
200 persons, involving a journey of over half a year, says more for the spirit than 
the foresight of the excellent Justices of York. The Gypsies no doubt thoroughly 
enjoyed this 'personally conducted tour' and entered heartily into the jest, know- 
ing of course that, whenever it became tedious, they could drop off one by one as 
eligible birthplaces presented themselves en route. 

Who was William Portington who gallantly undertook to captain this merry 
company 1 The fact of his having been selected for this duty shows that he must 
have been well known to the county magistrates as a man of character and 
grit. Probably he was one of the Yorkshire Portingtons, perhaps the William 
Portington of Elloughden, a younger son of Portington of Portington, whose name 
I find in a pedigree printed in the Surtees Society (vol. vi., p. 120, 1859). Doubt- 
less after depositing each of his Brer Kabbits in a separate briar patch Brer 
Portington returned with a lively account of his adventures and ' a true calendar 
of all the names and surnames of every of his company so by him j)laced' — a 
document the discovery of which is, I suppose, too much to hope for. 

Interesting too is the reference to the personages of good family who consorted 
with this band, adopting the Gypsy life to the gi'ief of their respectable friends, 
and were indeed our first Eomany Ryes. Was it from some of these broken 
gentlemen that we receive the noble names which distinguish so many of our 
English Gypsy clans ? 

Pitiful enough is the account of the agony of the poor Romane at the 
wholesale condemnation and the immediate execution — ^^o-wr encourager les autres — 
of ' nine of the most valiant of their company ' — a picture which, in its naked 
horror, vividly brings home to us the full barbarity of these legal murders. 

John Sampson.] 

The Mode of Disposing of Gipsies and Vagrants in the 

Reign of Elizabeth. 

A DOCUMENT, one of a mass of deeds formerly belonging to 
the family of Seys of Boverton Place, in the county of 
Glamorgan, and now in my possession, appears to be sufficiently 
curious to claim a place in your Journal. The document relates 
to proceedings by the justices of Yorkshire, though found in this 
county. It may be presumed that it was in due course delivered to 
the then Attorney General for Glamorgan, Roger Seys of Boverton, 
by the person entrusted to carry out the warrant of the justices 
of Yorkshire, and to conduct the persons named therein to their 
respective last places of abode ; and it may be also fairly assumed 
that he finished his work by settling the last remnant of his 
ragged rout in this county. 

The document states the proceedings taken at the Quarter 
Sessions held at York on the 8th of May 1596, under the provisions 
of the statutes against Egyptians or Bohemians (as gipsies were 
then called), viz., the statutes of Henry viii., Philip and Mary, and 
Elizabeth, whereby Bohemians and all persons of their company, 



336 ENGLISH GYPSIES IN 1596 

whether foreigners or English born (except children under thirteen 
years of age), were made liable to be treated as guilty of felony, 
which then carried the penalty of death and forfeiture of goods. 
The company consisted of 196 persons, of whom 106 were tried at 
the Yorkshire Sessions, and condemned to death ; and some of 
them (presumably grown up foreigners) were executed, and the 
remainder, as well as the children under thirteen, who had not 
been tried, were dealt with as stated in the document which 
follows, viz. : 

' To all Christian people to whom these our I'res (letters) testimoniall 
shall come, We, S'r Will'm Mallorye, Knight, one of the Queenes Mat'y 
Counsalls established in the North Marches ; John Dawney and William 
Bellasis, Knights ; Philip Constable and John Holdham, Esquires, 5 of 
the Queens Majesties justices of peace in the said countie of Yorke, to 
all mayors, sheriffs, baihffs, constables, headboroughs, and tithingmen, 
and all other her Ma'ty (Majesty's) officers, ministers, and loyal subjects 
whatsoever, greetinge in our Lord God Everlastinge. Forasmuch as a 
great number of idle persons, the Queens natural born subjects, and some 
of them descended of good parentage, as we be credibly informed by 
some of their friends that heartily wish the amendment of their lives, the 
whole number of which company being one hundred, fourscore, and six- 
teen persons of men, women, and children, having wandered in diverse 
parts of this realme in this county of Yorke, some of them feigning 
themselves to have knowledge in palmistry, physiognomy, and other 
abused sciences, using certain disguised apparell and forged speeche, 
contrary to divers statutes and lawes of this realme, and especially the 
statute made in the vth year of the Queenes Ma'ty (Majesty's) most 
gracious reaigne that now is, whom the Lord longe preserve over us. 

' We therefore, the s'd Justices, willing to keep this lewde company to 
conform them accordinge to lawe in that case provided, did therefore 
cause the whole number of them to be apprehended and committed to 
her Highness gaols in the said countie of Yorke ; whereof so many of 
them of full age, one hundred and six persons, were arraigned the 
Tuesdaie being the viii day of May last past, at a quarter Sessions holden 
at Yorke aforesaid, at which Sessions the of those offenders Avere 

by lawful inquest, though not per medietatem lingtice, condemned. Where- 
upon judgement being given that the said offenders should receive pains 
of death, according to the provisions of the said Statute; whereupon 
issued execution, and nine of the most valiant persons having least charge 
of children, and found by the said inquest to be strangers, ahens born in 
foreign parts beyond the seas, and none of the Queene Majesty natural 
born subjects, suffered accordingly. The terror whereof so much appalled 
the residue of the condemned persons and their children which stood to 
behold the miserable end of their parents, did then cry out so piteously 
as had been seldom seen or heard, to the great sorrow and grief of all the 
beholders ; lamentably beseeching reprieves for their parents, then ready 
to suffer death, alledging that they being sixty infants and young children, 



ENGLISH GYPSIES IN 1596 337 

which could not help themselves, should perish through the loss of their 
parents ; wherefore being moved with compassion upon so doleful cry of 
such infants, we, the foresaid justices, reprieved the residue of their 
condemned parents, and sent them back to the gaols from whence they 
came, where they continued till the vii of July last past, during which 
time the Right Honorable Lords, Henry Lord Darsye and Raphe Lord 
Yevars, pitying the said miserable persons, had obtained her Graces free 
pardon for the said offenders, which was published the said vii day of 
July, together with her Highness AVarrant in the nature of a commission 
procured by the said Lords, directed to us the aforesaid justices, that we 
should give order and direction to the said offenders to reform their 
lives, and to be placed where they were born, and last dwelled by the 
space of three years ; then to demean themselves in some honest faculty, 
according to the limitation of one Statute made in the 26th year of our 
late Sovereign Lord of famous memory. King Henry the VIH, now 
revived by the late Parliament holden anno xxxv Elizabeth Regine. 

'Now know ye. We, therefore, the said Sir W. Mallory, Sir John 
Dawney, Sir William Bellasys, Knights ; Philip Constable and John 
Holdham, Esquires ; in accomplishment of her Majestys said warrant and 
commission to us directed to, have authorised and appointed one William 
Portyngton, the bearer hereof, to lead and conduct all the rest of his 
company, being nine score and seven persons, every one to the place 
where they were born, or last dwelled by the space of three years, there 
to get their living by some honest and lawful means, allowing to the said 
William Portyngton viii months next ensuing the date of these our 
letters testimonial, for the placing of them in form aforesaid ; and if it 
fortune any of his company to escape from the said William Portyngton, 
or shall refuse to be placed by him on forme aforesaid, that then every 
one so offending to be apprehended and deemed as felons, and thereupon 
to receive judgement. And at the expiration of these our said letters 
testimonial, the said William Portington to return to us the said justices, 
or some of us, a true calender of all the names and sirnames of every of 
his company so by him placed, together with these our letters testimonial ; 
and so then he to receive of us the said pardon, which we have thought 
good to detain until we shall see the accomplishment of this our direction. 

' Moreover, these are to require, and nevertheless in the Queens 
Majestys name to charge and command every of her Highness officers and 
subjects, by the authority of her Graces said warrant and commission to 
us directed, that you and every of you, upon sight hereof, doe permit 
and suffer the said William Portyngton and his whole company quietly 
to pass and travel throughout any shire, city, town, village, hamlet, and 
place whatsoever, franchised or not franchised, among themselves 
honestly, without any vexation, let, stay, or impediment, to be done to 
them, or any of them, in body or goods, helping them likewise to lodging 
and harbouring in due time convenient, with victuals competent for their 
money, they not tarrying in one place above the space of one day and 
two nights at the most, unless sickness, death^ or such like urgent cause, 
enforce the contrary. 

' In witness whereof we the said justices above named, to these our 
VOL. II. — NO. IV. Y 



338 FORMS AND CEREMONIES 

letters testimonial have put our hands and seals the viii day of July in 
the xxxviii year of the reign of our most gracious Sovereign Lady 
Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queen of England, France, and Ireland, 
defender of the faith. 

'W. Malory, J. Dawney, W. Bellassys, 

Phillipp Constable, John Holden.' 

The seals, which were attached by parchment labels to the 

deed, are all gone, the wax having broken away. Each name is 

written on its label in the order in which the names are placed. 

On the back of the deed the following endorsement appears : 

' Lancaster fF. 

'Seen and allowed to passe through this countie, 
according to intention of their Lycence, this 
24 day of Jullii. 

'Rychard Molyneux, 
'Rich. Houghton.' 



VI.— FORMS AND CEREMONIES 
By Eric Otto Winstedt 

On sort, on crie, 
Et c'est la vie. 
On crie, on sort, 
Et c'est la mort. 

SUCH, perhaps, is life reduced to its barest outlines ; but it is 
strange that a Frenchman of all others should forget to 
mention the almost invariable intermediate step of ' un peu 
d'amour ' and its fatal consequence, marriage. Even had he done 
so, his picture would hardly have been complete, as it overlooks 
man's inherent cock-like propensity to crow over every action, 
and the interfering spirit of friends which prevents him, if he 
would, from accomplishing such simple processes as death or 
marriage without attendant pomp and circumstance. So deeply 
rooted in mankind is this love of parade that even the uncultivated 
nations cannot escape from it : indeed, it often seems to vary in 
inverse ratio to civilisation. The birth, death, and marriage 
ceremonies of many savages are much more elaborate than those 
of civilised man ; perhaps because in their case those three events 
are really the only events of their lives, unless fortune is kind 
enough to throw in their way a good tight. But among savages 
as with us, those ceremonies are generally connected with their 
religion, whatever it may be ; and one might suppose that the 
Gypsies, who, more than any other people, have escaped from the 



FORMS AND CEREMONIES 339 

trammels of religion, would have avoided too the taint of conven- 
tional ceremonial. And so, perhaps, to a large extent they have. 
A simple covenant,^ sealed a la Russe by a quickly following 
castigation, seems to have been all the ceremony observed in the 
marriage of Sinfi with 'The Creedit,"- and probably with or 
without the attendant circumstance, that is all that is observed in 
most Gypsy marriages. Indeed, so few are the outward observ- 
ances of the more civilised Gypsies, who have outgrown super- 
stitious formalities, that they have been accused quite unjustly of 
the ' absurd custom ' of promiscuity and pirauru.^ And, in spite 
of Borrow's well-founded assertion that they are perhaps ' more 
free than any race in the creation ' from ' licentious habits,' one 
can hardly blame their accusers, when still among the half- 
nationalised Welsh Gypsies Booy's ' docile daughters never seem 
to question the paternal right to dismiss a son-in-law with whom 
he has quarrelled and replace him by another,' * while Norwood 
found that exchanges of wives were by no means uncommon 
among English Gypsies.^ 

Certainly a Gypsy child is ushered with little enough cere- 
mony into this world. If he is christened, as probably in most 
cases he is, and has been for many years past,^ that is not so much 
for love of ceremony as for hope of gain. 

Ich ging zu einem Priester, 

Ich warb um einen Paten 

Fiir mein zu taufend' Kindelein, 

Und fischte zwei Dukaten. 

Es ist nunmehr das zehnte Mai, 

Dass es ein Christ geworden ist. 

Das ist ja wohl kein Schaden.^ 



1 An English or Scottish court of law seems to have recognised the legality of 
one of these ' handfast ' unions in the case of what is probably the only Gypsy 
millionaire. One of the Northumbrian Blythes emigrated to California and made a 
very large fortune. At his death the English relatives disputed his daughter's 
claim, as the marriage was conducted without legal or religious formalities. But 
they lost the case (Rev. J. Hudson Barker, Gypsy Life of Northumberland, p. 229 
of W. Andrews' Byjone Northumberland (London, 1899), and Scolti.ih Leader, 10th 
August 1889). Crofton quotes a parallel case, in which the marriage was upheld by 
a Scottish court (/. G. L. S., New Series, i. 368). 

2 Groome, In Gipsy Tents (Edinburgh, 1880), p. 30. 

^ Cf. A. Lang in Man, viii. 9 (Sept. 1908), No. 72, quoting from Sir G. Mackenzie 
on Scottish Tinklers. 

* J. G. L. S. , New Series, i. 315. 

' An MS. note by Mr. Norwood attached to a paper cutting in the possession of 
Lady Arthur Grosvenor. Among the Moors e.\chango of husbands is practised (cf. 
Mrs. Miln, Wooings and Weddings in Many Climes (London, 1901), p. 289). 

® Borrow speaks of baptismal papers upwards of two hundred years old (Zincali, 
introductory section on the English Gypsies). 

■^ Von Kittlitz, Die Zigeuner (Heidelberg, 1885), p. 30. 



340 FORMS AND CEREMONIES 

No harm in that, and no good either, as the vain repetition, which 
is no new trick,^ shows. Moreover, the Gypsies of Hungary count 
baptism null and void unless it is accompanied by civil ceremonies 
peculiar to themselves. According to one account the civil cere- 
mony consists simply in the chiefs holding the child over a large 
open fire,^ — perhaps a survival of primitive fire worship. But of this 
formality I find no other evidence, unless the custom mentioned by 
Morwood of laying young children smeared with walnut juice and 
a decoction of herbs before the fire (or in the sun) can by any 
possibility be held to be a mixed survival, partly of holding the 
child to the fire, and partly of the practice of anointing it after its 
first bath with hare's fat and goose fat, which Wlislocki says is 
common to most Mid-European Gypsies. The hare's fat is sup- 
posed to protect it against heat, and the goose fat against cold.'* 

Fire, however, plays a small part in a much more elaborate 
christening ceremony practised by Hungarian Gypsies.^ The 
proceedings start cheerfully with a drink of brandy mixed with 
water and herbs, and the sprinkling of some drops of it on the 
child's bed, where also three pieces of bread are placed for the 
three goddesses of fate. Then the child is taken outside and laid 
on the ground ; ^ a circle is drawn round it by a witchwife with a 
hazel wand or a new wooden spoon ; and in the circle coal dust 
and snake powder are sprinkled. Whether they speak harshly to 
the little child if it sneezes under that provocation is not stated ; 
but if it cries, that is taken to be an omen of coming sickness, and 
the evil is averted by burning a piece of the navel-string in a jar 
of coals over the child and under the joined hands of the oldest 
man present and the witch. Then its sisters or other children 
dance in a ring and throw nuts — not at the child, but into the 
bushes. The infant is washed in water and a mixture of herbs 
and taken to church. Even then the magical ceremonies continue 
at the same time, the witch and other women going to a river and 

^ Laws were passed to stop it in Saxony in 1557, and in Siebenbiirgen in 1661 
(Heister, Ethnographisclie und yeschichiliche Notizen iiber die Zlgeuner, Konigsberg, 
1842, p. 50 ; Colocci, Gli Zingari, Torino, 1889, pp. 228-9). 

2 Barrie, Auld Licht Idylls (London, 1888), ch. ii., speaks of a King of the 
Tinklers who officiated at christenings as well as marriages. 

^ My authority is an unnamed and undated newspaper cutting from Mr. Nor- 
wood's collection, now in possession of Lady Arthur Grosvenor. 

■• Wlislocki, Volksglaube und religiOser Branch der Zigeuner (Miinster, 1891 ), p. 75. 

° Ibid., pp. 71-6. 

•^ Laying a child on the ground is a common, almost universal birth-ceremony ; 
of. E. Monscur ' La proscription religieuse ' in Revue de Vhistoire des religions, 
Paris, 1906, p. 301. 



FORMS AND CEREMONIES 341 

throwing millet seed into it. It is only in some parts of Upper 
Hungary that the possible relic of fire worship is practised. There 
the women build a fire for the mother to jump over on her return 
from church, believing that it will prevent her milk from drying 
up. In other parts the unfortunate infant is placed first on the 
threshold, then in the four corners of the room, all of which have 
been sprinkled with thorn-apple seeds ; then on the hearth, pre- 
viously smeared with goose and hare's fat ; and finally on the 
place where the family generally takes its meals, there to have 
bits of bread and meat and drops of brandy let fall on it. After 
doing so much to plague the life out of it, it is handed round to 
all the company to kiss a long life into it — hare jipen the pgiirdel. 
In the Siebenblirgen family named Cale, soon after a child's birth 
the father lets fall some drops of his own blood on the fire, among 
North Hungarian Gypsies on the child's swaddling clothes. The 
South Hungarian tent Gypsies perform a somewhat similar cere- 
mony when the child first has its hair cut. The godparents let 
fall a few drops of blood in a glass of brandy and on a piece of 
bread, and the child's head is soaked and rubbed with it. The 
settled Gypsies put part of it into the oven to ensure the child 
having plenty to eat in after-life.^ Among others three eggs of a 
black hen mixed with salt water are similarly used.^ Exactly how 
much of this is purely Gypsy ritual and how much is due to 
borrowings from the superstitions of the intermixture of Slav, 
Hungarian, Greek, Latin, Germanic, and Turkish races in that 
quarter of the world, it would be difficult to say,^ But one thing 
is certain, that rites where there are rites, and lack of rites where 
there are none, are counted more important than Church baptism. 
The same is true of marriage, though many Gypsies in the 
more civilised parts of the world submit to Church rites. But 
even here in England, as Crofton shows, a religious marriage is 
often considered quite unbinding, whereas the simple agreement 
between the parties is seldom or never broken.* And in Hungary 

^ Wlislocki, Aus dtm imteren Lthender Zlgeinier (Berlin, 1892), p. 95. 

- Cf. Wlislocki, Vom ivanderiiden Ziyeunervolke (Hamburg, 1S90), p. 67. 

^ Judging from the marriage and death ceremonies, much of it is probably due 
to such borrowing. But unfortunately Wlislocki, almost the only researcher in this 
direction, did not think it incumbent upon him to add any except very dubious 
Indian parallels to the rites he collected. It is much to be hoped that some one 
expert in the customs of South-Eastern Europe •will reconsider Wlislocki's collec- 
tions in the light of comparative ethnology. 

* Papers of the Manchester Library Club, vol. iii. (1877), p. 40. A very strange 
ceremony in which the couple use the church, but do not employ- a priest, is detailed 
in De Rochas, Lts jjariaa de France et d'Esjjagne (I'aris, 187(3), pp. 276-7. 



342 FORMS AND CEREMONIES 

and Germany the religious ceremony is so unimportant that it 
may be delayed for months after the civil ceremony.^ The latter 
takes place before the vojvode, who delivers a long and bombastic 
harangue, according to one account in the absence of the persons 
to whom it is chiefly directed — the bride and bridegroom.^ They 
then exchange rings before him, and he takes a large earthen jug 
of red wine wreathed in flowers, dips his finger into it and touches 
the lips of the couple, spills a few drops on their heads, and drinks 
the rest in three pulls. The empty jug he throws high and far, 
and the witchwives read the future of the pair from the number 
of the fragments of the broken jar. If there are three and thirty 
or more, their lot will be golden. The latter part of the ceremony, 
the breaking of an earthen vessel, is said to be practised by Gypsies 
' all over Europe and in both the Americas.' ^ Certainly it takes 
place among many continental Gypsies,* but the ceremony cannot 
be claimed as exclusively Gypsy, as it is practised by many other 
nations. The Jews are strangely extravagant in crockery at 
marriage time. When the contract^ is made the younger by- 
standers all break an earthen pot, and at the wedding the bride- 
groom casts a glass against the wall.^ In Greece, alter drinking 
healths at the wedding feast, the glasses are thrown over the left 
shoulder, and it is counted unlucky if they do not break. In 
Thuringia a glass is deliberately broken; in Bohemia it is thrown, 
but the good luck comes from not breaking it.'^ In Russia a 

^ Cf. the aforementioned newspaper cutting, and Liebich, Die Zigeuner (Leipzig, 
1863), pp. 47-49. Schwicker (Die Ziyeuner in Ungarn und Siehenhilrgen, Wien, 
1883, pp. 142 et sqq.) adds that a marriage performed only in church is not counted 
a marriage at all by most Gypsies. 

- Mrs. L. J. Mihi in chap. 28 states that they are not present. The newspaper 
cutting rather implies that they are ; as does also the account in The Martyrdom of 
an Empress (London, 1897), p. 138. The authoress of the latter says the ceremony 
takes place before a pile of blazing pine-logs, and holds the Gypsies to be still 
fire worshippers. ^ Mrs. Miln. 

* Colocci (pp. 224 et sqq. ) quotes Borrow and Kogalnitchan for the practice in 
Spain and Moldavia, Hutchinson (p. 241) in Transylvania, Miss Garnett, Women of 
Turkey (London, 1893), ii. 360, in Turkey. Generally it would appear to be the lady 
who does the breaking. And, according to most accounts, both keep pieces. If 
they lose them, unintentionally or intentionally, they are free. The ceremony does 
not seem to be attested for England except by Mimi's proposal to Bulwer Lytton : 
' You will break a piece of burned earth witli me — a tile, for instance' (./. G. L. S., 
Old Series, iii. 224). There it is stated that the marriage only held good for five 
years ; but the whole episode is highly suspicious. 

^ Similar breakages are performed at the forming of any contract. 

^ Marriage Ceremonies,hy Seignior Gaya, 3rd ed., translated by Mr. T. Brown 
(London, 1704), pp. 24, 28. Others say he stamps upon it (Hutchinson, Marriage 
Customs in Many Lands, London, 1897, p. 315). 

' Cf. Hutchinson, pp. 180, 230, 237. 



FORMS AND CEREMONIES 343 

wooden cup is trampled to pieces by the bridegroom.^ In York- 
shire " a plate covered with morsels of bridecake is thrown over 
the heads of the crowd as the bride alights, and it is counted bad 
luck if it does not break. A somewhat similar custom is attributed 
to the Northumbrian Gypsies, who are said to break a cheese or a 
plate ' over ' the head of the happy couple.^ We will hope that 
the preposition is used in its literal and not in its metaphorical 
sense. The cheese would seem to be peculiar to them, but no 
doubt it takes the place of the bridecake or oatcake which is used 
in North England, Scotland,* and Greece.^ 

To the same Gypsies is ascribed the ceremony of jumping over 
a broomstick ; and a broomstick or tongs are popularly believed 
to be an indispensable feature of Gypsy weddings both in Scotland 
and in England.*^ The ceremony is, however, more often mentioned 
than seen; and perhaps the most reasonable explanation of it is 
that it is mere gammon for gorgios? But, on the other hand, 
most bogus ceremonies make some pretence of solenmity, and 
Morwood'^ at any rate asserts that he came quite unexpectedly 
upon a party of Gypsies performing this ceremony without gorgio 
witnesses. Mrs. Miln testifies to the observance, apparently on 
the authority of a Gypsy ; and, though one of the Smiths whom 
I questioned on the use of the tongs among her people repudi- 
ated them, she added, 'Some of 'em jumps over the broomstick, 
but they mostly lels one another's lavs' Taw, I am told, also used 
the expression ' married over the besom ' to denote an irregular 
union. It may therefore possibly be, like many marriage cere- 
monies, either a survival of some ancient religious or superstitious 
form, or a symbol of the state of matrimony. The use of the 
tongs was explained by a Gypsy to signify that the man and wife 
were inseparable, one of the most frequent of marriage symbolisms ; 
the same authority, however, stated that the broomstick was used 

1 Wood, The Wedding ia All Nations (London, 1869), i. 204. 

2 Wood, ii. 2.34. 

^ Cf. Rev. J. Hudson Barker, Gypsy Life of NorUmmberland, pp. 222 el i<qq. 

■* Wood, ii. 60, 61. 

* Cf. Hutchinson, p. 177. 

•» Hutchinson, and a writer in ./. G. L. S., Old Series, i. 179, who testifies to the 
existence of the rite among Gypsies, compare the marriage over the sword practised 
recently by British soldiers (p. 337). 

"^ Cf. Gipsy Smith, His Life and Work, by himself (London, 1903), p. 5 : 'They 
make a covenant with each other. Beyond this there is no marriage ceremony. 
There is nothing of jumping over tongs or broomsticks or any other of the tom- 
fooleries that outsiders attribute to gipsies.' 

^ Our Gipsies (London, 1889), p. 137. 



344 FORMS AND CEREMONIES 

because it was emblematic of evil, the insignia of a witch, and 
j limping over it signified ' that evil and witchcraft were powerless 
when defied by wedded love and wedded loyalty.' ^ But obviously 
the ceremony in both cases is one and the same, and should signify 
the same thing ; and equally obviously a broomstick cannot sym- 
bolise the joining together of anything. The other view of con- 
jugal life most frequently symbolised in the good old days when 
these customs arose was that now obsolete idea of the subjection 
of the wife to her lord and master ; and it cannot be denied 
that both broomstick and tongs have been used as promoters of 
conjugal harmony and due subjection. Subjection no doubt is the 
meaning of the bride fetching a pail of water to her husband's 
tent, a ceremony also ascribed to English Gypsies.^ But if that 
were the symbolism intended in the broomstick performance, the 
jumping seems meaningless, unless we are to infer that Gypsy 
maidens were the first assertors of woman's might and woman's 
right,^ and wished to indicate, as well as their ability to act with 
agility, a perfect readiness to pay their lord back in his own coin. 
In any case, since the thing jumped over is varied, the virtue must 
lie in the jumping; and it is difficult to conceive what the mere 
fact of jumping an obstacle could signify, except perhaps that the 
couple intended together to 'jog on the footpath way, and merrily 
hent the stile-a,' On more serious consideration one might hold 
it to be a variant of lifting the bride over the doorstep, a well- 
known rite^ symbolising her bashfulness and unwillingness to 
change her estate.^ If so, by taking the step herself, the Gypsy 

' Mrs. Miln (p. 381) heard these explanations from a Gypsy at Harrow, and she 
claims authority for the existence of both forms occasionally in Scotland. Cf. Barrie, 
Auld Licht Idylls, ch. ii. 

- Notes and Queries, 4th Series, vol. iii. (May 15, 1869), p. 461. 

^ It would seem as though women had in some respects priority. According to 
Wlislocki the man gives up the name of his ' company ' or tribe and joins that of 
his wife ( Volksglaube, p. 52). In Germany the Gypsy suitor serves his future 
wife's father for two years (Liebich, p. 46). On the other hand, subjection of the 
women was no doubt indicated in a marriage procession at Isleworth circ. 1770, 
where on the way to church the women leant on the men, on the return the men 
on the women ('(Jipsy Kings and Queens,' in the Antiquarian Chronicle, no. 2, 
London, 1882, p. 21). Processions sometimes -with music, as in Spain, are not 
uncommonly noticed (e.g. J. G. L. S., Old Series, ii. 252). In Calabria, in Swin- 
burne's day, the Gypsies carried torches and had ' paranymphs to give the bride 
away, with many unusual rites' (cf. Wood, ii. 49), 

* Practised in ancient Rome, Algeria, China, part of Japan, Persia, Syria, 
Turkey, Austria, Abyssinia, and among the American Indians (Mrs. Miln, p. 116; 
Hutchinson, p. 297). Also in Scotland (Wood, ii. 59). 

* Otliers think it is a survival of the days when brides were captured and carried 
oflF, or a means of preventing an unlucky trip ou the step. 



FORMS AND CEREMONIES 345 

damsel, with true Gypsy contrariety, prefers to show, what is surely 
more to the point on such an occasion, that she is prepared to 
face the music for good or for bad, for better or worse. 

Unfortunately the ceremony is not ascribed to the Gypsies 
elsewhere, nor, so far as I can find, to any other people, though in 
Scotland a bride is, or once was, presented with tongs as a symbol 
of her future right to rule the household : ^ nor yet do the other 
rites attributed to Gypsies in Great Britain offer any explanation 
of it. Simson asserts that a dead horse was at one time used by 
Scottish Gypsies in their marriage ceremony ; and, though it is 
difficult to put a dead horse to any use as horse, as an obstacle to 
jump over it would serve as well as anything else to one who is 
not squeamish. One might therefore be disposed to assume 
that the broomstick or tongs had taken the place once occupied 
by the horse. But one would rather expect that, when horses 
became too expensive, some inferior animal would be substi- 
tuted, and in any case the evidence is against the supposition 
that the horse was used for that purpose. The ceremony was 
evidently, as Simson recognises, the same as that ascribed by 
an old writer on tramps to the Patricos in the palmy days of the 
begging fraternity, and in that the parties were made to stand on 
either side of the horse while the Patrico joined them. The same 
ceremony performed over a more appropriate animal, a dead 
hen,2 is described in the 'Life of William Nevison,'^ where it 
is supplemented by a parody of the breaking of a bridecake over 
the bride's head. It is, however, possible that the latter descrip- 
tion is merely borrowed from the former, and that, as Simson 
suggests, the ceremony was misunderstood, and was really a Gypsy 
divorce, not a maunder's marriage. 

But it is worth noting that the slaughter of a sheep is part of 
the wedding ceremony among the Armenians and some Arabians, 
and that the bride and bridegroom step over the blood of the 
slaughtered animal on the threshold of the door.-* Among the 
Gypsies themselves blood occasionally plays a part in marriages : 
but it is the blood of the persons themselves. In South Hungary 

> Wood, ii. 61. 

' A cock is led at the head of Hungarian marriage processions and beheaded after 
the wedding on the charge of bigamy (Hutchinson, p. 251). Polygamy would seem 
a more appropriate word. 

^ Charles Johnson, Lives of . . . Highwaymen (1742), p. 104. 

* Cf. Mrs. Blunt, The People of Turkey (London, 1878), ii. 1,31 ; Hutchinson, p. 
170. The latter adds that in Greece a bowl of water spilled takes the place of the 
sheep's blood. 



346 FORMS AND CEREMONIES 

a Gypsy bride tries to let a few drops of blood from her left hand 
fall on her husband's hair unobserved during the marriage night, 
thinking it will keep him true to her ; and among some North 
Hungarian Gypsy families the pair before walking to church 
smear their left footsoles with each other's blood.^ Possibly this 
may be a relic of Indian ritual, as in India in some tribes the 
bridegroom marks the bride on the brow with a drop of his 
blood,^ and among the Rajputs and Kewats blood is drawn and 
mixed with food, which they eat together.^ 

The genuine marriage ceremony of the Scottish Gypsies, 
according to Simson, was one which obviously was intended to 
symbolise in a forcible if crude manner the indissolubility of the 
union. Both parties in the presence of the chief, who officiated with 
a long staff in his hand and a ram's horn hanging round his neck, 
made water into a wooden bowl, into which earth and sometimes 
brandy were thrown, and the whole was stirred by the chief with a 
horn spoon or a ram's horn into an indissoluble mixture. It was 
handed to the bride * and bridegroom to test its indissolubility, and 
then they joined hands over the bowl and were pronounced man 
and wife. The concoction was bottled up, sealed with a capital M, 
and either buried or carefully preserved. Immediately after this 
ceremony the couple repaired to their bridal couch, and some hours 
later were visited by their more intimate relatives, who assured 
themselves of the virginity of the bride. That being satisfactorily 
established, they got up again and proceeded to indulge in 
prolonged festivities. 

Unfortunately there is no corroborative evidence for the exist- 
ence of the first part of this ceremony, nor does any parallel for it 
seem to be forthcoming. The unpleasant ablution performed by 
the Mandingoes, which Simson cites from Mungo Park, is no real 
parallel, as it cannot conceivably be intended to symbolise unity. 
However, the fact that the Gypsy ceremony does very clearly 
symbolise union, is perhaps sufficient support for its genuineness, 
but hardly enough to enable us to assert that it is a distinctively 
Gypsy ceremony, until evidence of its use elsewhere among other 
Gypsies can be brought forward. 

The latter part of the ceremony has a wider currency. Indeed, 

' Wlislocki, Aufi clem inneren Leben der Zujeuner (Berlin, 1892), p. 95. 
- Hutchinson, p. 14. 

' Crawley, The Mystic Bose (London, 1902), p. 385. 

* According to one of Simson's authorities the oldest sisters of a family must 
marry first. 



FORMS AND CEREMONIES 347 

one writer ^ asserts that among the Gypsies ' in almost every part 
of the world, in Persia as in Spain, in Poland as in Brazil, some 
white sign of the bride's maidenhood is carried high on a pole in 
the marriage procession. In Spain it is a white scarf or banner ; in 
Germany and America a crown of white flowers.' Even if this 
statement is reliable, and I know of no corroborative evidence except 
for Spain, South France, Switzerland,'^ Turkey, England,^ Egypt 
and Servia, it is doubtful whether the practice can be claimed as a 
distinctively Gypsy rite. Similar production of evidence as to the 
bride's purity was necessary to ratify a marriage among the Persians, 
Sabaeans, Russians,* and Greeks, from any of whom the Gypsies 
might have borrowed it on their way west ; also among the Moors 
of Morocco, Fez, Algiers, and Tunis, the Spaniards themselves in 
older days, the Arabs and the Jews of Barbary.^ As my authority 
quaintly observes : ' As for the latter I don't wonder at it, to find 
such an Usage among them, because they were a stiff-necked people, 
that was always demanding Signs and Tokens.'^ The Spanish 
Gypsies, though this inspection forms the most important part 
of their marriage ceremony, demand no more reliable token than a 
woman's word. Indeed, the bride is robbed of her virginity not by 
the bridegroom himself, nor in his presence, but by four matrons 
appointed by the two parties. They produce the evidence in the 
shape of a blood-stained dildo. According to Borrow this takes 
place before the church ceremony, and the diklo is carried on a 
pole in the procession. But Bright^ states that the examination 
follows the church ceremony, and the proofs are exhibited by the 
bride herself, while dancing on a table. Possibly the practice 
differs, though, if a stickler for trifles, it seems wiser to look before 

^ Mrs. Miln. 

- Cf. Bataillard, ' Les Gitanos d'Espagne et les Ciganos de Portugal ' [Comple 
rendu de la 9'^ Session dii Congres international d'anthropologie. Lisbonne, 1880), pp. 
501-5. He thinks the French and Swiss Gypsies got the custom from the Spanish, 
and the latter from Egypt. 

^ Sampson quotes a full description of the dikla (sic !) and its use given him by 
a tinker, Philip Murray (./. G. L. S. , Old Series, iii. 158), which leaves no doubt 
that the custom described by Bori'ow existed in England, though it is otherwise 
unattested. He also quotes Newbold for the same custom among Egyptian Gypsies. 
The mixed band of European Gypsies who were at Boston last year strangely appear 
to have used a brightly coloured handkerchief. 

^ Wood, i. 206. 

' Gaya, pp. 13-15, 64, 73, 86, 97, 102 ; Colocci, p. 2'2G, who says it is a Sicilian 
custom too ; it is also Bulgarian (Mrs. Blunt, People of J'urkey, ii. 12u). Cf. Burton, 
Arabian Nightts, vol. ii. p. 50 ; vol. iii. p. 289. 

® Gaya, p. 15. 

' Travels from Vienna through Loioer Hungary (Ediuburgh, 1818), Appendix, p. 
Ixxii. 



348 FORMS AND CEREMONIES 

you take so final and fatal a plunge. In Turkey it follows the 
"wedding ceremony. The guests assemble outside the bridal 
chamber, and the husband throws out of the window romnieskeri- 
sosten, but ratvali. They are put on a pole, and the people go 
home singing : 

' Ghias yoi andre te anclral Constantinople, Galata, te Pera, 
Eighadas-yoi sar-var ladjijxna ! ' * 

The same custom is, or was, practised by Swiss Gypsies with 
this difference, that an oath takes the place of the examination, 
and the woman's chemise is exhibited instead of a cliklo. It is 
then put on a tree and fired at until it is shot to pieces, instead of 
being carefully preserved as in Spain. 

Again Mrs. Miln ^ adds a detail which I cannot verify, that like 
the Jews of old and some Chinese, the Gypsy and Jewish bride- 
groom of Spain still shows a death-bed repentance for his rash 
act, and hides himself in an upper room until the importunity of 
the bride and her train in calling him three times forces him to 
take some action. 

However, once committed he makes the best of his folly by 
holding mad frolic and revelry for some three dsLjs. Therein he 
is not peculiar : Gypsies all over the world do the same ; even the 
careful Jews often ' ruin themselves by the riot and waste of 
their marriage festivals ' ; ^ and an old Italian proverb says that the 
Christians spend all their money in lawsuits, the Jews in cele- 
brating the Passover, and the Moors in their weddings.* But there 
is one extravagance which is generally reckoned to be peculiar to 
Spanish Gypsies, though Mrs. Miln states that it occurs in many 
lands distant from Spain — the performance of the wild Gypsy 
dance upon deep layers of succulent sweetmeats. Rich sweet- 
meats are freely used in Spanish^ and Turkish weddings too, but 
they are used sanely, if unwisely, to eat and not to dance upon. 
Morwood ^ states that sweetmeats are liberally bought and thrown 
on the ground at English Gypsy weddings, a use to which they are 
also put in Spanish Gypsy processions to church ; " and he thinks 
they have a superstition that it brings good luck. Festivities 
there always are ; but not always at the expense of the bridegroom. 

» J. G. L. S., Old Series, ii. 59. ^ p 134 

3 Mrs. Miln, p. 286. ■» Oaya, p. 95. 

^ Mrs. Miln, p. 315. •"' Our Gijmes, pp. 135 et sqq. 

'' The Times, September 1, 1842, p. 3, col. 5, ' Wedding of Baptista Antonio to 
Ramonde Lopez.' 



FORMS AXD CEREMONIES 349 

In Transylvania he wanders shamelessly around for a week before 
his wedding, accompanied by musicians, dancing and singing : — 

Monday will my wedding be, 
Swine in plenty send to me, 
Give me gifts in rich array, 
Who gives nought, may stay away.* 

For fear of the evil influence of water spirits, he carries a hazel 
wand swathed in flowers and gay ribbons. To other liquid spirits 
he shows so little aversion that he and his companions often have 
a diSiculty in finding their way home: but of water he has a 
wholesome horror. 

During the same week he and his bride-elect go nightly to a 
stream and put two burning candles by it, and throw eggs and 
apples into it. Wlislocki regards these as possible Aryan sur- 
vivals, since the Gypsies still have folk-tales of an Urei and an 
Urmeer, from which a tree grew with men on it. But in Croatia 
the married couple throw apples into a well ; ^ at Greek, Albanian, 
and Bulgarian weddings in Turkey offerings are similarly made 
to the water nymphs ; ^ and both eggs and fruit are very commonly 
used in marriage ceremonies as signs of fertility. 

The bride-elect seems to have her evenings fairly well occupied, 
as she also burns nightly at the crossroads her GlilckstrdusscJien, 
wreaths of red and white Himonelfahrtsbliimchen, gathered on 
St. John's night as a protection against illness and dishonour. 
They are burned to prevent any other girl obtaining them, and 
so stealing the love of her husband. To further ensure his stead- 
fastness, on the day before the wedding the women place sticks 
with ofreen foliage on them before his tent. At the same time the 
men put hay and grass before the bride's tent as a forecast of 
plenty. 

On the wedding day the guests assemble, bringing with them 

1 Wlislocki, Vom wandemden Zigeunervolle (Hamburg, 1890), p. 183 :— 

Luile hin mire hiyd 

Bicen mdnge but' bald ; 

Den mdnge but' bicdpen, 

Te nd den, le nd dven ! 
According to Schwicker (pp. 142 et seq.) the invitation in Siebenbiirgen is done by 
proxy ; and a price in money or goods is paid for the bride. Beyond the giving of a 
kerchief to the girl, and the pressing of an old silver thaler into her hand, he men- 
tions no ceremonies save a dance, lasting half an hour, performed by the parents. 
The festivities are prolonged for three days, but on the third dirges, not festive 
songs, are sung. That, he says, is characteristic of Gypsies : but after two days' 
debauchery any one might be excused for feeling a little maudlin. 

- Hutchinson, p. 241. ' Miss Garnett, i. 89 ; ii. 582. 



350 FORMS AND CEREMONIES 

gifts for the bride, and escort the couple to church, outside Avhich 
an elder delivers an harangue. On their return after the wedding 
they are drenched with water ^ and rubbed with a bag made of 
weasel skin full of thorn-apple seeds, charms against ill-luck and 
the evil eye. Then they retire to their tent, shoes being thrown 
after them ; and on their reappearance there are high jinks.- 

In Turkey some of the Gypsies, at any rate, practise a mock 
marriage by capture. The two parties of friends of the bride and 
bridegroom engage in a free fight, in which the bridegroom is 
allowed to carry off his wife. Then peace is made, and the 
customary festivities follow.^ This might be regarded as a sur- 
vival of Indian custom, as marriage both by actual or mock capture 
has been and is used by some Indian tribes. But again the 
custom is so universal, traces of it being found in most parts of 
the globe, that one can hardly attach any definite importance to it. 

For Russia I have no statistics except a statement taken down 
by Mr. A. T. Sinclair from some Russian Gypsies among the so- 
called ' Brazilian ' Gypsies, who were camping near Boston last 
year, and communicated by him to the Honorary Secretary. 
According to that the ceremony is simplicity itself. The bride's 
hand is put by her mother into the bridegroom's, with the 
words, ' But bdxt, but harsh te trail,' and sometimes ' hilt chdve.' 
Presents are exchanged, and the feasting lasts three to seven days. 
Newspaper reports of a wedding which took place in that camp 
make the bridegroom put his hands on the girl's shoulders, and 
either swear to be true to her, or more wisely hold his tongue and 
try to look expressive. On the last point the accounts are not 
clear. Possibly the slight difference in the position of the hands 
may have been due to a difference of nationality, as there were 
German and Servian Gypsies, as well as Russian, among the band. 
But the account does not tally either with the German ceremony 
already described, or with Gjorgjevic's details of Servian Gypsy 
marriages. 

The latter are in most cases very elaborate. Among the 
Gypsies settled at Soko Banja the festivities precede the wed- 
ding.'* There it would seem to be a perpetual leap-year, as 

1 This again is done also at Greek, Bulgarian, and Albanian weddings in Turkey 
(Miss (iarnett, ii. 582). 

- Wlislocki, Hochzeitsgebrduche der transsilvanischenZeJt-Zitjcuner in the Original 
Mittheilungen aiis der ethnoluglschen Ahtheihing der k. Muneen zu Berlin. Hefto 2, 
3 (Berlin, 1886), pp. 152 ; and Vom loandtrnden Zige^mervolke, pp. 183 et sqq. 

5 Colocci, p. 225. 

* Gjorgjevic, Die Zigeuner in Serbien (Budapest, 1903), i. 60 



FORMS AND CEREMONIES 351 

it is the lady who chooses her future spouse. Her choice 
made, by some mysterious feminine wiles she induces his father 
to buy her ; and then or later, as he is sometimes allowed 
an interval to repent in, notice is given to the parish, and the 
marriage is registered three days before it takes place. The 
marriage begins on a Wednesday with feasting and dancing. 
This system of having set days for the various parts of the long 
and complicated marriage ceremonies appears to prevail all over the 
south-eastern end of Europe. On Thursday the jollifications are 
continued, and on Friday matters begin to get serious. Even the 
bride, though brazen-faced enough to openly choose her husband, 
now covers her face; but not with decent shame. Instead, Jezebel 
like, she paints it, or rather smears it with honey and covers that 
with tinsel. At mid-day she is escorted by her brothers to her 
future home ; and the brothers are treated to a glass of wine, 
which indeed they must require after escorting such a figure of 
fun through the town. Then there is more dancing and singing ; 
and the proceedings are ended save for an exhibition of signs of 
the bride's purity in the morning. This last item is found too in the 
marriages of the Gypsies of Jagodina, though Gjorgjevic says 
their rites are purely Servian ; also among the Korano roin, the 
latest comers in Servia, and they too smear and bedizen the girl's 
face. It is not improbable that the latter performance is borrowed 
from the Turks, as I find that, especially among the north-eastern 
Turks, the bride's ' face is a mask of gold-dust and gum, worked 
on the cheeks, forehead, and chin with spangles.' ^ Among the 
newly come Gypsies the ceremonies are equally elaborate. It is the 
young man's father who does the choosing, though he asks his 
son's opinion before bargaining with the lady's parents. She is 
the last person consulted ; and even when everybody's consent is 
obtained, it is not given until three several visits of request have 
been paid by the youth's father. The bride's father formally re- 
ceives a dowry, which in reality is mainly begged by and ultimately 
given to the bystanders. After their cupidity is satisfied, four or 
five ducats are given him for the girl herself, for which she has to 
pay by kissing hands all round, and giving everybod}'^ a kerchief.- 
Then the company drown the memory of their folly in brandy. 
A few days later the youth's father takes the materials for a feast 

1 Cf. Mrs. Blunt's People of Turkey (London, 1878), ii. 90. 

- Cf. the giving of handkerchiefs by the gelbe Frau in Swiss weddings (Mrs. 
Miln, p. 201). 



352 FORMS AND CEREMONIES 

to the house of the bride and pays the dowry ; and the guests, who 
have previously begged it, come to get it, bringing each some pastry ; 
and jolKfications ensue. All this rather reminds one of the elabo- 
rate preliminaries to a Magyar wedding, which are similarly con- 
ducted, not by the youth himself, but through an intermediator. 
And there, too, the guests are invited to a feast where they are 
expected to bring a contribution in the shape of their own ' knives 
and forks and eating platters.' ^ 

A week later the Hodja is visited, a certificate obtained, the 
amount to be paid in the event of divorce settled, and the 
bride is presented with a trousseau by her future father-in-law, 
though most of this is greedily snapped up by 'friends.' The 
Monday before the eventful day is devoted to the making and 
baking of a cake, and the dyeing of the bride's hair and eyes. 
At the latter proceeding the women assemble and an old lady 
puts on men's clothes, hides a stick in her trousers, and generally 
behaves in an unseemly way, which proves that an old woman's 
wit ' may wander ere she dies,' as well as an old man's. On 
Wednesday the bride receives another dose of henna, and the 
same buffoonery goes on, ending in a dance. These customs 
again are not peculiar to the Gypsies. The baking of a cake is 
an important ceremony in a Greek marriage ; only in that case 
the ring and some coins are hidden in it.^ With this we may 
compare the use among English Gypsies, and possibly ' among 
most tribes of European Gypsies,' ^ of a cake containing coins as 
a present from a damsel to a favoured suitor.'* As for the ill- 
behaved old lady, she is doubtless closely akin to the female jester 
who plays a part at the henna-staining feast in Turkish weddings, 
and the old woman who dances and sings a marriage song on the 
same occasion in the ' purely Servian ' weddings of the Gypsies of 
Jagodina. Among the Albanians the making of the cake also takes 
place, and one of the girls puts on the bridegroom's clothes, and tries 
to smear him with dough. ^ To hide the Gypsy bride's blushes — or 
perhaps the lack of them — at that old lady's conduct, the bride- 
groom sends her some skeins of yellow thread, and on the next day 
(Thursday) this is stuck on the bride's face with a preliminary layer 
of honey and purple stain. An escort is sent to fetch her, and she 

* Cf. Mrs. Miln, pp. 150 et sqq. 

* Hutchinson, p. 177, Miss Garnett, i. 78. ' Mrs. Miln. 

* A cake with a coin in it is given by German peasant brides to the oldest poor 
man in the village on the day before the marriage (cf. Mrs. Miln, p. 44). 

' Hutchinson, p. 184. 



FORMS AND CEREMONIES 353 

quits her father's house in a cart. Her father calls her three times ; 
and woman-like she answers back to have the last word, but 
takes her own way. On reaching her destination her father-in- 
law lifts her down, and his wife meets her with a sieve full of oats, 
which she scatters among the people, throwing the sieve away 
when empty just as the German Gypsy chief throws away the cup 
he has drained. Doubtless, like the throwing of rice at weddings, 
this is intended as a prognostication of plenty. The bride then 
smears some honey on the doorposts, and is given three loaves to 
take in with her. Outside there is a race for a handkerchief, 
followed by dances. None of this would seem to be peculiar to the 
Gypsies. The smearing of the gateposts is to make the fatuous 
youth believe that she will show a sweet disposition, and is there- 
fore parallel to the sucking of sugar-plums by the man and wife, 
or the handing of a cup of honey to the bride at the door, which 
takes place in Croatia and Turkey.^ At Vlach weddings in Turkey 
the proceeding is exactly the same as among the Gypsies. The 
bride is given butter or honey, with which she anoints the posts. 
The usage prevailed in ancient Kome; indeed, some derive the 
word uxor ' ab unguendis postibus.' ^ Racing is not uncommon 
either : it existed at one time as near to us as Scotland, and the 
prize was a napkin there too, though sometimes a bottle of whisky 
was added.2 What is doubtless more uncommon for him, is the fact 
that the Gypsy bridegroom in the evening takes a bath. Then he 
kisses his parents, friends, and relatives, and after a despairing fare- 
well, is escorted to the bridal chamber, singing a song to keep up 
his spirits ; and he is ruthlessly thrust in by his friends. Merci- 
fully for him, he finds the bride wearing a veil over her betreacled 
and betinselled face, and, when she raises it, he hastily helps her 
to wash the stuff off. Then they break the cake baked on the 
Monday, he using one hand, she two, and dip it in honey and eat. 
The rest of the company dance all night. In the morning comes 

^ Hutchinson, pp. 80, 241. Similarly the Poles anoint the bride's lips with 
honey (Gaya, p. 45). 

- Miss Garnett, i. 16. 

^ A cutting from the Glasr/on' Herald, autumn 1907, kindly lent me by Mr. 
M'Cormick, gives a recent instance of a foot-race at a wedding in Galloway. Formerly 
it was a horse-race, 'the riding of the braes,' from the bridegroom's house to the 
bride's. The writer suggests that it may be a survival of the capture of the bride. 
In any case, the napkin is rather to be paralleled with the handkerchief given 
away by German peasant brides and by the ' gelbe Frau' in Swiss weddings, and 
considered a sign of her industry and not of her purity, like the Gypsy diklo; 
though it is possible that all of them may be survivals of the inspection of the 
bride's linen. 

VOL. II.— NO. IV. Z 



354 FORMS AND CEREMONIES 

the usual inspection of the bride's linen, and collection of baksheesh, 
more kissing, more brandy, more feasting, and more dancing. 

Those who cannot endure all this ceremonial, or prefer to do 
their own choosing and wooing, run away together; and then, 
though the affair is generally patched up, the ceremonies are 
much simplified.^ Among the other Servian Gypsies, the 
wanderers, there is no ceremony at all, and very rightly too, 
seeing that the father takes a wife for his son when he is only 
four or five years old, and lives with her himself just so long 
as she chooses to live with him. If he can afford it, he gives a 
feast for two or three days ; and the only other rite performed is 
the throwing of an axe over his house or tent on the wedding 
evening. The object of that extraordinary manoeuvre it is hard 
to see, unless he suspects a former admirer of being on the other 
side ; but possibly it is akin to an equally mysterious Croatian 
custom, that the wife should throw an apple over the house.* 

Of all the many marriage customs yet discussed, this strange 
alliance of a father with his daughter-in-law is in one way the 
most interesting, because it offers some support to Grellmann's 
theory that the Gypsies were derived from the Suder caste. 
Among certain classes of Suders, especially among the Vellalahs 
of Coimbore, ' a father marries a grown-up girl eighteen or 
twenty years old to his son, a boy of seven or eight, after which he 
publicly lives with his daughter-in-law, until the youth attains his 
majority, when his wife is made over to him, generally with half 
a dozen children. Those children are taught to address him as 
their father.' ^ Among the Reddies she lives either with the 
father or with a near relation, for example a maternal uncle or 
cousin.^ But one must admit that it is not peculiar to the 
Suders and that particular class of Gypsies. Exactly the same 
state of affairs exists among the Ostyaks and Ossetes ; ^ and, what 
is more to the point, existed till the emancipation of the serfs 
among the Russian peasantry,^ with whom the wandering Servian 

^ Cf. Morwood's account of English runaway matches, p. 134. The consent of 
both parents is necessary for a wedding ; and engagements last two years. During 
that time, at any rate in England and Spain, clandestine meetings and entering the 
camp together are forbidden. 

"^ Hutchinson, p. 241. 

' Indian Antiquary, iii. 32 ; G. L. Gomme, Folklore as an Historical Science, 
(London, 1908), p. 63. 

* Dr. Shortt in the Transactions of the Ethnological Society, N.S. iii. (London, 
1865), p. 373. 

'•" Westermarck, History of Human Marriage (London, 1901), pp. 453-4. 

" Piid. ; and Coxe, Travels into Poland, Russia, etc. (London, 1784), i. 430. 



FORMS AND CEREMONIES 355 

Gypsies may at one time or another have been in touch. It is 
hardly safe, then, to claim it as a genuine primitive Gypsy relic, 
unless traces of it are found to survive among at least some other 
Gypsies; and no such traces are at present forthcoming. The 
strange custom of the father-in-law spending a night with the 
mother-in-law, said by Simson to have existed among the Scottish 
Gypsies, is no direct parallel. Perhaps it is a perversion of the 
jus prhnae noctis. One must admit that among other G}'psies 
marriage with side relations, even sisters, is not forbidden ; but 
the direct line — and in such presumably the son's wife would fall 
— is respected. Indeed, so strong is the evidence collected from 
other Gypsy tribes that a woman's honour is the only virtue 
they cherish, that the mere fact of the woman being allowed 
to break the compact when she will and marry again is 
sufficient to suggest that the custom is due rather to decadence 
among those particular Gypsies than to survival.^ Licence, if 
there is any, is only permitted to the men. In olden days it 
extended even as far as adultery, if we may believe one ancient 
authority who describes the Gypsies under the name Mandopolini.^ 
Adulter}^ he says, aroused no resentment in the capricornified 
husband ; it was only the opening of a game in which he 
played the next move. Bigamy is not unknown among the 
settled Servian Gypsies, but the first wife's assent is asked, 
and if she disagrees, she is permitted a divorce. Even here in 
England, not many years ago, Riley Smith had two wives and 
Charles Pinfold three.^ But such cases are rare ; and in Germany 
and Hungary an unfaithful husband is punished by maiming, his 
wife having the choice whether he shall be shot in the leg or arm. 
On an erring sister the uncivilised world, like the civilised, is 
generally more severe. Miss Yates has quoted in our Journal 
(October 1908) a description of the punishment of such in Hungary, 
— expulsion from the band accompanied by a flogging, four gashes 
to brand her, and a night spent in durance more than vile tied 

^ The same argument is an answer to the charge of survival of pirauru. 

2 Ludolphus de Sudheim, De itinere Te-n-e Sancte (in the Archive-i de I'Orient 
Latin, ii. Documents, p. 375), 'si aliquis cum uxore sua comprehenditur, non 
irascitur, sed [cum] primo potest, similem vicem sibi reddit.' The same statement 
is made about the Mandopolini in the anonymous German book of travels published 
in the Zeilschrift fiir deutsche Philoloyie xix. pp. 1 et sqq. : ' Ind vynt eyn wyf yren 
man by eyme andern wyve of ein wyf yren man by eyme andern manne, mer kan he 
dat gedoen, he doet eme dat selve widerumb ind nyet mer wort dar na' (p. 23). 

^ Groome, Gypsy folktales (London, 1899), Ixxiii. ; cf. Barker, Gyp.^y Life of 
N'orthumberland, p. 229 : ' Unfortunately their views on monogamy have, in the 
ages of the past, been very lax.' 



356 FORMS AND CEREMONIES 

naked to a tree ; and Mrs. Miln bears witness to having seen a 
woman with a gash on each cheek.^ In Germany, apparently, her 
nose is cut off or at least gashed.^ Wlislocki,^ whose intimate 
relations with one or more divorced Gypsy women should make 
him a competent authority, asserts that among the wandering 
Gypsies of the Balkans there exists a secret tribunal — onanlaslo — 
which ' tips the black spot,' in the shape of a circular piece of 
wood with a peg driven through it, to husband or wife who have 
offended. Uncoloured wood summons the man; wood painted 
red the woman. But in the case of men it is never used for 
infidelity, only for theft or murder or treachery in the Gypsy 
circle. Among women it is used for infidelity, even if the husband 
has brought no charge and had no suspicion. The woman who finds 
it in her tent must go at night to the nearest stream on the east 
where she meets a man wearing a mask of beast's skin. He leads 
her to a lonely spot where two other mysterious watchers sit by a 
fire ; and they pronounce her banishment, temporary or eternal. 
But her crime is never known save to the vojvode. Neither 
of the parties so separated is permitted to contract another 
marriage — except an informal temporary union — so long as both 
are alive; and it is from the ranks of these unmarried and 
unmarriageable women that the dancing girls, who have brought 
a bad name on the Gypsy women of the East, are largely recruited. 
But after the death of either of the two the other may marry 
legally, provided that he or she is not ' temporarily ' married, or 
has separated regularly from any temporary alliance they may have 
formed. Hence a mysterious summons to Wlislocki, when he had 
settled down and married a 'white' wife, from his temporary 
' brown ' wife, Rosa Saric, to meet her and her band at night and 
bear witness that they had separated by agreement. 

The same rule applies to divorced Gypsies of Hungary and 
Siebenbiirgen, though among them the mysterious assembly no 
longer exists. Divorce is there obtained by an aggrieved husband 
or wife, on application to the vojvode, who procures a formal 
divorce and banishes the parties for a time, generally until 

' Dr. Gross asserts that in Austria and East Europe such gashes are given by 
Gypsies to traitors. {Criminal Inve-sdyation . . . translated ... by J. Adam 
and J. CoUyer Adam, London, 1907, pp. 348-9.) 

^ Dr. Solf in Colocci, p. 228 ; Liebich, p. 50. A case in which the woman's nose 
was actually cut off is mentioned by Biester in the Berliniache Monatsschrift, Feb. 
179.3, p. 118. 

' ' Vehmgerichte bei den bosnischen und bulgarischen Wandorzigeuner ' in 
Elhnologische Millheilungen aus Ungarn (Budapest, 1893), iii. 173. 



FORMS AND CEREMONIES 357 

' they can bring enough brandy to soothe the tribe's wounded 
feehngs.^ 

All this, however, contains little of ancient ritual and cere- 
mony, save the assembly and the man masked in beast's skin. 
This beast-man may well be a reminder of the days when the 
woman was actually driven from the tribe, to fall a prey to the 
beasts of the field ; and if Simson is to be relied upon, there 
existed in Scotland - a rite equally primitive. There, when a 
divorce was determined on, a horse without blemish was chosen, 
and at noon the officiating Gypsy several times perambulated the 
horse, extolling its virtues. Then it was set free, and by its tame- 
ness or wildness, when they attempted to recapture it, the guilt of 
the woman was estimated. If the horse was lively and mettle- 
some, then the ' grey mare ' ran some risk of being slain too for 
the pranks that she had or was supposed to have played.^ Once 
caught the horse was charged with its own and the woman's sins, 
upbraided for them, and stabbed. The divorcing parties stood one 
on each side of it, clasped hands and addressed each other. Then 
quitting their hold, they walked three times round it in contrary 
directions, stopping at the ' corners ' and speaking. At the last 
stop, by the horse's tail, they shook hands and parted for ever, 
going north and south. The beast's heart was taken out, roasted, 
sprinkled with brandy or vinegar, and eaten by the husband and 
his friends. The woman was excluded from the feast, and was 
given a token of cast iron about an inch and a half square, marked 
with a sign like a capital T. If she lost it or attempted to remarry, 
she was liable to death after a trial by an assembly of elders ; and 
the manner of her death was that she was bound to a stake with 
an iron chain and cudgelled until she died. It is highly possible 
that the punishment meted out to unfaithful wives in Hungary is a 
modified survival of this, since it is similar in every respect except 
that their life is spared. In all probability it was originally a 
primitive method of divorce, and not, as in Scotland, a punishment 
for the offence of remarrying. Though the horse is stabbed and 
not cudgelled to death, Simson explains its sacrifice as a similar 
survival. He also compares it with the Indian ceremony of 

1 Wlislocki, Vom icandernden Zigeunervolke , p. 77. 

- According to /. G. L. S., Old Series, i. 179, divorce as well as marriage by 
tongs or broomstick is practised by tinklers. The parties stand ou either side of 
the stick or tongs, back to back, and jump away from it. 

* Death is specified as the punishment of adultery in Cervantes' Gitandla. Cf. 
Do Rochas, pp. 273 et sqq. 



J 

I 



358 FORMS AND CEREMONIES 

sacrificing a horse ( Asvamedha) practised in an ' Assummeed Jugg.' 
The parallel is striking, not so much from the fact that the 
animal sacrificed in both cases was a horse — for indeed a tinkler 
seldom has any other animal to sacrifice ^ — as from the similarity 
of the procedure. In both cases the animal is first let loose and 
followed, and in both cases the owner's guilt is inferred from its 
motions. But, unfortunately, there is no hint of such a practice 
among other Gypsies, except the entirely unsupported assertion of 
a Russian friend of Simson, that horses were sacrificed by Russian 
Gypsies at some secret ceremony ; and the tinklers, when Gypsies 
at all, are the least pure-blooded of all Gypsies. However, at least 
one Indian word, unknown to all other Gypsies, has been heard 
from the lips of a Scottish Gypsy,- and there is no reason why an 
Indian ceremony should not have survived too ; and, if the truth 
of the report about the Russian Gypsies could be certified, it 
would seem sufficient proof of the genuineness of the survival. 
At the same time, one must admit that there is no evidence that 
the sacrifice of a horse was ever part of the divorce ceremony of 
the Indians ; and this makes it probable that if it is a survival at 
all, it is one which has lost its original meaning and been mis- 
applied. Possibly, as it took place at noon, the sacrifice of the 
horse was, as among the Persians, originally an offering to the 
sun, and the primitive divorce ceremony consisted merely in 
casting the woman out to be devoured by beasts or in cudgelling 
her to death. 

In the matter of definite results I fear this is all very unsatis- 
factory, but the extraordinary variety of the customs of the 
Gypsies both in marriage and divorce ceremonies makes it next 
to impossible to assert definitely what were their original customs, 
and leaves some doubt as to whether they had any. In marriage 
the only widely spread formalities are the breaking of some 
vessel, the inspection of the bride's virginity, and the prolonged 
festivities ; and all of these are so common among other nations 
that one hesitates to assert their independent origin among the 
Gypsies. In the case of divorce, as we have just seen, there are 
three possible survivals of antiquity, though further evidence of 
their existence is badly needed. Still, it is somewhat surprising 
that they should survive in the rarer event of divorce rather than 

^ Besides, as Simson shows, other people have sacrificed horses, e.g. Tartars, 
Greeks to Poseidon, Persians to the sun. 

^ iloonjhee — hen (cf. Groome, Oypsy Folktales, p. Ix.). 



FOKMS AND CEREMONIES 359 

in marriage, especially among the Gypsies, who certainly do not 
share the modern American penchant for divorce, and generally 
remain faithful to one another until death doth them part. But, 
since two of those apparently primitive ceremonies have survived 
only among the Scottish Gypsies, there is room for doubt whether 
universality of custom is the only criterion for its antiquity. The 
Welsh Gypsies have preserved the language better than any of 
the Gypsy tribes between Turkey and England, and it is quite 
possible that the same may be the case with customs and cere- 
monies. It would therefore be rash to absolutely reject the 
claims of the extraordinary marriage rite practised by the Scottish 
Gypsies as not definitely primitive Romany custom because it is 
elsewhere unsupported, especially when one finds that a funeral 
ceremony undeniably old, and possibly Indian, is more strongly 
attested among the Gypsies of the British Isles than elsewhere. 

The ceremony of burning the clothes, beddings, and other 
leavings of a dead Gypsy is certainly mentioned by Liebich 
and Wlislocki ; but it is seldom referred to by writers on foreign 
Gypsies ; whereas in England there is a continual stream of 
testimony to the custom from at least the year 1773, when 
Queen Diana Boswell's clothes were burned in the Mint, South- 
wark,i down to the present day.^ Not only the clothes, but even 
valuable possessions, such as the caravan, are frequently burned, 
and the survivors reduced to beggary.^ The motive assigned by 
the Gypsies themselves^ when questioned, that the things are 
burned to prevent bickering among the survivors, is obviously 
absurd, and the custom is generally believed to be a survival 
from a time when the corpse was burned with its earthly goods 
around it, and possibly the widow with it. At the funeral of James 
Smith in 1830 the widow uttered loud lamentations and implored 
the bystanders to allow her to be buried with her husband.^ 
Unless she meant it quite seriously, it was lucky for her that she 
came so late into the world ; for Liebich, writing in 1863, declares 



^ Annual Register, xvi. (1773) ; Groomc, InGipsy Tents (Edinburgh, 18S0), p. 116. 

- It was practised by the Yetholm Gypsies too (cf. Guy Mannering, Note F), and 
by Scottish Gypsies recently (cf. 2ioies and Queries, 9th Series, xii. (1903), p. 428). 

■' His horse is occasionally killed too, as at the funeral of Walter Cooper ( World, 
June 6, 1888; J. G. L. S., Old Series, i. 54; cf. also New Series, ii. 121). One 
account states that the widow must for three months earn her own living without 
help from relations {N^otes and Queries, 9th Series, vi. (1894), p. 286). Cf. 
/. G. L. S., New Scries, i. p. 358. 

* Cf. /. G. L. S., New Series, ii. 121, 124. 

5 Crabb, The Gipsie-i' Advocate (London, 1831), p. 30. 



360 FORMS AND CEREMONIES 

that he had met Gypsies who asserted that it was an old custom 
among their people to bury aged and decrepit persons alive. 
Apparently the victim was not always unwilling to endure his 
fate, as Rlldiger tells of an old Gypsy woman who asked a 
shepherd to perform that office for her.^ But in spite of this 
custom of burying alive and of the apparent similarity to the 
Indian suttee in the burning ceremony, there is not a particle of 
evidence to show that the Gypsies ever did burn the bodies of the 
living or the dead. The suggestion, therefore, that their bonfires 
are a survival of suttee cannot be reg^arded as certain. Others 
have supposed that the burning is intended as a mark of respect, 
and is due to a desire to furnish the dead with fitting equipments 
for their journey:'^ and this view gains some support from the 
practice of occasionally putting utensils such as a cup, plate, knife 
and fork, and even a fiddle into the coffin.^ Besides, among the 
Siebenbiirgen Gypsies the heat of the flames is really supposed to 
aid the dead man in his journey through a desert, where his soul 
is exposed to a wind like that which made Tomlinson's after- 
existence unsupportable to him. But that does not prove that the 
ceremony was originally intended as an honour. It helped him on 
his way certainly, but by so doing it took him out of the survivor's 
way; and that is probably the main reason for the observance. 
For, as Wlislocki shows, the Gypsies are inordinately afraid of the 
souls of the dead who have not found rest ; and their death cere- 
monies are dictated by fear rather than respect.^ It is — or origi- 
nally was, since the original meaning may now be lost to most 
Gypsies — to prevent the dead from returning and claiming his 
goods, that those goods are totally destroyed. From the same fear 
that the soul may cling to its earthly belongings, they are removed 
from the tent of a dying Gypsy in S.E. Europe. And it is no doubt 
to prevent the return of the dead that the coffin is generally taken 
out of the tent or house, not by the door, but by some special and 
temporary exit, generally towards the west, the realm of the dead, 
since the same trick is resorted to by other nations who have a 
similar horror of ghosts and vampires. 

' Liebich, p. 53. 

- Suggested by a writer in the Yorkshire Pout, August 24, 1907. 

' (iiftxy Smith, His Life and Work (London, 190.3), p. 7 : ' When an iincle of 
mine died, my aunt bought a coffin large enough for all his possessions — including 
his fiddle, cup and saucer, plate, knife, etc. . . . Nobody should ever use them 
again.' 

^ Volks'jlaiilje, p. 97 ; Voin wamUrndcn Zigcunervolkc, pp. 279 et sqq. 



FORMS AND CEREMONIES 361 

A curious practice of those Gypsies is that of keeping a white 
dog to lick the Hmbs of a dying person. This is supposed to assist 
him and render his death easier ; and it may, as Wlislocki suggests, 
be connected with the use of dogs at Parsi deathbeds and funerals. 
One might regard it too as a survival of a belief in metempsychosis, 
for which there is some support in other rites attributed to Gypsies. 
Rosenfeld says that the Siebenbtlrgen Gypsies still believe in trans- 
migration of souls, and assert that the soul of such and such a dead 
Gypsy has been wafted into a bird, and will return to the body of 
another Gypsy at the bird's death.^ An actual instance in which 
a bird was held to a dying Gypsy's lips to catch his soul, and let 
loose after his death, is reported from France.- This seems parallel 
to the common superstition of a separate soul which detaches 
itself at times from the body in the for